Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Prisoner rebellion“
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1
Smith, Catrin. „Punishment and Pleasure: Women, Food and the Imprisoned Body“. Sociological Review 50, Nr. 2 (Mai 2002): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.00363.
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Food assumes enormous importance in prison: for many prisoners it conditions their life in custody and, in many respects, is symbolic of the prison experience. This article explores the complex relationship between gender, food and imprisonment through an analysis of data obtained from in-depth interviews and group discussions conducted in three women's prisons in England. The findings indicate that, in prison, where control is taken away as the prisoner and her body become the objects of external forces, food is experienced not only as part of the disciplinary machinery, but also as a powerful source of pleasure, resistance and rebellion. The implications of such findings for health promotion in the prison context are discussed. Here, the pleasures and consolations of food may well constitute a redefinition of what it is to be healthy in this context, one that challenges the dominant meaning constructed in current health promotional discourse.
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Fontes, Anthony W. „Becoming fugitive: Prison breaks and the space of punishment“. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 40, Nr. 5 (Oktober 2022): 786–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02637758221128582.
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Dominant metanarratives of prison escape—as rebellion in the name of freedom and as spectacular revelation of prison organizational failure—stand in stark contrast to the experience and meaning of escape for those for whom it matters most: prisoners. For prisoners, escape does not necessarily constitute a line of flight out of the space and time of punishment. Instead, it abruptly transforms their relationship to state power and communal belonging that more often than not reifies the isolation that incarceration insists upon. Guided by a prisoner’s narrative of escape from a Guatemalan prison, evasion, exile, and re-capture, this essay brings the phenomenon of prison escape into conversation with carceral geography’s exploration of essential connections and reflections between the prison and other social, institutional and geographic spaces, highlighting how multiple actors and forces beyond the carceral state collude in fixing vulnerable bodies in place . Ultimately, the freedom that escape might promise the prisoner recedes before discourses and infrastructures of punishment and isolation built far beyond the prison, showing how incarceration and freedom cannot be defined by prison walls, nor by the law’s calculations that pretend to mete out justice in discrete units of time.
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Stark, Alejo. „Containing the Surplus Rebellion: Prison Strike/Prison Riot“. New Global Studies 14, Nr. 2 (25.07.2020): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2020-0015.
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AbstractThe 2016 and 2018 wave of prison strikes in the United States presents itself as an extraordinary flashpoint of the prisoner resistance movement. But how might these events be understood in relation to what has been broadly characterized as an “age of riots”? Following Joshua Clover’s characterization of the contemporary riot in Riot. Strike. Riot. as a “surplus rebellion” of racialized “surplus populations” and given the characterization of the contemporary carceral state as a warehouse to contain such racialized populations, this essay characterizes the contemporary wave of prison riots accordingly as a “surplus rebellion.” More specifically, it focuses on the Kinross prison strike-riot that broke out in September 2016 in Michigan’s Kinross prison in order to derive some general parallels between the surplus rebellion and the singularity of recent prison strikes.
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Milovanovic, Dragan, und Jim Thomas. „Overcoming the Absurd: Prisoner Litigation as Primitive Rebellion“. Social Problems 36, Nr. 1 (Februar 1989): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sp.1989.36.1.03a00040.
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Milovanovic, Dragan, und Jim Thomas. „Overcoming the Absurd: Prisoner Litigation as Primitive Rebellion“. Social Problems 36, Nr. 1 (Februar 1989): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/800549.
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Felber, Garrett, und Stephen Ward. „“This Argument Is Far from Over”“. Radical History Review 2023, Nr. 146 (01.05.2023): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302863.
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Abstract This article explores the implications of a 1974 political debate between the radical priest Daniel Berrigan and the revolutionary theorists James Boggs and Grace Lee Boggs regarding support for the political prisoner Martin Sostre, as well as the meaning of the designation political prisoner itself. To begin, the article outlines and contextualizes their opposing positions—Berrigan’s view, common among radicals at the time, that all imprisonment is political, and the Boggses’ fear that lumping together political and nonpolitical prisoners would result in theoretical and political miscalculations, such as mistaking the rebellion of the most oppressed for fundamental revolutionary change. Such analysis highlights the stakes of these characterizations for revolutionary struggle. In particular, the dialogue between Berrigan and the Boggses reveals the limits of static definitions of political subjecthood and shows how studying and learning from these historical debates can help to create more nuanced, flexible, and capacious political visions and practices.
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Thompson, Heather Ann. „Lessons from Attica: From Prisoner Rebellion to Mass Incarceration and Back“. Socialism and Democracy 28, Nr. 3 (02.09.2014): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2014.963944.
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Rositani, Annunziata. „The Public Management of War Prisoners Within and Outside the bīt asīrī“. Archiv orientální 88, Nr. 2 (01.12.2020): 193–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.88.2.193-219.
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This paper presents some reflections on the management of war prisoners in South Mesopotamia during the Old Babylonian period. In particular, it analyses data from texts in which “the house of prisoners of war,” the bīt asīrī, is mentioned. The majority of these texts date back to the reign of Rīm-Anum, who held power in Uruk for about two years during the rebellion of South Mesopotamia against Samsu-iluna of Babylon (1742‒1740 BC). This archive provides unparalleled evidence for the study of war prisoner management during the Old Babylonian period, which seems to have been exclusively administrated by the State. A specific study will be carried out on the usage of war prisoners as forced workers: in fact, many texts indicate that they were given to individuals or houses as a temporary labor force under a designated person’s authority. Nevertheless, the prisoners remained under the superior authority of the bīt asīrī, where they returned after they had finished working, without being included in the slave trade. The paper also analyses the way in which the prisoners’ geographic provenance affected the treatment they received and, finally, the release of prisoners upon payment of a ransom or following a royal action.
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Read, Geoff. „The Return of N’Guyen Van Binh“. Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 46, Nr. 2 (01.09.2020): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2020.460203.
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This article explores the case of N’Guyen Van Binh, a South Vietnamese political prisoner exiled for his alleged role in “Poukhombo’s Rebellion” in Cambodia in 1866. Although Van Binh’s original sentence of exile was reduced to one year in prison he was nonetheless deported and disappeared into the maw of the colonial systems of indentured servitude and forced labor; he likely did not survive the experience. He was thus the victim of injustice and his case reveals the at best haphazard workings of the French colonial bureaucracy during the period of transition from the Second Empire to the Third Republic. While the documentary record is entirely from the perspective of the colonizers, reading between the lines we can also learn something about Van Binh himself including his fierce will to resist his colonial oppressors.
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Tsui, Chiann Karen, und Russell A. Berman. „The Dialectic of Recognition and the Rediscovery of China: After Orientalism“. European Review 23, Nr. 2 (25.03.2015): 180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798714000660.
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The cultural relationship between China and the West, including the hypothesis of a rediscovery, does not fit neatly into the binary pattern implied by the model of Orientalism associated with post-colonial theory. Even in the era of high imperialism, the Sino-Western relationship involved complexities for which the paradigm of colonizer and colonized is too simplistic and therefore requires a theorization of a post-Orientalism. As evidence, the narrative fragment ‘The Boxer Rebellion’, by the Austrian author Arthur Schnitzler, published posthumously in 1957, explores the psychological dynamic between a European soldier and a Chinese prisoner in order to demonstrate the immanent ambivalence of imperialism and its Orientalist categories.
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Tobroni, Faiq. „Pemikiran Ali Syari’ati dalam Sosiologi (Dari Teologi Menuju Revolusi)“. Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif 10, Nr. 1 (09.09.2016): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsr.v10i1.1144.
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Ali Syari’ati is muslim brilliant philosopher, graduated from doctoral of Sorbonne France. He created social teology perspective, based from his experience in west sociology perspective about Capitalism or Marxism. He succeed seek the Capitalism and Marxism weaknes if this perspective is used in Muslim Society. He mapping structure of society, insist of: Habil and Qobail. Habil is common people in society, Qabil is high class, likes: prince, aristocrats or capital owner. Qabil was repressedHabil trough social, politic, economy and religious system. This tragedy happen in Iran whenSyah Reza rezim. The consequences, Ali Syari’ati propagandist rebellion Habil to Qabil. Because of his activities, he to be prisoner one more time, then he is going abroad, until he pass away in England (with suspicious that he killed by Syah Reza people). The Iran Revolution happen, after 2 years Ali Syaria’ti pass away
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Dall’Aglio, Francesco. „Between Rebellion and Statesmanship: Attempting a Biography of Ivanko, 1196/1200 (?)“. Studia Ceranea 11 (30.12.2021): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.11.05.
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The paper analyses the actions of Ivanko, a Bulgarian nobleman, possibly a member of the ruling family of the Asenides, who in 1196 killed the ruling tsar, Asen, and escaped to Constantinople once his plan to take control of the country failed. Owing to the benevolence of Alexios III Angelos, he joined the Byzantine military and very quickly rose through its ranks until he became the military commander of the region of Philippopolis. In 1198 or 1999 he defected and created an independent dominion on the slopes of the Stara Planina massif, precariously balanced between Bulgaria and the empire, exploiting to his own advantage the constant state of warfare between the two polities. His adventure was short-lived: in 1200 he was captured through deception by the Byzantines, taken prisoner, and presumably executed. While his political career was very short, his importance for the history of medieval Bulgaria is not to be underestimated. It is a testimony of the fluidity of the political situation at the Bulgaro-Byzantine border, whose instability often allowed ambitious and cunning local commanders to carve up autonomous dominions, and of the difficulties experienced by the central power in keeping control of the peripheral areas of the state. It is also proof of the constantly shifting ethnic and cultural allegiances of the citizens of those polities, entangled between different and often conflicting identities, usually regarded as irreconcilable but that were actually the object of a continuous negotiation and adjusting. Ivanko is an interesting case study in regard to all of those factors, especially when considered within the larger phenomenon of provincial separatism in the imperial (and Bulgarian) lands between the end of the 12th and the beginning of the 13th century.
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Jaworska, Anetta. „Re-edukacja w zakładach karnych a style oporu wobec izolacji penitencjarnej“. Kultura i Edukacja 94, Nr. 1 (2013): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/kie.2013.01.04.
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This article concerns the inmates’ resistance against prison isolation and against the process of rehabilitation change. This article aims to present the results of questionnaire research aimed at establishing the correlation between the type of resistance elected by the prisoners and their prison system (and the choice of specific rehabilitation programs). The resistance is understood as an expression of rebellion against the rejection and may be manifested in the form of aggression, hostility or internal dissension. This article concerns four styles of resistance: transformative, accommodative, passive and aggressive which are differentiated by the power of involvement in resistance and prisoners’ behavior towards penal institution. Resistance to isolation in prison is thus recorded a response to the situation of imprisonment, which is perceived by prisoners as imposed by the unjust restriction. It is bound by the prisoners do not accept coercion and lack of leeway and a sense that the prison staff is trying to dominate them. The research was conducted using the method of test questionnaires were 413 prisoners, prison inmates in two prisons closed type. The study, presented as a ratio analysis can be a starting point for further and extended to the whole country research on the motivation of prisoners to participate in rehabilitation programs implemented by the prison service in Poland.
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Aslam, Bilal, Shabnam Gul und Muhammad Faizan Asgher. „The Impact of Social Media on the Freedom Movement in Indian held Kashmir“. Global Mass Communication Review VI, Nr. I (30.03.2021): 274–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2021(vi-i).21.
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The contemporary phase of the youth-led freedom movement in Indian Held Kashmir (IHK) is not confined to the armed rebellion by the Kashmiri youth but is also coupled with a non-violent approach using social media against the atrocities and human rights violations such as systematic torture, rape, extrajudicial killing, and prisoner abuse, by the committed by the Indian armed forces. Victims' stories have been well-documented and 're-packaged for the world community through social media. The freedom movement went through various phases throughout history, and the most recent phase was introduced in 2016 after the brutal killings carried out by the Indian armed forces that included Burhan Muzaffar Wani, a youth-icon and a freedom fighter who used social media as a communication tool. The use of modern communication technologies like social media ensures that the narrative of the people of Kashmir regarding the freedom from the illegal occupation of Kashmir and suppression by Indian security forces would spread all around the world. This paper applies social movement framing analysis to this contemporary freedom movement in IHK to better understand the ways in which it is being re-defined by activists through exposure and affiliation to other transnational protest movements and re-framed in a manner that stresses the universal applications of contemporary human rights mobilizations.
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Grzegorz Kudlak. „Terapia uzależnień od środków odurzających i psychotropowych w warunkach więziennych, w kontekście przeciwdziałania prizonizacji“. Archives of Criminology, Nr. XXXVI (01.01.2014): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7420/ak2014h.
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The many restrictions in force in a closed institution make prisons taxing and oppressive places for their inmates. Imprisonment is associated with a great deal of internal conflict and a deprivation of needs. This increases stress and psychological discomfort. This situation is often beyond the adaptation skills of convicts, prompting them to engage in a set of behavioural patterns known as prisonisation. In the process, prisoners accept norms and values that are specific to prison communities, including deviant attitudes and rituals that stand in opposition to the goals of rehabilitation and express rebellion against the institution of prison. People addicted to narcotics and psychotropic drugs have an additional motivation, viz. the possibility of obtaining drugs, to live the “double life” of prison. Research shows that incorporating specialized addiction treatment into prison programs is conducive to rehabilitation. This raises the question as to whether this therapy could effectively control prisonisation as well. The author’s own survey of prisoners who were treated shows that their hierarchy of values were significantly different six months later. This change can be regarded as developmental and indicative of successful rehabilitation. This could serve as evidence that positive therapeutic results encourage prison inmates to find constructive ways of dealing with imprisonment, reducing stress, reflecting on their conduct and understanding that their time in prison is a consequence of their actions. In this context, addiction therapy in prison may well be an effective means of preventing prisonisation.
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Leitman, Spencer L. „The road to Porongos:“. Revista Brasileira de História & Ciências Sociais 13, Nr. 25 (05.04.2021): 558–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.14295/rbhcs.v13i25.12035.
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The Porongos defeat over the secessionist rebels on November 14, 1844, militarily and politically solidified the barão de Caxias’ coming victory, which would end the longest rebellion in Brazilian history, the Farroupilha, 1835-1845. Most of the encounters to come were small, mopping-up and surveillance actions, except for one, at Arroio Grande, just two weeks after Porongos. Suspiciously, the targets of both these assaults were the libertos, slaves the rebels had seized from their provincial loyalist neighbors, and whom they armed and ostensibly freed. Before Porongos, Caxias and the farrapo general Canabarro had arrived at the same conclusion: in order to have peace, conciliation, and a return to Imperial order, the rebels needed proof that their cause was lost. The best and most convenient solution led Caxias and Canabarro to use Black losses to show the war was no longer winnable, and to defang them as a future menace. When Canabarro assembled what was the last great rebel army on the Cerro do Porongos, liberto soldiers comprised its very core. On that November morning, approximately 35% of Canabarro’s troops were either killed, wounded, or captured. Nearly all those who died or were taken prisoner came from the ranks of the liberto infantry. If the many mysteries swirling around Porongos were stripped away, what would emerge and converge at Porongos were two historical shadows still coursing through the borderlands, hatianismo and artiguismo. These were neither doctrines nor unique to the borderlands, yet together they advised both rebel and Imperial policy, and were implicit in the immediacies of decision-making which determined the libertos’ fate.
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Omar, Yousef Hussein. „Alawites Rebellion in Syria Against Egyptian Rule (1834-1835)“. ALEVİLİK–BEKTAŞİLİK ARAŞTIRMALARI DERGİSİ, Nr. 22 (27.12.2020): 59–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24082/2020.abked.285.
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The history of Alawites in Syria witnessed an important stage, when they rebelled against Egyptian rule 1834-1835, after centuries of living under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. This research deals with an introduction to the Alawites and their lives in Syria during the period of Ottoman rule until Muhammad Ali Pasha took control as part of starting a new era of Egyptian rule in Syria in 1832. This research also examines the reasons for the rebellion of the Alawites against the Egyptians in 1834: Disarm, Military Conscription, Cotton Press Machine, and Cutting Down Forests and Trees. The research also deals with the first beginnings of the rebellion and the most important events therein, in addition to the operations of the Alawite rebels in controlling the territories involved including Yunus rebellion, the robberies, the release of prisoners, and the execution of Druze soldiers. This is while also considering the efforts made by the Egyptian authorities to suppress the rebellion. The research also deals with the problem of the selling of Alawites women, the Egyptian reaction to it, and how the Ottomans dealt with the rebellion as a whole. The reasons behind the rebellion’s failure have also been discussed. The conclusion addresses the most important results of this research. This research relied on many contemporary Arab documents that recorded the details of the events of the rebellion, in addition to recent references that approach the rebellion through a form of analysis in terms of the circumstances of the rebellion and the reasons for its failure. This research is based on a descriptive historical method and the analytical method as much as possible, which is appropriate for this type of research.
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Dasgupta, Sabyasachi. „Book Review: The Indian Uprising of 1857–58: Prisons, Prisoners and Rebellion“. Studies in History 27, Nr. 1 (Februar 2011): 133–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/025764301102700108.
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Tarr, Duncan. „Crossed Wires in the Motor City: A Genealogy and Analysis of the 1967 Riots and the 1968 Strike Wave in Detroit“. New Global Studies 14, Nr. 2 (13.07.2020): 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2020-0009.
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AbstractIn the years 1967 and 1968 the city of Detroit was the site of two waves of rebellion. The riot of 1967 was one of the largest and most costly urban rebellions in U.S. history. And in the ashes of the ‘67 insurrection a wave of strikes began shutting down the sprawling factories of the auto industry. These strikes were organized by militant Black workers who later founded the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, an organization that characterized itself as the “ideological inheritor” of the riot. This article situates the League within the global moment of 1968, discusses the relationship of work stoppages to circulation struggles, and examines how the participants’ experience in riots, both on the streets of Detroit and in the prisons around the state, informed the praxis and politics of the League.
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Mallick, Ata. „Santal Women and the Rebellion of 1855 in Colonial India“. ANTYAJAA: Indian Journal of Women and Social Change 2, Nr. 1 (Juni 2017): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455632717723490.
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It is generally assumed that Santal women contributed an imperative role in the Santal rebellion of 1855. According to the judicial records of the rebellion, almost every Santal woman was a rebel and many of them were arrested for their active involvement in the rebellion. Scholars on Santal rebellion have used such colonial administrative accounts to emphasize the subaltern protest against colonialism. However, a detailed study of administrative accounts also reveals that, after trial, most of the women prisoners were released as they were found innocent. Access to insider voices reveals how Santal women were persecuted under the pretext of witch-hunting by the very orders of Santal leaders. This article would argue how the women became the victims of the unrest and how the Santal rebellion was not spontaneous, and would critically propose how the age-old concept of women’s participation in the Santal rebellion of 1855 needs reconsideration.
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Martínez-Montes, Diana. „Insurgent Visions Of FREEDOM: Migrant Resistance Against The Settler Colonial Nation And Neoliberal Carceral State During The 1995 Esmor Immigration Prison Rebellion“. Swarthmore Undergraduate History Journal 1, Nr. 1 (2020): 37–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24968/2693-244x.1.1.2.
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The following paper provides a historical analysis of the 1995 New Jersey Esmor immigration prison rebellion and its aftermath, including two civil class actions, Jama v. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) and Jama v. Esmor Correctional Services Inc. The Esmor prison rebellion presents a rare example of migrant-led resistance efforts against the neoliberal Carceral State and settler colonial ideologies during the post-Civil Rights Era.
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Martínez-Montes, Diana. „Insurgent Visions Of FREEDOM: Migrant Resistance Against The Settler Colonial Nation And Neoliberal Carceral State During The 1995 Esmor Immigration Prison Rebellion“. Swarthmore Undergraduate History Journal, Nr. 1 (2020): 37–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24968/2693-244x.1.2.
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The following paper provides a historical analysis of the 1995 New Jersey Esmor immigration prison rebellion and its aftermath, including two civil class actions, Jama v. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) and Jama v. Esmor Correctional Services Inc. The Esmor prison rebellion presents a rare example of migrant-led resistance efforts against the neoliberal Carceral State and settler colonial ideologies during the post-Civil Rights Era.
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Zinoman, Peter. „Colonial Prisons and Anti-colonial Resistance in French Indochina: The Thai Nguyen Rebellion, 1917“. Modern Asian Studies 34, Nr. 1 (Januar 2000): 57–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003590.
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Between the pacification of Tonkin in the late 1880s and the Nghe-Tinh Soviet Movement of 1930–31, the Thai Nguyen Rebellion was the largest and most destructive anti-colonial uprising to occur in French Indochina. On August 31, 1917, an eclectic band of political prisoners, common criminals and mutinous prison guards seized the Thai Nguyen Penitentiary, the largest penal institution in northern Tonkin. From their base within the penitentiary, the rebels stormed the provincial arsenal and captured a large cache of weapons which they used to take control of the town. Anticipating a counterattack, the rebels fortified the perimeter of the town, executed French officials and Vietnamese collaborators and issued a proclamation calling for a general uprising against the colonial state. Although colonial forces retook the town following five days of intense fighting, mopping-up campaigns in the surrounding countryside stretched on for six months and led to hundreds of casualties on both sides.
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Sen, Satadru. „Policing the Savage: Segregation, Labor and State Medicine in the Andamans“. Journal of Asian Studies 58, Nr. 3 (August 1999): 753–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659118.
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The penal colony that the british established in the Andaman Islands at the end of the 1850s was originally intended as a place of permanent exile for a particular class of Indian criminals. These offenders had, for the most part, been convicted by special tribunals in connection with the Indian rebellions of 1857–58. As the British vision of rehabilitation in the Andamans evolved, the former rebels were joined in the islands by men and women convicted under the Indian Penal Code. In the islands, transported criminals were subjected to various techniques of physical, spatial, occupational, and political discipline (Sen 1998). The slow transition from a convicted criminal to a prisoner in a chain gang, to employment as a Self-Supporter or a convict officer in the service of the prison regime, to life as a free settler in a penal colony was in effect a process by which the state sought to transform the criminal classes of colonial India—the disloyal, the idle, the elusive and the disorderly—into loyal, orderly, and governable subjects.
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Helmers, Marguerite. „Handwritten Rebellion: Autograph Albums of Irish Republican Prisoners in Frognach“. New Hibernia Review 22, Nr. 3 (2018): 20–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.2018.0028.
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Mysovskikh, L. O. „The presentation of the concept of existential despair in Lermontov's poem “Demon”“. Issues of National Literature 13, Nr. 1 (02.04.2024): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25587/2782-6635-2024-1-53-58.
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The author of the article believes that the main character in Mikhail Lermontov's poem “Demon” strives to become a part of earthly life, but he understands the objective impossibility of realizing this desire. The contradiction generated by this realization turns into tragic despair, which the founder of existentialism, Soren Kierkegaard, defined as “a disease to death”. As if extrapolating the thought of the founder of existentialism, Lermontov gives the immanence of despair to the main character of his famous poem. The demon wants to reunite with both earth and heaven, hoping to be reborn through love. However, the determinism of his demonic essence prevents the main character of the poem from realizing this aspiration. The rebellious spirit of the Demon, which cannot belong to any of the worlds, reflects the Russian intelligentsia of that period in general and Lermontov himself in particular. However, in this identification, the Demon's rebellion is much closer to the poet's own rebellion, given Lermontov's criticism of his contemporaries, whom the Russian classic describes as prisoners desperate in the face of power in his famous poem “Thought”. The author of the article argues that in identifying the Demon with Lermontov, the rejection of God and the Divine world order comes to the fore. That is why Lermontov's characters are sometimes considered as harbingers of Nietzscheanism. The Demon, paradoxically, begins his path of striving for good from evil, killing Tamara's fiancé. Thus, it is in the poem “Demon” that the existential and psychological foundations of the criminal behavior of artistic characters in borderline situations are laid. The author of the article comes to the conclusion that it is impossible for the Demon to make an existential choice, he is doomed to forever arrive in the borderline situation described in Karl Jaspers' existential theories, without the possibility of its resolution, which results in an irresistible despair, from which even the path of faith proposed by Kierkegaard cannot be saved.
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Besteman, Catherine. „Prison Rebellions, Black Radical Consciousness, and Counterinsurgency“. Current Anthropology 65, Nr. 3 (01.06.2024): 579–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/730225.
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Darma Laksana, I. Ketut. „Jejak Politik dan Perjuangan Bung Karno“. Pustaka : Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Budaya 19, Nr. 2 (31.08.2019): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/pjiib.2019.v19.i02.p03.
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Understanding of Soekarno / Bung Karno must be done thoroughly. This political figure and independence proclamator has established himself as a respected person in the world. That is why, as many as twenty-six titles of Doctoral Causa were awarded to Bung Karno who came from renowned universities in the world. However, behind all that, during the occupation, Bung Karno went in and out of prison. Still as a detainee at Sukamiskin Prison (1926), Sukarno underwent a trial by filing a plea titled Indonesia Menggugat in Lanraad Building, Bandung. The interesting thing in his plea was that the target was not only directed at the judges who were convening it, but also outside parties, especially the Dutch who were perpetrators of imperialism. He reminded the Netherlands that he was not a rebel, but someone who wanted to claim his right to independence. Prison, seizing independence, the PRRI-Permesta rebellion, liberation of West Irian, confrontation with Malaysia, and the rebellion of the G 30 S / PKI, are historical facts that characterize his struggle. To reveal all this, the data of this paper comes from various sources, which are generally understood by the public, especially the educated. Thus, methodologically, this paper is a historical retrospection, looking back at the traces of politics and the struggle of Bung Karno.
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Slocomb, Margaret. „Chikreng Rebellion: Coup and Its Aftermath in Democratic Kampuchea“. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 16, Nr. 1 (15.03.2006): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186305005651.
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AbstractThe history of the regime of Democratic Kampuchea (DK) which ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979 in the name of social revolution made on behalf of Cambodia's poor peasants has been researched and documented according to many sources. When the leaders of the counter-revolutionary Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation, spearheaded by a massive force of the People's Army of Vietnam, took back the capital, Phnom Penh, on 7 January 1979, they captured official documents, particularly the forced confessions of thousands of political prisoners, which threw light on the nature of the regime and its catastrophic course after victory in April 1975. Other contemporary sources included monitored radio broadcasts of the regime, the dossiers of Khmer Rouge defectors to Thailand compiled by the US State Department, and the rich vein of information provided to western scholars of Cambodian history by refugees in the Thai camps and in other countries which received them after 1979.
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Smith, James E. „Book Review: Imprisoned Intellectuals: America’s Political Prisoners Write on Life, Liberation, and Rebellion“. Criminal Justice Review 30, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2005): 377–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0734016805282761.
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Choi, Nanoak. „Human rights and Humanism in Win Lyovarin’s True Blue“. Hankuk University of Foreign Studies Literature Studies 87 (30.08.2022): 125–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22344/fls.2022.87.125.
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Thailand, formerly an absolute monarchy, was polarized due to the conflicts between the royal advocates who demanded a return to the existing system and those who advocated the need for a democratic system during the 1932 Constitutional Revolution and the 1933 Boworadet Rebellion. Win Lyovarin’s novel True Blue portrays the reality of the civil wars in Thailand as well as the political prisoners who were defeated during the turbulent period from 1933 to 1944. This study aims to find out the situation in Thailand where ideological conflicts had escalated into a civil war and human rights and humanism in the novel. This fictional work is about high-born royalty and intellectuals, who have been incarcerated as political prisoners, and contains ideas relating to their actions of resistance. The ideological conflicts that arose from the hopes of creating a better social system, the problems of human rights, the conditions and driving forces of human life, and the desire for humanism are sorely needed even today.
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Олександр Вікторович Мосієнко. „AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN AND RUSSIAN PROPAGANDA AMONG THE PRISONERS OF WAR DURING WORLD WAR I: ANALYSIS OF PRACTICES“. Intermarum history policy culture, Nr. 5 (01.01.2018): 371–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.111828.
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The article traces the peculiarities of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian propaganda on prisoners of war and interned persons. The state of the study of the topic in the modern historical literature is analyzed and unresolved aspects are indicated. The use of prisoners of war for political and military purposes was sought by both empires. In the course of the First World War, the Russian command took such a step as the formation of military units from the prisoners of war of the hostile army – Czechs, Slovaks and Serbs. These units were created not only as purely military but also political units – for the agitation of the Slavic population of Austria-Hungary to the rebellion against government. In the Habsburg monarchy also hoped to use prisoners of war to undermine the combat capability of the Russian army. For this purpose, the Austro-Hungarian camps began the differentiation of the prisoners on a national basis. Ukrainian and Polish prisoners of war of the czar’s army were under privileged conditions, better provided with food, as well as better conditions for leisure and educational practices. Significant work in this direction was deployed by Ukrainian organizations that functioned on the territory of Austria-Hungary. Political agitation was supplemented by religious, which was carried out by Ukrainian priests from Galicia and Bukovina. National-cultural propaganda of the Union of the Liberation of Ukraine (SVU) and the separation of prisoners on national grounds for the Austrian military command were a means of recruiting volunteers for front-line propaganda, organizing an uprising in the rear of the Russian army in the Caucasus and the Kuban. Imperial propaganda was carried out mainly through print media specifically designed for prisoners of war.A promising object of historical research is the study of the content and visual aspects of propaganda, the peculiarities of the cooperation of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian authorities with representatives of national organizations in organizing propaganda among prisoners of war.
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Gregg, E. „Jacobite Prisoners of the 1715 Rebellion: Preventing and Punishing Insurrection in Early Hanoverian Britain“. English Historical Review CXXIII, Nr. 500 (01.02.2008): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem452.
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Angel, Barbara. „Choosing Sides in War and Peace: The Travels of Herculano Balam Among the PacíFicos Del Sur“. Americas 53, Nr. 4 (April 1997): 525–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008147.
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In May 1866, almost twenty years after the outbreak of the Maya rebellion of 1847, thejuez de pazof Tekax in the Puuc or Sierra region of southern Yucatán recorded the testimony of a Maya peasant by the name of Herculano Balam. Herculano, along with his father and his cousin, had been picked up by local authorities for questioning following a lengthy absence from their home village of Cantamayec in the district of Sotuta. The three prisoners had been detained because they were suspected of being spies sent by the Maya rebels of Chan Santa Cruz to persuade local Maya to join them in their continuing struggle against the creole government of Yucatán. Herculano’s statement does not shed much light on whether or not he and his companions were, in fact, “spies.” Nonetheless, his testimony is extremely important for it contains rare evidence of contact between the Maya rebels of Chan Santa Cruz, thepacíficos del sur, and the peasants of central Yucatán. At the same time, Herculano’s travels provoke interesting questions about the interaction between peasants and guerrillas, and the relationship of individuals to communities, which lead us, in turn, to the nature of peasant politics in the aftermath of the rebellion.
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Damier, Vadim. „Isabelo de los Reyes and the Beginning of the Labour Movement in the Philippines“. Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, Nr. 2 (2022): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018556-9.
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The article focuses on the activities of the Filipino publicist, ethnographer, public, religious and political figure Isabelo de los Reyes (1864–1938). For the first time in Russian historiography, drawing upon de los Reyes' own works, it highlights his role in the movement for Philippine independence from Spain, in the formation of the labour movement, and in the initial dissemination of socialist ideas in the archipelago. A talented and prolific journalist, he rose to prominence among the progressive “ilustrados” - the educated class in the Spanish colony of the Philippines - at a very young age. Arrested by the colonial authorities after the outbreak of the 1896 anti-colonial rebellion, de los Reyes was exiled to Spain. While in prison in Barcelona, he was influenced by left-leaning fellow prisoners – anarchists, syndicalists and socialists. He was greatly impressed by his acquaintance with socialist literature. After his release from prison in 1898, de los Reyes took part in the activities of the Philippine emigration and the campaign against the capture of the Philippine Islands by the United States. In 1901 he returned to his homeland, bringing with him the works of anarchist and socialist theorists and propagandists, to which he introduced the country's leading labour activists. In 1902, at their request, he helped organise the Unión Obrera Democrática (UOD), which emerged as the first trade union association not only in the Philippines but also in the whole of Southeast Asia. At that time De los Reyes held socialist views, incorporating elements of Christian socialism, anarchism, and reformist syndicalism. He also initiated the creation of the Philippine Independent Church. After a major wave of strikes in 1902, de los Reyes was arrested by the US authorities in the Philippines and resigned as head of the UOD. After his release from prison, he published the organ of the labour movement, the newspaper “La Redención del obrero”. In the following years, de los Reyes withdrew from the trade union movement, focused on topics related to the Philippine Independent Church, and then became actively involved in political activities, being elected municipal councilor and senator.
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Gusmão, Xanana. „Eyes on the prize“. Index on Censorship 26, Nr. 2 (März 1997): 51–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209702600214.
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The thousands of people who welcomed Nobel prize-winner Bishop Carlos Belo back to Dili on 24 December were also carrying posters of Xanana Gusmão. The charismatic former leader of the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin) has been in prison in Jakarta since 1992, serving a 20-year sentence for rebellion and possession of firearms. Gusmão, a poet and former seminary student, spent 11 years leading the armed resistance in the Timorese jungle. In 1989 he became leader of the National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM), a newly formed alliance of pro-independence groups. ‘Maubere’ is a name adopted by Fretilin to signify ‘the oppressed’. Below are excerpts from conversations with Gusmão in Cipinang prison over the last Christmas holidays
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Furgol, Edward M. „Jacobite Prisoners of the 1715 Rebellion: Preventing and Punishing Insurrection in Early Hanoverian Britain (review)“. Journal of Military History 70, Nr. 4 (2006): 1116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2006.0241.
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Beattie, Peter M. „The Jealous Institution: Male Nubility, Conjugality, Sexuality, and Discipline on the Social Margins of Imperial Brazil“. Comparative Studies in Society and History 53, Nr. 1 (Januar 2011): 180–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000678.
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In 1997, an “attempted rebellion” erupted in the Professor Barreto Campelo Penitentiary on Itamaracá Island, Pernambuco. A journalist reported that the suspension of conjugal visits sparked a brawl in which three inmates were stabbed before guards restored order. The warden clarified that conjugal visits had been suspended after fights broke out between rival cellblocks when someone pilfered objects visitors had brought to prisoners. A woman who desired anonymity informed, “The convicts notified us in the afternoon by way of notes that they would fight again that night. I think that the lack of contact with their female companions leaves all of the men agitated.” The warden brokered a truce with the inmates' leaders in part by promising that conjugal visits would resume the next week. The reporter concluded, almost as an afterthought, that inmates renewed protests about the overcrowding of eleven hundred inmates into a jail designed for four hundred.
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Murray Pittock. „Jacobite Prisoners of the 1715 Rebellion: Preventing and Punishing Insurrection in Early Hanoverian Britain (review)“. Scottish Historical Review 87, Nr. 1 (2008): 162–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/shr.0.0014.
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Sheller, Mimi. „Complicating Jamaica’s Morant Bay Rebellion: Jewish radicalism, Asian indenture, and multi-ethnic histories of 1865“. Cultural Dynamics 31, Nr. 3 (August 2019): 200–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374019847585.
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The 1865 Morant Bay Rebellion in Jamaica has generally been interpreted as a struggle between the post-emancipation Black peasantry and the white colonial government, which led to a violent confrontation, military suppression, and the demise of the Jamaican House of Assembly in favor of direct Crown Colony rule. Yet, the archival record shows other more complex currents that were also at play, including multi-racial, cross-class alliances, and strong conflicts over local politics, corruption, and labor rights. This article focuses on a little noted aspect of the events of 1865: the arrest for sedition of Sidney Lindo Levien, a Jewish newspaper publisher of The County Union. Levien advocated for the poor, foreigners, and women; joined the Underhill Meetings supporting the political rights of the vast majority of people emancipated from slavery; and was arrested under martial law during the rebellion and later found guilty of sedition, serving nearly 7 months in prison of a 1 year sentence before being pardoned. Drawing on his own writings, photographs, family genealogy, and Levien’s hitherto unknown “Chronicle of 1865,” I argue that his story opens new questions about the relation between Jews and Baptists, Black and “Coloured,” Asian and Maroon, and varied elite and non-elite “White” populations in Jamaica, taking us beyond the typical Black-vs-white framing of the Morant Bay Rebellion toward a more multi-sided emphasis on cross-racial protest and multi-denominational resistance within the imperial global economy. Both dominant “White” colonial histories and subsequent Jamaican “Black” national histories have erased the more diverse actors and cross-cutting interests that shaped the events of 1865, which only come into view through a multi-ethnic history of global mobilities and shifting identities, which I refer to as a critical cosmopolitan perspective.
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Zhang, S. J. „What Cecilia Knew“. History of the Present 14, Nr. 1 (01.04.2024): 156–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21599785-10898396.
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Abstract This article explores how, in 1784 New Orleans, Cecilia Conway—a recaptured maroon woman—asserted that she was pregnant and thereby leveraged the power of her reproductive labor. Her claims about her body briefly slowed down the system of capital punishment activated in response to her marronage by altering the trajectory of the state-sanctioned sexual violence inflicted on her. The conversations between Cecilia and the prison’s authorities that this article unearths constitute an original archive of Cecilia’s assertions while accounting for their heavily mediated and yet remarkable presence. By centering the details of Cecilia’s life, this article helps recast the threat of marronage in colonial Louisiana from simply one of male-led armed rebellion to one of reproduction, thorny kinship networks, and a potential maroon society.
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BOIN, R. ARJEN, und MENNO J. VAN DUIN. „Prison Riots as Organizational Failures: A Managerial Perspective“. Prison Journal 75, Nr. 3 (September 1995): 357–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032855595075003006.
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Most explanations of prison riots implicitly regard the causes of rebellious inmate behavior as the determinants of a riot's outcome. But little attention has been paid to the course of a riot. Here it is argued that what happens during the riot itself will influence the scope and outcome of that riot. In this article, the focus is on crisis management. We contend that the way in which prison administrations prepare for and handle this type of crisis can make the difference between a small-scale disturbance and a full-fledged riot. Crisis management should therefore be considered a critical variable in explaining a riot's outcome.
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RUIZ, JULIUS. „A Spanish Genocide? Reflections on the Francoist Repression after the Spanish Civil War“. Contemporary European History 14, Nr. 2 (Mai 2005): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002304.
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This article considers whether the Franco regime pursued a genocidal policy against Republicans after the formal ending of hostilities on 1 April 1939. In post-war Spain, the primary mechanism for punishing Republicans was military tribunals. Francoist military justice was based on the assumption that responsibility for the civil war lay with the Republic: defendants were tried for the crime of ‘military rebellion’. This was, as Ramón Serrano Suñer admitted his memoirs, ‘turning justice on its head’. But although it was extremely harsh, post-war military justice was never exterminatory. The article stresses that the institutionalisation of military justice from 1937, following the arbitrary murders of 1936, contributed to a relative decline in executions. Although the regime's determination to punish Republicans for ‘military rebellion’ inevitably led to the initiation of tens of thousands of post-war military investigations, only a minority of cases ended in execution. This was especially the case from January 1940, when the higher military authorities ended the autonomy of military tribunals over sentencing. This reassertion of central control in January 1940 was part of a wider policy to ease the self-inflicted problem of prison overcrowding; successive parole decrees led to a substantial and permanent decrease in the number of inmates by 1945. Allied victory in the Second World War did not mark the beginning but the end of the process of bringing to a close mass military justice.
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Losier, Toussaint. „Against ‘law and order’ lockup: the 1970 NYC jail rebellions“. Race & Class 59, Nr. 1 (28.06.2017): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396817707431.
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The article focuses on a series of rebellions that occurred within the New York City jail system in 1970 over problems of overcrowding and inhumane conditions and the resurgent practice of preventive detention. While championed in the Nixon administration’s vision of ‘law and order’, preventive detention was carried out by John Lindsay, the liberal Republican mayor of New York City, not only against political dissidents, but also against working-class citizens too poor to afford bail. During the course of the October revolts in five facilities including the Tombs, Branch Queens, and Rikers Island, inmates called attention to this practice, winning an unprecedented set of bail review hearings during the course of their takeover of a local jail. These radical prison movements, which were influenced by inmates from the Black Panther Party and Young Lords Party, drew upon discourses of human rights, multiracial unity, and national liberation and also joined calls for broader social transformation. Though short-lived, these events shed light on the contested legacy of preventive detention, a crucial strategic reminder amidst today’s resurgence in ‘law and order’ rhetoric and practice.
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Kaplan, Caren, und Andrea Miller. „Drones as “Atmospheric Policing”“. Public Culture 31, Nr. 3 (01.09.2019): 419–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-7532679.
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The use of drones to supplement and operationalize US border enforcement and municipal policing disturbs the supposed boundary between military and civilian or battleground and home front. Situating drones in an expanded field of a war power–police power nexus draws together histories of so-called small wars, insurgencies, civil rebellions, labor strikes, prison uprisings, and practices of resistance at various scales that have responded and continue to respond to colonial occupation and racial capitalism. Once we situate drones as a technology of atmospheric policing, we develop a better understanding of the ways these assemblages converge with other forms of atmospheric violence, including the toxic colonial present of warfare.
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Dahal, Arvind. „Anti-War Messages in the Songs of John Lennon“. JODEM: Journal of Language and Literature 12, Nr. 1 (07.08.2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jodem.v12i1.38709.
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This study endeavors to explore Lennon’s songs as an expression of rage and rebellion of the common Americans against the bitter realities of the contemporary American war politics of the 1960s and 70s and of the prevailing socio-economic and cultural injustices. It illumines a reality that alternative cultures like drugs, alcohol, homosexuality, nomadism and mystic vision, perceived reprehensible by the contemporary mainstream culture, were in fact manufactured out of harsh American socio-political context. By projecting the painful experiences of the victims during the time of war, the research engages with the extraction of themes like terror of the nuclear arms race and poverty, racism, prison and war, buried in Lennon’s compositions and thereby revealing Lennon’s association with such subcultures to counter and to subvert the mundane, the rationality and material hunger of the mainstream culture in the then America.
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Frauen, Jan-Boje. „Turnspits and Other Malenky Machines: Laziness and Cowardice in Burgess's A Clockwork Orange“. Journal of Aesthetic Education 56, Nr. 4 (01.12.2022): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/15437809.56.4.06.
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Abstract This article argues that the first-person narrator and antihero of Anthony Burgess's famous dystopia is far from being the symbol for human freedom he has traditionally been taken to be. Quite the opposite, he is to be seen as a symbol for human “self-imposed nonage” at every point of the novel: from his alleged rebellion to his farewell to rape and aggression in the final chapter. All of his apparent acts of freedom are determined by the dynamic interplay of biological disposition and political exploitation. Burgess's theory of freedom, however, is more sophisticated than Alex's “turnspit freedom.” It is displayed in two minor characters, F. Alexander and the prison chaplain, modelled on Burgess and his cousin the Catholic Archbishop George Dwyer, respectively, who display “political awareness” that leads to decisions based on informed judgment.
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Gómez, Alan Eladio. „“Nuestras Vidas Corren Casi Paralelas”: Chicanos, Independentistas, and the Prison Rebellions in Leavenworth, 1969–1972“. Latino Studies 6, Nr. 1-2 (April 2008): 64–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/lst.2008.3.
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Gruesser, John. „Poe’s Last Jest: The Magazine Prison-House, Colonial Exploitation, and Revenge in “Hop-Frog”“. Edgar Allan Poe Review 24, Nr. 1 (April 2023): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/edgallpoerev.24.1.0021.
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Abstract This article looks at Edgar Allan Poe’s “Hop-Frog” in connection with revenge, one of the oldest and richest themes in literature. As the author has done in connection with “The Cask of Amontillado,” this article offers a generalized biographical interpretation of this 1849 story, linking it to Poe’s February 1845 essay “Some Secrets of the Magazine Prison-House” with its emphasis on “fat,” exploitive “editors and proprietors,” as well as his September 1845 “Marginalia” piece about the sorry state of the American publishing industry. Contending that the story must be read vis-à-vis not only enslavement and slave rebellion, as several critics have done, but also colonization, this article casts doubt on claims that Poe used the tale to settle scores with personal enemies or to revenge himself on the reading public. A brief coda argues that in “Hop-Frog” Poe does not simply avenge himself on those responsible both for his own exploitation as “a poor devil author” and the colonization of American literature generally. Rather, he counterbalances the gruesome, fiery climax with a celebratory compendium of many of his greatest hits through allusions to at least eleven of his writings published between 1835 and 1846.
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Hassan Mikhilif, Raed, und Sahib Jassim Hassan Al Bayati. „Aesthetic and expressive characteristics in the works of Jean Dubuffet“. Al-Academy, Nr. 110 (15.12.2023): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.35560/jcofarts1162.
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The research presented the tagged (aesthetic and expressive characteristics in the works of Jean Dubuffet), so the research objective was: to know the aesthetic and expressive characteristics in the works of (Jean Dubuffet), and the research included four chapters. The aim of the research, the limits of the research, and the definition of terms. The second chapter included four topics. The first topic presented the aesthetic essence and style, while the second topic dealt with expressionism: approaches in concept and meaning.While the third topic was preoccupied with presenting the aesthetic and expressiveness in the drawings of modernity and beyond, while the fourth topic dealt with: Jean Dubuffet and the experience of raw art. The third chapter was devoted to research procedures. In order to achieve the aim of the research, a number of results were reached in the fourth chapter, including:1- The aesthetic and expressive characteristics were manifested in all samples of the sample, including: instinct / emotion / mood / violence / madness / vulgarity / ugliness / distortion / rebellion / audacity / research, experimentation and innovation. 2- The value of his works and his artistic experience was embodied through his interest and fondness for raw art derived from the products of children, insane, and prisoners. He considered primitive and popular art as a source of aesthetic value for him at the expense of all aesthetic and philosophical concepts, as shown in Model (1 and 3).