Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Prison uprising“
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1
Rodriques, Elias. „The Poetry of a Prison Uprising“. Dissent 70, Nr. 1 (Januar 2023): 100–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2023.0033.
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2
Featherstone, Richard. „Lucasville: The Untold Story of a Prison Uprising“. Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 34, Nr. 5 (September 2005): 546–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610503400556.
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3
Legieć, Jacek. „The prison in Kielce during the January uprising“. Res Historica 39 (09.12.2015): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2015.0.95.
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4
Finikovskyi, Yurii. „PARTICIPATION OF DANYLO SHUMUK IN THE NORILSK UPRISING“. Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, Nr. 30 (30.11.2020): 98–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2020-30-98-104.
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The Norilsk uprising was a major strike by Gulag inmates in Gorlag, a special camp mostly for political prisoners, in the summer of 1953, shortly after Joseph Stalin’s death. About 70% of inmates were Ukrainians, many of whom had been sentenced for 25 years to the so-called «Bandera Standard». It was the first major revolt within the Gulag system in 1953-1954. Between May 26 and August 4, 1953, the inmates of the Gorlag-Main camp went on strike, which lasted 69 days. This was the longest uprising in the history of the Gulag. The preconditions for the uprising can be seen as the following: the arrival of waves of prisoners to the Gorlag, who had participated in the uprisings of 1952, the death of Stalin on March 5, 1953 and the fact that the amnesty that followed his death only applied to (non-political) criminals and convicts with short prison terms, the percentage of which was very low in Gorlag. All categories of inmates took part in the uprising, with the leading roles played by former military men and participants of national liberation movements of western Ukraine, Georgia and the Baltics. Norilsk uprising combined various forms of protest – hunger strike, resignation, riot, armed uprising. One of the leaders of the uprising was Danylo Shumuk, a former employee of one of the UPA’s political divisions. The article describes the participation of a Ukrainian political prisoner, a participant in the national liberation movement in Volyn during World War II, Danylo Shumuk in the organization of the Norilsk Uprising of Political Prisoners (June-August 1953). The process of creating a conspiratorial formation by an activist – a «Selfhelp organization», the goals, composition, methods of activity of its members, the relationship between them are shown. On the basis of domestic and foreign sources, the forms of protest of prisoners and their demands were analyzed. The main results of the struggle of political prisoners and their future fate are highlighted. It is evidence-based the Ukrainian central role in Norilsk uprising, which was one of the strongest in the history of the Gulag, and resulted its reformation.
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SEN, ATREYEE. „Torture and Laughter: Naxal insurgency, custodial violence, and inmate resistance in a women's correctional facility in 1970s Calcutta“. Modern Asian Studies 52, Nr. 3 (Mai 2018): 917–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000142.
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AbstractThis article explores the politics of surveillance, suppression, and resistance within a women's correctional facility in 1970s Calcutta, a city in eastern India. I highlight the excessively violent treatment of women political prisoners, who were captured and tortured for their active participation in a Maoist guerrilla (Naxal) movement. I argue that the state officials who formed the lowest rung of the government's machinery to supress the movement—the police, prison guards, and wardens—partially usurped these carceral worlds during conditions of social unrest to create small regimes of de facto sovereignty over prison publics. During that critical period in the history of political uprising in the region, the central government coercively implemented a series of ‘constitutional actions’ in the name of internal security threats and withdrew civil liberties from Indian citizens. Political opponents were captured and imprisoned, and prisons became a space for licensed excess. I show how women political prisoners cooperated and conspired with women convicts (the latter having nurtured their own coping skills and structures to deal with persecution and negligence while in the detention system) to develop multiple forms of resistance to the extra-legal use of authority in prison, especially in the context of a volatile socio-political environment in the city.
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Anthony, Thalia, und Vicki Chartrand. „States of prison abolition: COVID-19 and anti-colonial and anti-racist organising“. Justice, Power and Resistance 5, Nr. 1-2 (Mai 2022): 46–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/ogmv7926.
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Until recently, carceral and penal logics have proliferated the global scene unabated. The coronavirus pandemic not only ushered a moment of pause for the world, but in some areas, even a reversal in carceral trends. In many countries, some sectors experienced unprecedented reductions in imprisonment and migrant detention. Even where the pandemic advanced more invasive carceral controls, such as with policing through health checks and issuing tickets, it also fuelled global resistance through the Black Lives Matter movement. In the wake of the pandemic, an uprising of activists, advocates and supporters captured the public imagination with anti-racist and abolition uprisings and advances in community care. In the lands now known as Australia and Canada, where the criminalisation and incarceration of Indigenous people has been increasing, this mobilising has resulted in important alliances and advancements to challenge these carceral and penal trajectories. In this article, we trace several abolitionist initiatives to show how the convergence of COVID-19 and anti-racist and anti-colonial movements catalysed an important moment for abolitionist organising.
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Dyukov, Alexander. „“My Dear Marylka!” Unknown Ante-mortem Letters of Konstantin Kalinovsky – the Leader of 1863 Polish Uprising in Lithuania and Belarus“. Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 3 (15.10.2023): 369–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2023-0-3-369-389.
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In the article we fi nd previously unknown documents found by the article author in the archives of Russia and Lithuania, namely the letters of Konstantin Kalinovsky – the leader of the 1863 uprising in Lithuania and Belarus, - which he wrote while held in prison. The comparison of Kalinovsly’s letters written in prison with the materials of the archive investigatory documents pertaining to his case allows one to see the extraordinary image of the revolutionary, - a Catholic believer, Lithuanian identity bearer (gentis Lithuanus, natione Polonus), a person of Polish culture and language, who was sincerely attached to historic Lithuania and saw its future within Poland.
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Farraj, Khalid. „The First Intifada: Hope and the Loss of Hope“. Journal of Palestine Studies 47, Nr. 1 (2017): 86–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.47.1.86.
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In this reflection on the First Intifada (1987–93), Khalid Farraj recounts his very personal experience as an active member of the uprising. In addition to describing the harsh conditions in Israeli detention at the Ansar 3 prison in the southern Negev, Farraj details the ways in which the uprising was organized at the grassroots, fueling the hopes and dreams of an entire generation of Palestinians. He relates his own arrest in March 1988 during a security sweep of Jalazun refugee camp where he grew up and his work as an activist leafleting and disseminating information among the community. Farraj also provides a glimpse into the workings of the uprising both at the grassroots and at the level of the clandestine local leadership known as the Unified National Leadership of the Uprising (UNLU, al-qiyada al-muwwahida). Despite the letdown subsequent to the Oslo process, which yielded neither self-determination nor liberation for the Palestinians, the First Intifada remains a pivotal moment of Palestinian history, which Farraj looks back on with feeling but without nostalgia. This first-person text was translated from the Arabic by Nehad Khader and Maia Tabet. The original appeared in issue 110 (Spring 2017) of Majallat al-Dirasat al-Filastiniyya.
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Metzer, David. „Prisoners’ Voices“. Journal of Musicology 38, Nr. 1 (01.01.2021): 109–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2021.38.1.109.
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Frederic Rzewski composed Coming Together and Attica in response to the 1971 uprising at the Attica Correctional Facility. The texts for the works draw upon testimonies of two men who participated in the riot: Samuel Melville and Richard X. Clark, respectively. Rzewski condemns the government crackdown on the uprising through representations of both prisoners and prison. In these and other works, the prisoner is a figure of suffering. Both Melville and Clark suffer through efforts to raise a voice about the hardships of incarceration only to have that voice break apart into fragments and silence. Prison emerges as a space of increasing confinement, conveyed by rigorous compositional schemes that tightly link individual sections and close them off in a larger sealed structure. The musical evocation of confinement along with the expression of psychological distress in the texts creates scenes of suffering. Through these scenes, Rzewski brings out the infliction of pain that scholars have viewed as a fundamental aspect of incarceration. The interaction between the critiques of incarceration and the compositional schemes in Coming Together and Attica is an example of how artists at the time (Steve Reich and sculptor Melvin Edwards) drew upon abstract idioms and materials in works that comment on contemporary political developments.
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Bernstein, Lee. „Blood in the water: the Attica Prison uprising of 1971 and its legacy“. Sixties 10, Nr. 2 (03.07.2017): 262–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17541328.2017.1396738.
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Zinoman, Peter. „Colonial Prisons and Anti-colonial Resistance in French Indochina: The Thai Nguyen Rebellion, 1917“. Modern Asian Studies 34, Nr. 1 (Januar 2000): 57–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003590.
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Between the pacification of Tonkin in the late 1880s and the Nghe-Tinh Soviet Movement of 1930–31, the Thai Nguyen Rebellion was the largest and most destructive anti-colonial uprising to occur in French Indochina. On August 31, 1917, an eclectic band of political prisoners, common criminals and mutinous prison guards seized the Thai Nguyen Penitentiary, the largest penal institution in northern Tonkin. From their base within the penitentiary, the rebels stormed the provincial arsenal and captured a large cache of weapons which they used to take control of the town. Anticipating a counterattack, the rebels fortified the perimeter of the town, executed French officials and Vietnamese collaborators and issued a proclamation calling for a general uprising against the colonial state. Although colonial forces retook the town following five days of intense fighting, mopping-up campaigns in the surrounding countryside stretched on for six months and led to hundreds of casualties on both sides.
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Cioffi, Todd, Andrew F. Haggerty und Jeffrey P. Bouman. „Equipping Students for a “Specific Uprising” Toward Justice: Lessons Learned from a University Prison Initiative“. Christian Higher Education 19, Nr. 1-2 (01.01.2020): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15363759.2019.1689201.
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Siegfried, Kate. „Cramped Space: Finding Rebellious Potential in Fixed Capital During the Attica Prison Uprising of 1971“. Cultural Critique 120, Nr. 1 (Juni 2023): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cul.2023.0027.
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14
Rubin, Ashley T. „Heather Ann Thompson, Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Its Legacy“. Punishment & Society 21, Nr. 1 (02.08.2017): 131–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474517724175.
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15
Kilgore, James. „Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Its Legacy, by Heather Thompson“. Black Scholar 47, Nr. 3 (03.07.2017): 79–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.2017.1330613.
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Manion, Jen. „Heather Ann Thompson. Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Its Legacy.“ American Historical Review 122, Nr. 3 (Juni 2017): 797–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/122.3.797.
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Rabinovich, Yakov N. „Governor of Saratov Vasily Vasilyevich Neledinsky (1655–1657)“. Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 23, Nr. 1 (21.02.2023): 88–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2023-23-1-88-100.
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The article for the first time presents a detailed biography of the governor of Saratov, Vasily Vasilyevich Neledinsky. This serviceman from the fatherland in his youth became a tenant at the court of Mikhail Romanov, and after 20 years he was transferred to the Moscow nobles. He received his first voivodship appointment in the Ket prison in Siberia, then participated in the suppression ofthe uprising inNovgorod and Pskov, andserved as governor in Rylsk. Atthe beginning of the Russian-Polish war in 1654, Vasily Neledinsky fought in the north-western direction in the regiment of the boyar V. P. Sheremetev, and in 1655 was sent as governor to Saratov. Particular attention in the article is paid to the Saratov service of V. V. Neledinsky.
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Bailey, Frankie Y. „Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Its Legacy by Heather Ann Thompson“. New York History 100, Nr. 1 (2019): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nyh.2019.0018.
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Kenney, Padraic. „Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and its Legacy by Heather Ann Thompson“. Histoire sociale/Social history 51, Nr. 103 (2018): 203–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/his.2018.0023.
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Guy, Roger. „Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Its Legacy. By Heather Ann Thompson“. Western Historical Quarterly 49, Nr. 3 (2018): 345–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/why067.
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Ricardo Arturo, Lagunes Gasca. „Mexico: A Failed State or a Criminal State? The Nestora Salgado Case“. Mexican Law Review 1, Nr. 18 (14.12.2016): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iij.24485306e.2017.18.10779.
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For decades, the people in the Mexican state of Guerrero have been immersed in poverty, insecurity, and militarization. Accordingly in 1995, almost a year after the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) uprising, a community police corporation was formed with members of indigenous communities, in order not only to protect the population against organized and regular crime but also to administer justice with the legal grounds provided by the International Labour Organization Convention 169. Since then, many members of the Guerrero community police have been incarcerated for political reasons. One of them is Nestora Salgado, who was illegally detained by the Mexican army and incarcerated in a high security prison in Nayarit for almost 20 months. In December 2015, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention deemed the detention of Nestora Salgado as illegal and arbitrary, and requested her immediate release.
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Aedo, Angel. „Carceral domesticity as containment of troubled families in Santiago, Chile“. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 41, Nr. 6 (Dezember 2023): 1013–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02637758231216790.
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This article deals with the ways in which populations in prison-neighbourhood circuits are policed, managed, and contained in Santiago, Chile. It draws attention to how the safeguarding of social order and security policy is intertwined with the reproduction of carceral domesticities among low-income households. Building on ethnographic research conducted in two stages between 2017 and 2022 with practitioners of crime prevention programmes and the ‘problem’ families targeted by such initiatives, the article addresses carceral domesticity as containment of troubled families. It shows how such containment involves a project of subjectivation centred on women to enforce a gendered family model by engaging state programmes, psychosocial manuals, and prevention practitioners. It focuses on security and enclosure mechanisms in domestic spaces at work through a grammar of care and prevention. By examining the pitfalls that carceral domesticity encounters in everyday domestic life, the article sheds light on the productivity of resistances to enable spaces of autonomy in times of economic crisis and social uprising in Chile.
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Kozhukhov, N. A. „Penitentiary institutions of town of Morshansk at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries“. History: facts and symbols, Nr. 4 (20.12.2023): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2023-37-4-119-129.
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Introduction. The relevance of this article is due to the study of the penitentiary system of Russia at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries using the example of the county town of Morshansk, Tambov province. The chronological framework covers the period of Tsarist Russia at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century, as well as the period of the Civil War until its end. Based on the materials presented in the work, a comparative analysis is given, the result of the effectiveness of the state policy in the penitentiary sector using the example of a county town. By the end of the 19th century, imprisonment became the main type of punishment for criminals as a result of the modernization processes of the second half of the 19th century. The problems that persisted throughout the long period of formation of the prison system, namely the lack of funds for the improvement of prison institutions, constant overcrowding due to the increase in the number of crimes, were most clearly reflected in the district towns, therefore it would be fair to study the effectiveness of the policy of Tsarist Russia in this area using the example of district towns. After the revolutionary events of 1917, the penitentiary system experienced new changes in connection with the policies of the new government. The new places of detention that emerged on the ruins of old ones presented new problems in the penitentiary sphere during the Civil War. Specifying the Tambov province of this period, it is worth mentioning the peasant uprising of 1920-1921, during the suppression of which the concentration camp system was used. The new places of detention that have appeared in Morshansk are of substantive interest in the framework of the study of penitentiary policy in early Soviet Russia. Materials and methods. This study was based on archival documents of the State Archive of the Tambov Region, the State Archive of Socio-Political History of the Tambov Region, published documents on the Morshansky Zemstvo and materials reviews of the Tambov province. Thanks to the historical-systemic approach, the penitentiary systems of the ―two Russias‖ were analyzed. The statistical method showed the number of prisoners in Morshansk prisons for the specified period. Results. Based on the analysis of archival sources, a comparative analysis of the penitentiary models of Tsarist Russia and Russia of the period 1917-1922 was carried out using the example of the district town of Morshansk. The situation of the Morshansk prisons before 1917 confirmed the general conclusions about the penitentiary policy of Russia in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries with the problems of financing, conditions of serving sentences, and labor organization. The established concentration camp system during the Civil War in the Tambov province acted as a punitive measure during the suppression of the Tambov uprising, rather than as an evolutionary stage in the establishment of the penitentiary system of early Soviet Russia. Conclusion. The practical significance of the study is expressed in the local history study of the penitentiary systems of the "two Russias" on the example of the county town of Morshansk with the aim of further compiling a generalized work on the penitentiary sphere of Russia.
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SZCZYPKA, Andrzej. „Wiesław Chodzikiewicz – działacz młodzieżowej organizacji niepodległościowej w Gliwicach (1948 r.)“. Historia i Świat 2 (08.09.2013): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2013.02.09.
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In the years 1944-1956 on the territory of Poland there were about a thousand active youth pro-independence organisations. Almost 11 thousand young people fought in them against the communist system. One of these young people who decided to put up struggle with this unaccepted by Poles system was Wiesław Chodzikiewicz. He was born on 13th February 1932 in Płock. He came from a patriotic family as his father fought in the defense of Lwów. His father was a legionary and before World War II he was an activist of the Piłsudskiite camp. After the outbreak of the war he was mobilised and he most probably was killed on the front. The son received patriotic upbringing because his father often repeated that “ homeland is the first and the family is the second”. Wiesław participated in the Warsaw Uprising as a courier. After the war had ended, he lived inGliwice with his mother and sister. In 1948, on his friend’s suggestion, he joined the ranks of a youth pro-independence organisation. The young people collected firearms from the scrap yard, maintained it and believed that World War III would break out. They spread once a leaflet directed to their peers. Their activity ended up with their arrest and the sentence of a few years of imprisonment due to the discovery of the weapon on the loft of the post office. Wiesław Chodzikiewicz was sentenced to 5 years in prison. In the prison in Jaworzno he was persecuted and was being forced to sign the collaboration with the secret police. In the end they managed to break him, but being in prison he refused further cooperation explaining it by nervous disease. His imprisonment was slightly shortened and after being released he treated his poor health which he had lost after being beaten by the security apparatus officers, and later he worked in the worst jobs for poor money. He died at the age of 61 on 9th April, 1993.
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Оразов, Рашид Е. „Qozheke Nazaruly and Archival Sources“. Qazaq Historical Review 1, Nr. 2 (30.06.2023): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.69567/3007-0236.2023.2.213.230.
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The article is devoted to the activities of Qozheke Nazaruly, one of the leaders of the Qazaq national liberation uprising against the Russian colonial policy in Zhetysu (Semirechye). The formation of Qozheke Nazaruly as a bright socio-political figure, defending the interests of the Qazaqs, took place in his childhood in the conditions of the changing political situation in Zhetysu in the 1840-50s. His versatile activity, participation in the organization and leadership of the Qazaqs, military command and creative mastery were manifested early in his life under the influence of his father Nazar. He proved to be a skillful organizer and ruler, a brave batyr, a skilled composer and performer of kyuys (kyushi). Qozheke Nazaruly was one of the prominent representatives of the Zhetysu school of kyushi, who participated in its formation. In the article the biography and activities of Qozheke Nazaruly, his childhood, and his struggle with the colonial policy of the Russian Empire are examined on the basis of new and little-known archival documents. The sources being introduced to academy show the reasons that forced Qozheke Nazaruly to continue the struggle from outside his homeland and to retreat to China in 1862, among them the capture of Zhetysu by Russian troops at the beginning of the second half of the 19th century, the strengthening of colonial oppression, persecution against the Qazaqs and against Qozheke personally. His activity in Aitbozymskaya volost of Kulja region is studied. While in China, Qozheke also suffered political persecution. In 1884, he was arrested on false charges of robbing a caravan. For about a year, the Chinese authorities tortured him, seeking his confession. Between interrogations and torture in prison, he created his famous kyuys “Türmedegı qinau” (“Torture in prison”) and “Tas kömır şoğymen qinau” (“Torture with burning coals”), showing the tragedy of his fate. In the autumn of 1885 Qozheke Nazaruly died under torture in a Chinese prison. New archival documents reveal the life path and activities of Qozheke Nazaruly.
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Burba, Domininkas. „Livonijos kanauninko, Vilkaviškio klebono Vincento Bakuzičiaus biografija. Keletas XVIII amžiaus Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės katalikų dvasininko portreto detalių“. Lietuvos Didžioji Kunigaikštystė Luomas. Pašaukimas. Užsiėmimas, T. 5 (14.11.2019): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/23516968-005003.
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BIOGRAPHY OF CANON PRIEST OF LIVONIA, PARISH PRIEST OF VILKAVIŠKIS WINCENTY BAKUZICZ. A FEW STROKES TO THE PORTRAIT OF THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY ROMAN CATHOLIC PRIEST OF THE GRAND DUCHY OF LITHUANIA The key figure of this article is the late eighteenth-century canon priest of Livonia and parish priest of Vilkaviškis and Vaukavysk Wincenty Bakuzicz. Historical information on this person is scarce. His career of a clergyman began with the service in Vilnius Chapter, however during Bar Confederation (1768–1772) he got involved in its activities, travelled with a mission to Teshin and later was imprisoned by Russian imperial army officers, providing information on the movements of the Confederates. After being released from prison, W. Bakuzicz did not make any significant career in Vilnius Chapter, becoming parish priest of Vilkaviškis and Vaukavysk and being involved in several criminal court cases in Vilnius and its district. In 1794, during the uprising of Tadeusz Kosciuszko he was imprisoned by the rebels in Vilnius, although soon released. In that year he arranged his will, where he assigned significant sums to charity. The life of W. Bakuzicz was one of paradox and contradiction, just as was the entire period. Keywords: Vilnius Chapter, parish priests, canon priests, criminal cases, Bar Confederation (1768–1772), trade, wills.
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Reiter, Keramet. „Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and its Legacy. By H. A. Thompson (New York: Pantheon Books, 2016, $35 USD)“. British Journal of Criminology 58, Nr. 1 (05.08.2017): 237–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azx043.
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Graber, Jennifer. „Mighty Upheaval on the Minnesota Frontier: Violence, War, and Death in Dakota and Missionary Christianity“. Church History 80, Nr. 1 (März 2011): 76–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640710001605.
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Stephen Riggs, Presbyterian missionary to the Dakota Indians, anxiously awaited a letter from the American Tract Society. He expected a reply about his proposed account of the recent war between the Dakotas and Euro-American settlers in Minnesota. After more than two centuries of contact between Dakotas and Europeans, and later Americans, relations had broken down entirely. Confined to reservations with some of their people starving, disgruntled Dakota warriors attacked villages and outlying cabins across southern Minnesota. Over several weeks in August and September 1862, they killed at least five hundred settlers and depopulated as many as twenty-three counties. The Reverend Riggs and his family barely escaped. Like so many Minnesota settlers, their home and possessions were destroyed. Military reinforcements eventually stopped the Dakotas' progress, compelling some to surrender and others to escape west to the plains. When hostilities ended, Riggs served as an interpreter in the negotiations over captives and at military tribunals organized to deal with detained Dakota fighters. He later visited Dakotas incarcerated in prison camps, paying special attention to the more than three hundred men sentenced to death for their part in the uprising. In light of his dramatic experience, Riggs proposed an account of his family's escape, along with details of the Dakota warriors' capture and confinement, in order to share how God had worked through this “mighty upheaval.”
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COLLEY, ZOE. „Heather Ann Thompson, Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Its Legacy (New York: Pantheon Books, 2016, $35.00). Pp. 512. isbn979 0 3754 2322 2.“ Journal of American Studies 53, Nr. 1 (Februar 2019): 304–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875818001640.
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Mierzwa-Szymkowiak, Dominika, und Robert Rutkowski. „Benedykt Tadeusz Dybowski and Wiktor Ignacy Godlewski: ground-breaking studies of Siberian natural history in the nineteenth century“. Archives of Natural History 50, Nr. 2 (Oktober 2023): 229–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2023.0858.
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Benedykt Tadeusz Dybowski (1833–1930) was a Polish naturalist who, in 1864, was sent into exile in Siberia after the Polish uprising of 1863–1864. In 1865, he began his environmental research near Chita and then in Darasun. In 1868–1872, with his exiled associate Wiktor Ignacy Godlewski (1831–1900) , he conducted the first limnological studies of Lake Baikal. In their work, they used an instruments, tools and traps constructed by themselves. They described the lake’s properties and many of the endemic species like amphipods that lived in the lake. They also discovered many species of molluscs and fishes new to science. Dybowski also studied the differences in the malacofauna of the Caspian Sea and Lake Baikal, the ichthyofauna of the River Amur, the Ussuri and Lake Baikal, and the origin of individual species. The research in Siberia also included birds, that were collected in an innovative way. It was characteristic of Dybowski to create a series of individuals from a particular species. Based on the collected materials, he pointed out the differences or similarities in populations of species from geographically distant regions. The bird specimens thus contributed not only to knowledge of the fauna of Siberia but also to ecological and zoogeographical studies. The wide range of research and scientific discoveries of Dybowski and Godlewski became the basis for shortening their prison sentences and made it possible to return to their homeland. The collections of these naturalists – comprising thousands of specimens of sponges, crustaceans, spiders, molluscs, fishes, reptiles, birds and mammals – are still used today. The purpose of the paper is to disseminate knowledge about these naturalists, who remain well known in Poland, Russia, Ukraine and Germany, and their scientific legacy.
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Kokebayeva, G. K., S. K. Shildebai und E. I. Stamshalov. „SHYMKENT UPRISING OF 1967“. edu.e-history.kz 31, Nr. 3 (20.10.2022): 184–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/2710-3994_2022_31_3_184-197.
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The mass demonstrations of workers that took place in the Soviet Kazakhstan in the city of Shymkent, is considered one of the largest during the reign of Leonid Brezhnev. The prerequisites of the Shymkent uprising, which took place from June 13 to June 14, 1967, were social reasons. The reason for the mass riots in Shymkent, which the totalitarian government hid in every possible way, was the aggravation of the confrontation between the population and law enforcement officers, the increase in the number of prisons, correctional institutions, crimes convicted in this large city in the south of Kazakhstan. The Soviet punitive apparatus ruthlessly punished those who were active in mass riots, as well as purged police officers who had escaped by abandoning their work.
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MAHAN, SUE, und RICHARD LAWRENCE. „Media and Mayhem in Corrections: The Role of the Media in Prison Riots“. Prison Journal 76, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1996): 420–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032855596076004004.
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Three of the most infamous prison riots in the United States took place in Attica, New York; Santa Fe, New Mexico; and Lucasville, Ohio in 1971, 1980, and 1993, respectively. Although an examination of the three riots reveals differences in the uprisings, there are important similarities in the underlying conditions behind them. Analysis of the three riots shows the significant role played by representatives of the media both in negotiating with inmates and taking back the three institutions. In this article, the authors discuss the influence and effect of media coverage on prison riots based on what was learned from the participation of the media in the Attica, Santa Fe, and Lucasville uprisings.
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Magsaysay, Raymond. „Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders and the Prison Industrial Complex“. Michigan Journal of Race & Law, Nr. 26.2 (2021): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.36643/mjrl.26.2.asian.
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Recent uprisings against racial injustice, sparked by the killings of George Floyd and others, have triggered urgent calls to overhaul the U.S. criminal “justice” system. Yet Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs), the fastest-growing racial group in the country, have largely been left out of these conversations. Identifying and addressing this issue, I intercalate AAPIs into powerful, contemporary critiques of the prison industrial complex, including emergent abolitionist legal scholarship. I argue that the model minority myth, an anti-Black racial project, leads to the exclusion of AAPIs in mainstream and critical studies of crime and carcerality. I begin the intervention by critiquing the lacuna that exists within Asian American Jurisprudence, specifically the erasure of criminalized AAPIs’ voices and experiences. I then demonstrate that AAPIs are caught in the carceral web of mass incarceration by highlighting the lived experiences of AAPI youth within the school-to-prison pipeline, in addition to excavating the minimal publicly available data on AAPI prison populations. Adopting multidisciplinary and multimodal methods, I identify and analyze distinct forms of racial profiling and racialized bullying that drive AAPI students out of schools and into prisons. I pay specific attention to the criminalization of various AAPI youth subgroups as whiz kids, gang members, or terrorists. In uncovering previously unexamined dimensions of the criminal system, I stress how the exclusion of AAPIs in critical discourse obscures the actual scale of the carceral state, erases complex intra- and interracial dynamics of power, marginalizes criminalized AAPIs, and concurrently reinforces anti-Blackness and other toxic ideologies. The Article reaffirms critical race, intersectional, and abolitionist analyses of race and criminalization. It also directly links Asian American Jurisprudence to on-going abolitionist critiques of the prison industrial complex. I conclude with a proffer of abolitionist-informed solutions to the school-to-prison pipeline such as the implementation of an Ethnic Studies curriculum. Lastly, I issue a call, particularly to AAPI communities, for fiercer and more meaningful coalition-building.
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Kilinskas, Kęstutis. „The Echoes of Danger from Tallinnn: The Reaction of the Lithuanian Armed Forces Command to the Communist Uprising in Tallinn on 1st of December in 1924“. Lietuvos istorijos studijos 45 (21.07.2020): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2020.45.7.
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The article analyzes the reaction of the Lithuanian Armed Forces Command to the Communist putsch in Tallinn in 1924. News to the Lithuanian Armed Forces command about the communist uprising in Tallinn was reached through diplomatic channels, newspapers published in Lithuania and the Political Police. Following the events in Estonia, the Lithuanian Armed Forces Command realized the danger of a communist uprising in Lithuania and developed military plans to suppress a possible communist uprising. According to these plans, units of the Armed Forces and Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union had to protect the most important state objects (railway lines, highways, bridges, stations, state institutions, banks, prisons, postal, telephone and telegraph stations), ensure their functioning during the Communist uprising anywhere in Lithuania and we ready to fight Communist uprising. The entire territory of Lithuania, according to the borders of the Military Garissons, was divided into security areas, and arial commanders were appointed, in each area the most important objects of the state were identified and divisions of troops and rifles were assigned to protect them.
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Dasgupta, Sabyasachi. „Book Review: The Indian Uprising of 1857–58: Prisons, Prisoners and Rebellion“. Studies in History 27, Nr. 1 (Februar 2011): 133–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/025764301102700108.
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KITLV, Redactie. „Book Reviews“. Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 162, Nr. 4 (2008): 523–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003665.
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I Wayan Arka, Malcolm Ross (eds); The many faces of Austronesian voice systems; Some new empirical studies (René van den Berg) H.W. Dick; Surabaya, city of work; A socioeconomic history, 1900-2000 (Peter Boomgaard) Josiane Cauquelin; The aborigines of Taiwan: the Puyuma; From headhunting to the modern world. (Wen-Teh Chen) Mark Turner, Owen Podger (with Maria Sumardjono and Wayan K. Tirthayasa); Decentralisation in Indonesia; Redesigning the state (Dorian Fougères) Jérôme Samuel; Modernisation lexicale et politique terminologique; Le cas de l’Indonésien (Arndt Graf) Nicholas J. White; British business in post-colonial Malaysia, 1957-70: neo-colonialism or disengagement? (Karl Hack) Chin Peng; Alias Chin Peng; My side of history; As told to Ian Ward and Norma Miraflor (Russell Jones) C.C. Chin, Karl Hack (eds); Dialogues with Chin Peng; New light on the Malayan Emergency (Russell Jones) Saw Swee-Hock; Population policies and programmes in Singapore (Santo Koesoebjono) Domenyk Eades; A grammar of Gayo; A language of Aceh, Sumatra (Yuri A. Lander) Derek Johnson, Mark Valencia (eds); Piracy in Southeast Asia; Status, issues, and responses (Carolyn Liss) Niclas Burenhult; A grammar of Jahai (James A. Matisoff) Ann R. Kinney, Marijke J. Klokke, Lydia Kieven (photographs by Rio Helmi); Worshiping Siva and Buddha; The temple art of East Java (Dick van der Meij) Ruben Stoel; Focus in Manado Malay; Grammar, particles, and intonation (Don van Minde) Pamela J. Stewart, Andrew Strathern (eds); Expressive genres and historical change; Indonesia, Papua New Guinea and Taiwan. (Dianne van Oosterhout) Johszua Robert Mansoben; Sistem politik tradisional di Irian Jaya, Indonesia; Studi perbandingan (Anton Ploeg) Timothy B. Barnard (ed.); Contesting Malayness; Malay identities across boundaries (Nathan Porath) Joel Bradshaw, Francisc Czobor (eds); Otto Dempwolff’s grammar of the Jabêm language in New Guinea (Ger Reesink) Jon Fraenkel; The manipulation of custom; From uprising to intervention in the Solomon Islands (Jaap Timmer) Clive Moore; Happy isles in crisis; The historical causes for a failing state in Solomon Islands, 1998-2004 (Jaap Timmer) Peter Burns; The Leiden legacy; Concepts of law in Indonesia (Bryan S. Turner) Terry Crowley; Bislama reference grammar (Kees Versteegh) REVIEW ESSAY Matthew Isaac Cohen; Transnational and postcolonial gamelan Lisa Gold; Music in Bali Margaret J. Kartomi; The Gamelan Digul and the prison camp musician who built it; An Australian link with the Indonesian revolution Marc Perlman; Unplayed melodies; Javanese gamelan and the genesis of music theory Ted Solís (ed.); Performing ethnomusicology; Teaching and representation in world music ensembles Henry Spiller; Gamelan; The traditional sounds of Indonesia Andrew N. Weintraub; Power plays; Wayang golek theater of West Java REVIEW ESSAY Victor T. King; People and nature in Borneo Tim Bending; Penan histories; Contentious narratives in upriver Sarawak Rajindra K. Puri; Deadly dances in the Bornean rainforest; Hunting knowledge of the Penan Benalui, 2005 Reed L. Wadley (ed.); Histories of the Borneo environment; Economic, political and social dimensions of change and continuity In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde no. 162 (2006), no: 4, Leiden
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Moore, Alexandra, und Rachel Nelson. „Barring Freedom: Art, Abolition and the Museum in Pandemic Times“. Journal of Curatorial Studies 11, Nr. 1 (01.04.2022): 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jcs_00055_1.
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Barring Freedom, a travelling exhibition featuring artworks engaging the histories and current conditions of prisons and policing in the United States, was to open in April 2020. While COVID-19 disrupted that plan, the realities of inequity in the United States placed into stark relief by the pandemic and the uprisings of summer 2020 brought urgency to rethinking the curatorial vision of the exhibition to reach audiences beyond the gallery walls. Buoyed by the idea that, in the words of Angela Davis, art can ‘propel people towards social emancipation’, the exhibition and related programming was reconceived as an ongoing, interdisciplinary, public scholarship initiative reaching across the borders normally perceived between museums, prisons and universities. Opportunities arose for expanded forms of community building and participation that welcomed different forms of knowledge, furthering the political and aesthetic aims of the project to shift the social attachment to prisons.
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Kristeva, Julia. „New Forms of Revolt“. Journal of French and Francophone Philosophy 22, Nr. 2 (16.12.2014): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jffp.2014.650.
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Popular uprisings, indignant youth, toppled dictators, oligarchic presidents dismissed, hopes dashed, liberties crushed in prisons, fixed trials, and bloodbaths. How are we to read these images? Could revolt, or what is called “riot” on the Web, be waking humanity from its dream of hyperconnectedness? Or could it just be a trick played on us so that the culture of spectacle can last longer? But what “revolt” are we talking about? Is it even possible?
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Kaplan, Caren, und Andrea Miller. „Drones as “Atmospheric Policing”“. Public Culture 31, Nr. 3 (01.09.2019): 419–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-7532679.
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The use of drones to supplement and operationalize US border enforcement and municipal policing disturbs the supposed boundary between military and civilian or battleground and home front. Situating drones in an expanded field of a war power–police power nexus draws together histories of so-called small wars, insurgencies, civil rebellions, labor strikes, prison uprisings, and practices of resistance at various scales that have responded and continue to respond to colonial occupation and racial capitalism. Once we situate drones as a technology of atmospheric policing, we develop a better understanding of the ways these assemblages converge with other forms of atmospheric violence, including the toxic colonial present of warfare.
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Casanova Ruiz, Julian. „REFORMS VERSUS REVOLUTION: ANARCHISM AND THE SECOND REPUBLIC“. Latin-American Historical Almanac 32, Nr. 1 (12.04.2021): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-32-1-13-34.
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The CNT maintained very difficult relations with the Republic and ex-perienced different states of mind, from the initial expectations of some to the useless insurrections of others, passing through the hostility of the majority of its affiliates. When all these roads were being remade, the military uprising of July 1936 arrived. Suddenly, anarcho-syndicalism found what it had sought so badly without success, with its historic opportunity to make revolution, to make the egalitarian dream come true. It is an eight-year story that ended, after the victory of Franco's army, in tragedy for Spanish anarchism, with thousands of its militants killed, in prisons or in exile.
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Khattab, Fatma. „Critical Review: The Impact of Political Prisons on Political Participation (The Case of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood)“. International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 30, Nr. 2 (30.12.2022): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.30.03.
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Many revolutionary figures throughout history proved their corrupted intention whenever they reached authority (e.g., the Iranian revolution, Burma’s Aung Suu Kyi). Some political leaders in Egypt claim they own it all depending on whom they represented in the latest major social uprising, and they define what is moral or who shall be the target for future political manoeuvres of the ruling military regime. With no one taking the lead for democratising the system, and the ex-minister of defence, incumbent President Abdelfattah Al-Sisi allegedly caught up in an internal fight with a corrupt government, the country’s better future seems to be a long and arduous struggle away. This paper addresses the overlapping and misleading media and political utterances of Egyptian opposition, who either takes a popular stand or loses followers through democratisation itself.
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Jacobs, Aaron. „Qualified Immunity: State Power, Vigilantism and the History of Racial Violence“. Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 20, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2021): 553–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781421000426.
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Since the historic uprisings sparked by the murder of George Floyd, growing calls to defund the police have upended mainstream political discourse in the United States. Outrage at appalling evidence of rampant police brutality and an entrenched culture of impunity have moved to the very center of public debate what were until recently dismissed as radical demands. This dramatic shift has, among other things, opened up space for discussion of the history of policing and the prison-industrial complex more broadly. In particular, abolitionists have urged examination of the deep roots of our contemporary situation. As the organizer and educator Mariame Kaba argued in an editorial published in The New York Times, “There is not a single era in United States history in which the police were not a force of violence against black people.”1 That a statement like this would appear in the paper of record reflects a paradigm shift in popular understandings of the history of the criminal legal system.
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Salime, Zakia. „“I Vote I Sing”: The Rise of Aesthetic Citizenship in Morocco“. International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, Nr. 1 (Februar 2015): 136–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001494.
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“We are all enraged. Why don't you arrest us?” chanted protestors in the courtroom during the trial of El-Haqed (the enraged), a twenty-four-year-old rapper from Casablanca. El-Haqed is an active member of the 20 February movement (Feb20), which extended the 2011 North African uprisings to Morocco. Many believe that the civil charges brought several times against him are related to his political activism with Feb20 and his daring lyrics. El-Haqed's song “Long Live the People” is thought to be behind his first arrest because it disrupts the phrase “Long Live the King.” In June 2014, El-Haqed was sentenced to prison for the first time for a period of four months. While attending a sports match, he was arrested on charges of selling tickets on the black market. His multiple arrests, and Feb20 members’ sustained mobilizations against them, reveal that the rapper is not only an iconic figure for youth protesters, but also one of their greatest rallying forces.
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Mykhalchuk, R. „GENOCIDE OF THE JEWS OF WESTERN VOLYN ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE TOWN MIZOCH IN 1942.“ Intermarum history policy culture, Nr. 11 (01.12.2022): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112039.
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The purpose of the researchs is to analyze the Nazi policy of the Holocaust using the example of the Volyn town of Mizoch. On the basis of historiographic and source studies, recreate the process of «solving the Jewish question», in particular, the action of October 13–14, 1942. The methodology is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity. The research was carried out thanks to general scientific and special-historical methods. The methods of scientific criticism and archival heuristics are applied. Special attention is paid to the method of oral history. Scientific novelty. On the basis of a wide range of sources, the process of the killing of Jews in Mizoch in 1942 is analyzed, and an assessment of the debatable nature of the topic of the number of victims is given. The research is based on the analysis of archival data (Ukrainian, foreign) and the interview of Holocaust witnesses conducted by the author himself. Most of these sources were introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. Conclusions. The implementation of the Holocaust in Mizoch was carried out by the method of killing Jews during the 1942 action («Holocaust by bullets»). In addition, Jews were killed during pogroms, in prisons, in ghettos and other locations; organized a hunt for those who were hiding. Members of the Ukrainian police involved in the «solution of the Jewish question» primarily performed auxiliary functions, but they shot the victims when they tried to escape. There are diferent datas on the number of Jews killed in Mizoch, but the more likely quantitative indicators are 1,700–2,300 Jews killed in October 1942. Among them, about 200 people died in the ghetto during the uprising and fire. The ghetto inmates tried to resist. Forms of physical resistance to the occupiers appeared both at the individual and group level. Jews escaped during the killing campaign, and in the ghetto they tried to organize an uprising. The behavior of local non-Jewish residents towards the victims of the Holocaust varied (from helpfulness to indifference). In some cases, they hid and saved them, in others they were assistants of the occupiers and accomplices of criminals.
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Haq, Inamul. „Kashmir Conflict and the Advent of Torture: An Overview“. Randwick International of Social Science Journal 1, Nr. 1 (25.04.2020): 42–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v1i1.9.
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Modern states have built burgeoning detention facilities like immigration centers, prisons and police cells that engage in torture and other cruel, inhuman treatments. The law enforcement agencies engage in torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment in the name of counter- terrorism, security threats and soon. The state uses torture and makes it clear that enhanced interrogation techniques makes a person from kidnapping to extra-ordinary rendition, from citizen to unlawful enemy combatant and from human to terrorist. The valley of Kashmir faces torture and other cruel inhuman treatments since insurgency began in 1990’s, with violent uprising and have elicited terrorism. Methods like torture is used as a tool of counter- insurgency by Indian security forces. The government of India used all efforts to crush the movement of self- determination of Kashmir. The strong response from India violates the human rights and international humanitarian laws. The law enforcement agencies, army and para- military forces have engaged in reprisal attacks against civilians resulting in indiscriminate firing, search operations, gang-rapes and burning of houses in the valley. After 1990, the situation in the Kashmir valley deteriorated and Kashmir was declared a disturbed area and laws like Disturbed Area Act (DAA) 1990, Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) 1990 and Public Safety Act (PSA) 1978 were imposed. The purpose of the paper is to examine the concept of Torture in Kashmir valley and bring to light the plight of the victims in the valley.
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Faris, David. „Multiplicities of Purpose: The Auditorium Building, the State, and the Transformation of Arab Digital Media“. International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, Nr. 2 (27.04.2015): 343–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815000082.
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Digital media played a key role in a number of uprisings that later became known as the Arab Spring. Now that this moment of resistance has largely given way to a tumultuous and unsettled regional order, we can ask what role these media forms are playing in the new ecology of the postuprisings Middle East. I would argue that we are witnessing a period of experimentation—journalists are attempting to generate both revenue and dissent under circumstances that range from unsettled (Tunisia) to increasingly repressive (Jordan), while proto-state actors and transnational jihadis are exploiting social media to attract supporters and influence diverse audiences. What is clear is that in many states the digital arrangement that characterized the 2000s—activist bloggers squaring off openly with recalcitrant and often clueless states—is gone. States are now more aware of and careful about the strategies they employ vis-à-vis digital dissent. In places such as Egypt, some of the most vocal activists are in prison. In Jordan, they have returned to producing journalism that skirts the line between tolerated and forbidden. Across the region digital media activists are grappling with disillusionment about the trajectory of the Arab Spring, while digital spaces are sites for transnational contestation, including by the most successful challenger to the state system since Jamal ʿAbd al-Nasir in the 1950s, the Islamic State (IS). ʿAbd al-Nasir famously used radio to breach the information firewalls erected by new Arab states. IS has similarly employed the technologies of the day to execute a plan of even greater ambition and reach—far from reaching out only across national boundaries within the subsystem, IS militants have crafted a transnational media operation of remarkable scope, one that has drawn tens of thousands of recruits not only from the Middle East but also from Europe, the United States, and Asia.
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Bećirović, Denis. „Contribution to Research of the position and activity of Labour movements in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the end of the First World War until the beginning of the Husin Rebellion“. Historijski pogledi 4, Nr. 5 (31.05.2021): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.87.
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Based on archival material and relevant literature, this text analyses and presents the activities of the labour movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first years after the end of the First World War. During this period, the struggle for workers'rights, mostly through strike actions, resulted, among other things, in an increase in wages, the introduction of eight-hour working days in most companies, the exercise of the right to elect workers' commissioners and trade unions. The workers managed to get other benefits related to the economic position of the workers, such as retail co-operatives, apartments, assistance in purchasing work suits, etc. Workers' representatives fought for a radically better position and a new place in society. In addition to eight-hour working days, higher wages and other demands to improve the material position of workers, strikes against the political disenfranchisement of workers were conducted during this period, as well as for political freedoms and democratisation of political life in the country. During 1919 and 1920, several strikes about pay were organised by miners, construction workers and metalworkers in the forest industry, catering workers and employees in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Bijeljina, Brčko, Zenica, Breza, Mostar, Zavidovići, Dobrljin, Lješljani, Maslovarama and Rogatica. It was part of over 125 strikes by workers in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the period of legal activity of the Socialist Labour Party of Yugoslavia (SLPY) (c), i.e. the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) and its close trade unions. At the initiative of the SLPY (c) and united syndicates, public political assemblies were organised in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Zenica, Mostar, Brčko, Derventa, Vareš and Drvar, at which demands were put forward to dissolve the authorities, and organise democratic elections for the Constituent Assembly and demobilise the army. The aggravation of the political situation in the first post-war years was noticeable in many local communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a number of cities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there were physical confrontations between workers and security bodies of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. One such example occurred, in Zenica in mid-October 1920, when police banned the Communists' attempt to hold an assembly despite a previously imposed ban. On that occasion, the gathered mass of 2,500 workers refused to disperse and demanded that the assembly be held. After the police and the gendarmerie tried to disperse the gathered workers, there was open conflict. Workers threw stones at security officials, and they responded by firing firearms. The rally was eventually broken up, one worker was wounded and twelve workers were hurt during a clash with police. Owing to the increasing engagement of workers' representatives, the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina worsened. It was not uncommon to have open conflicts between workers and government officials. After the collapse of the Husino uprising, the position of workers deteriorated. Also, this paper discusses the impact of the revolutions in Eastern and Central Europe on the labour movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Ricordeau, Gwénola. „Heather Ann Thompson, Blood in The Water. The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Its Legacy , (NY: Pantheon Books, 2016), 724pp., $35“. Radical Americas, 10.08.2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.14324/111.444.ra.2018.v3.1.006.
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Balcerek, Mariusz. „Pamiętniki z aresztu w Hausvogtei. Imienniki księdza Cypriana Jarochowskiego i Józefa Matuszewskiego“. Textus et Studia, Nr. 1/2(13/14) (11.01.2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/tes.04103.
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This article aims to provide researchers unknown diaries from the time of the January Uprising. Within this framework, we will discuss their content and will try to identify the people who signed up to them. We will also take a closer look at the circumstances in which one of them went to the Toruń library. Research method: Analysis of manuscripts and review of the literature. Results/Conclusions: The namesakes presented are interesting souvenirs after the participation of Poles from the Prussian partition in the January Uprising. The fact that they were kept in the Hausvogtei detention facility in Berlin testifies to the level of freedom in the Prussian penitentiary system. They can be an excellent source for research on the specificity of prison life, and in exceptional circumstances, which was the show trial in 1864.
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Chetty, Rajendra. „Anfractuous Narratives, Human Rights and Precarity in Fatima Meer’s Prison Diary“. Imbizo 13, Nr. 1 (22.05.2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2663-6565/10213.
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This article offers an analysis of South African writer and political activist Fatima Meer’s Prison Diary: One Hundred and Thirteen Days and addresses the ways in which her creative imagination has been triggered by feelings of vulnerability and precarity within the context of racism and injustice. The analysis leans on Bryan Turner’s notion of vulnerability and human rights and Judith Butler’s thoughts on precarious lives. Meer’s narrative is anfractuous given the many roles she played in society, resulting in a memoir that is replete with windings and intricate turnings. Her plots and paths as an academic, artist, sociologist, writer, prisoner, Mandela’s biographer, political activist and human rights campaigner are anfractuous—they twist and turn but do not break. Turner notes that without an ethical commitment realistically to follow one’s vocation or one’s fate, a human being cannot achieve “personality.” In Weber’s ethical system, being a “personality” means having devotion to a cause or acting passionately in terms of a career or course of action that one has rationally chosen. Meer’s politics, activism and commitment to social justice were never divided from her academic inquiry. Her memoir describes her 113 days’ incarceration in the Johannesburg jail in 1976 during the Soweto uprising. The memoir is easily interpreted as a classic postcolonial text, yet this diary of imprisonment may well reflect random moments in the lives of different people—social connectedness of a less obvious nature, yet of significance in glimpsing a common global humanity.