Thematische Bibliographien / Prison uprising

Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Prison uprising“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 27. Juli 2024

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 29. Juli 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Prison uprising"

Rodriques, Elias. „The Poetry of a Prison Uprising“. Dissent 70, Nr. 1 (Januar 2023): 100–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2023.0033.

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Featherstone, Richard. „Lucasville: The Untold Story of a Prison Uprising“. Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 34, Nr. 5 (September 2005): 546–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610503400556.

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Legieć, Jacek. „The prison in Kielce during the January uprising“. Res Historica 39 (09.12.2015): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2015.0.95.

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Finikovskyi, Yurii. „PARTICIPATION OF DANYLO SHUMUK IN THE NORILSK UPRISING“. Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, Nr. 30 (30.11.2020): 98–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2020-30-98-104.

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The Norilsk uprising was a major strike by Gulag inmates in Gorlag, a special camp mostly for political prisoners, in the summer of 1953, shortly after Joseph Stalin’s death. About 70% of inmates were Ukrainians, many of whom had been sentenced for 25 years to the so-called «Bandera Standard». It was the first major revolt within the Gulag system in 1953-1954. Between May 26 and August 4, 1953, the inmates of the Gorlag-Main camp went on strike, which lasted 69 days. This was the longest uprising in the history of the Gulag. The preconditions for the uprising can be seen as the following: the arrival of waves of prisoners to the Gorlag, who had participated in the uprisings of 1952, the death of Stalin on March 5, 1953 and the fact that the amnesty that followed his death only applied to (non-political) criminals and convicts with short prison terms, the percentage of which was very low in Gorlag. All categories of inmates took part in the uprising, with the leading roles played by former military men and participants of national liberation movements of western Ukraine, Georgia and the Baltics. Norilsk uprising combined various forms of protest – hunger strike, resignation, riot, armed uprising. One of the leaders of the uprising was Danylo Shumuk, a former employee of one of the UPA’s political divisions. The article describes the participation of a Ukrainian political prisoner, a participant in the national liberation movement in Volyn during World War II, Danylo Shumuk in the organization of the Norilsk Uprising of Political Prisoners (June-August 1953). The process of creating a conspiratorial formation by an activist – a «Selfhelp organization», the goals, composition, methods of activity of its members, the relationship between them are shown. On the basis of domestic and foreign sources, the forms of protest of prisoners and their demands were analyzed. The main results of the struggle of political prisoners and their future fate are highlighted. It is evidence-based the Ukrainian central role in Norilsk uprising, which was one of the strongest in the history of the Gulag, and resulted its reformation.

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SEN, ATREYEE. „Torture and Laughter: Naxal insurgency, custodial violence, and inmate resistance in a women's correctional facility in 1970s Calcutta“. Modern Asian Studies 52, Nr. 3 (Mai 2018): 917–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000142.

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AbstractThis article explores the politics of surveillance, suppression, and resistance within a women's correctional facility in 1970s Calcutta, a city in eastern India. I highlight the excessively violent treatment of women political prisoners, who were captured and tortured for their active participation in a Maoist guerrilla (Naxal) movement. I argue that the state officials who formed the lowest rung of the government's machinery to supress the movement—the police, prison guards, and wardens—partially usurped these carceral worlds during conditions of social unrest to create small regimes of de facto sovereignty over prison publics. During that critical period in the history of political uprising in the region, the central government coercively implemented a series of ‘constitutional actions’ in the name of internal security threats and withdrew civil liberties from Indian citizens. Political opponents were captured and imprisoned, and prisons became a space for licensed excess. I show how women political prisoners cooperated and conspired with women convicts (the latter having nurtured their own coping skills and structures to deal with persecution and negligence while in the detention system) to develop multiple forms of resistance to the extra-legal use of authority in prison, especially in the context of a volatile socio-political environment in the city.

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Anthony, Thalia, und Vicki Chartrand. „States of prison abolition: COVID-19 and anti-colonial and anti-racist organising“. Justice, Power and Resistance 5, Nr. 1-2 (Mai 2022): 46–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/ogmv7926.

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Until recently, carceral and penal logics have proliferated the global scene unabated. The coronavirus pandemic not only ushered a moment of pause for the world, but in some areas, even a reversal in carceral trends. In many countries, some sectors experienced unprecedented reductions in imprisonment and migrant detention. Even where the pandemic advanced more invasive carceral controls, such as with policing through health checks and issuing tickets, it also fuelled global resistance through the Black Lives Matter movement. In the wake of the pandemic, an uprising of activists, advocates and supporters captured the public imagination with anti-racist and abolition uprisings and advances in community care. In the lands now known as Australia and Canada, where the criminalisation and incarceration of Indigenous people has been increasing, this mobilising has resulted in important alliances and advancements to challenge these carceral and penal trajectories. In this article, we trace several abolitionist initiatives to show how the convergence of COVID-19 and anti-racist and anti-colonial movements catalysed an important moment for abolitionist organising.

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Dyukov, Alexander. „“My Dear Marylka!” Unknown Ante-mortem Letters of Konstantin Kalinovsky – the Leader of 1863 Polish Uprising in Lithuania and Belarus“. Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 3 (15.10.2023): 369–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2023-0-3-369-389.

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In the article we fi nd previously unknown documents found by the article author in the archives of Russia and Lithuania, namely the letters of Konstantin Kalinovsky – the leader of the 1863 uprising in Lithuania and Belarus, - which he wrote while held in prison. The comparison of Kalinovsly’s letters written in prison with the materials of the archive investigatory documents pertaining to his case allows one to see the extraordinary image of the revolutionary, - a Catholic believer, Lithuanian identity bearer (gentis Lithuanus, natione Polonus), a person of Polish culture and language, who was sincerely attached to historic Lithuania and saw its future within Poland.

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Farraj, Khalid. „The First Intifada: Hope and the Loss of Hope“. Journal of Palestine Studies 47, Nr. 1 (2017): 86–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.47.1.86.

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In this reflection on the First Intifada (1987–93), Khalid Farraj recounts his very personal experience as an active member of the uprising. In addition to describing the harsh conditions in Israeli detention at the Ansar 3 prison in the southern Negev, Farraj details the ways in which the uprising was organized at the grassroots, fueling the hopes and dreams of an entire generation of Palestinians. He relates his own arrest in March 1988 during a security sweep of Jalazun refugee camp where he grew up and his work as an activist leafleting and disseminating information among the community. Farraj also provides a glimpse into the workings of the uprising both at the grassroots and at the level of the clandestine local leadership known as the Unified National Leadership of the Uprising (UNLU, al-qiyada al-muwwahida). Despite the letdown subsequent to the Oslo process, which yielded neither self-determination nor liberation for the Palestinians, the First Intifada remains a pivotal moment of Palestinian history, which Farraj looks back on with feeling but without nostalgia. This first-person text was translated from the Arabic by Nehad Khader and Maia Tabet. The original appeared in issue 110 (Spring 2017) of Majallat al-Dirasat al-Filastiniyya.

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Metzer, David. „Prisoners’ Voices“. Journal of Musicology 38, Nr. 1 (01.01.2021): 109–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2021.38.1.109.

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Frederic Rzewski composed Coming Together and Attica in response to the 1971 uprising at the Attica Correctional Facility. The texts for the works draw upon testimonies of two men who participated in the riot: Samuel Melville and Richard X. Clark, respectively. Rzewski condemns the government crackdown on the uprising through representations of both prisoners and prison. In these and other works, the prisoner is a figure of suffering. Both Melville and Clark suffer through efforts to raise a voice about the hardships of incarceration only to have that voice break apart into fragments and silence. Prison emerges as a space of increasing confinement, conveyed by rigorous compositional schemes that tightly link individual sections and close them off in a larger sealed structure. The musical evocation of confinement along with the expression of psychological distress in the texts creates scenes of suffering. Through these scenes, Rzewski brings out the infliction of pain that scholars have viewed as a fundamental aspect of incarceration. The interaction between the critiques of incarceration and the compositional schemes in Coming Together and Attica is an example of how artists at the time (Steve Reich and sculptor Melvin Edwards) drew upon abstract idioms and materials in works that comment on contemporary political developments.

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Bernstein, Lee. „Blood in the water: the Attica Prison uprising of 1971 and its legacy“. Sixties 10, Nr. 2 (03.07.2017): 262–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17541328.2017.1396738.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Prison uprising"

Trimonienė, Rūta. „Paminklai Lietuvos sovietinio genocido aukoms ir rezistencijos dalyviams atminti (1941-1953, 1988-2006 m.)“. Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2006~D_20140702_191653-82567.

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SANTRAUKA Sovietinės okupacijos metu žuvo ir nukentėjo apie 350 tūkst. Lietuvos gyventojų. Visų jų atminimui nuo 1941 m. su pertraukomis buvo statomi įvairių tipų paminklai. Tyrimo objektas – rezistencijos dalyvių ir sovietinio genocido aukų įamžinimo paminklais procesas, jo ypatumai ir kylančios problemos, taip pat vietovių ir statinių, įamžintų paminklais, apskaitos ir įpaveldinimo klausimai. Jie iki šiol nenagrinėti ir nėra sulaukę tyrimo. Darbo tikslas – atskleisti Lietuvos gyventojų sovietinio genocido aukų ir rezistencijos dalyvių atminimo įamžinimo ir įpaveldinimo procesus bei su jais susijusias problemas. Tam įgyvendinti yra iškeliami šie uždaviniai: 1. nustatyti paminklų statybos etapus ir statytojų grupes, jas apibūdinti; 2. išsiaiškinti, kaip vykdoma vietovių ir statinių, pažymėtų paminklais, apskaita, koks šių objektų skirstymas; 3. apžvelgti, kaip vykdomi vietovių ir statinių tvarkymo bei įamžinimo darbai; 4. išsiaiškinti, kokios yra įamžinimo ir įpaveldinimo problemos. Tyrimo chronologija – tyrimas pradedamas XX a 5–uoju dešimtmečiu, kadangi jame prasidėjo pirmoji paminklų statymo banga ir įamžinimo darbai. Procesas nėra baigtinis, jis vyksta ir dabar, todėl apsibrėžiame 2006 m. Remiantis darbo tyrimu paminklų statyba sovietinio genocido aukų ir rezistencinio judėjimo dalyvių atminimui Lietuvoje vyko trimis etapais, kur memorialinių vietovių teritorijų tvarkymą, paminklų statybą ir memorialinių statinių ženklinimą vykdė įvairūs žmonės ir organizacijos, kuriuos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
SUMMARY OF MASTER’S WORK During the Soviet occupation, around 350,000 Lithuanian residents suffered and died. From 1941 on, with interruptions, monuments of various kinds have been built to commemorate all of them. The subject of this investigation is the process of immortalizing members of the resistance movement and victims of Soviet genocide in monuments, the specific features of and problems encountered in this process, as well as issues concerning the inventory and memorialization of sites and buildings recognized as monuments. These have not been the subject of any study hitherto and have not been the focus of investigation. The goal of this work is to disclose the processes and associated problems of commemorating and memorializing Lithuanian victims of Soviet genocide and members of the resistance. To achieve this goal, the following tasks were formulated: 1. to determine the phases of monument construction and groups of builders, and to characterize them; 2. to explain how inventory of sites and buildings recognized as monuments takes place and how these objects are categorized; 3. to survey how work is carried out for the maintenance and commemoration of sites and buildings; 4. to ascertain the nature of problems involved in commemoration and memorialization. Based on the work of our investigation, the construction of monuments commemorating victims of Soviet genocide and members of the resistance movement took place in three phases in Lithuania, a process in which... [to full text]

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Belczak, Daniel. „"Blood for Blood Must Fall": Capital Punishment, Imprisonment, and Criminal Law Reform in Antebellum Wisconsin“. Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1619464665680271.

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Bücher zum Thema "Prison uprising"

Lynd, Staughton. Lucasville: The untold story of a prison uprising. 2. Aufl. Oakland, CA: PM Press, 2011.

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Roger, Morris. The devil's butcher shop: The New Mexico prison uprising. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988.

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Roger, Morris. The devil's butcher shop: The New Mexico prison uprising. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988.

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Stasse, Lisa M. The uprising. New York: Simon & Schuster Books for Young Readers, 2013.

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Rowińska, Leokadia. That the nightingale return: Memoir of the Polish resistance, the Warsaw uprising, and German P.O.W. camps. Jefferson, N.C: McFarland, 1999.

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Orchard, Aria. Uprising, the Vaughn 17. Primedia eLaunch LLC, 2022.

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Orchard, Aria. Uprising, the Vaughn 17 Hardcover. Primedia eLaunch LLC, 2022.

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V17 Speaks. V17 Comrades, 2022.

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Hanna, James. The Siege: A Prison Uprising Redefines Justice. Sand Hill Review Press, 2017.

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The Siege: A Prison Uprising Redefines Justice. Sand Hill Review Press, 2013.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Prison uprising"

Sakr, Rita. „‘We Would Meet Them One Day, and Call Them to Account for Their Oppression’: Post-2005 Prison Writings in Syria“. In 'Anticipating' the 2011 Arab Uprisings, 71–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137294739_4.

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„7 Beyond Democracy: The Attica Prison Uprising“. In Politics in Captivity, 164–84. Fordham University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781531507053-009.

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Shull, Kristina. „Somos los Abandonados“. In Detention Empire, 186–231. University of North Carolina PressChapel Hill, NC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469669861.003.0007.

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Abstract The book’s final chapter follows the indefinite detention of Mariel Cubans throughout the 1980s and argues that the US government’s handling of this refugee group helped to cement new immigration detention and “crimmigration” policies in place by decade’s end. As the Reagan administration sought new sites to build a more permanent kind of detention center in fulfillment of the Mass Immigration Emergency Plan and in collaboration with the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) and the Bureau of Prisons, it confronted community-level resistance. However, it found solutions in the neoliberal economics of privatization, the adoption of private prison contracting, and in prison boosterism embraced by economically depressed communities in US sunbelt regions such as Oakdale, Louisiana. The chapter concludes by recounting a 15-day dual prison uprising and takeover led by Mariel Cubans detained at Oakdale and the Atlanta Federal Penitentiary, the longest such uprising in US history. Negotiations between Mariel Cubans and the US government and media coverage of events revealed how Cubans appealed to US audiences for due process and freedom, and how the INS subsequently retaliated against the uprising by denying due process and dispersing Mariel Cubans to prisons across the country.

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Useem, Bert, Camille Graham Camp und George M. Camp. „United States Penitentiary, Atlanta“. In Resolution of Prison Riots, 11–38. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195093247.003.0002.

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Abstract This uprising by Cuban nationals lasted 11 days, involved more than 100 hostages, and required protracted negotiations to resolve. It occurred concurrently with a nine-day disturbance, also by Cuban nationals, at the Federal Detention Center, Oakdale, Louisiana. The combined cost of the two riots to the federal government was over $100 million. (Both the Atlanta and Oakdale facilities are part of the Bureau of Prisons [BOP], U.S. Department of Justice.) Like the Attica riot of 15 years earlier, the Atlanta and Oakdale incidents became benchmarks against which to compare other prison disturbances and strategies to resolve them. The BOP itself undertook the task of redesigning its emergency response strategy based on what it learned from Atlanta and Oakdale. Those changes were put to the test in the summer of 1991 when Cuban detainees rioted at Talladega, Alabama (see chapter 3).

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Sherry, Michael S. „War on Crime in Vietnam’s Wake, 1969–1973“. In The Punitive Turn in American Life, 35–54. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469660707.003.0003.

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Richard Nixon’s politics and penchant for vengeance, rising agitation in and about America’s prisons, and conflict over the Vietnam War’s legacy (especially for veterans) fuelled Nixon’s destructive, though unsteady, war on crime and its focus on drugs. The rehabilitative ideal—the belief that imprisonment might redeem criminals—came under assault from many quarters, while the Attica Prison uprising in 1971 exposed conflicting currents of punishment and redemption.

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Gerard, Philip. „The “Dark Hole” at Salisbury“. In The Last Battleground, 39–44. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649566.003.0008.

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Pvt. Benjamin F. Booth, captured in the Battle of Cedar Creek, is imprisoned at Salisbury Prison, which become s a notorious death camp. Booth faithfully records all the deaths he witnesses in a secret diary-including those shot down in a prison uprising and some who were buried alive. An estimated 5,000 die at Salisbury. At last he is liberated and, emaciated and nearly naked, walks into Wilmington under a banner that reads “We Welcome You Home Our Brothers.” The USCT soldiers give him and his companions food, water, shoes, and uniforms as a band plays “Home, Sweet Home,” and many tears are shed.

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Young, Elliott. „“We Have No End”“. In Forever Prisoners, 119–57. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190085957.003.0005.

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In the spring and summer of 1980, 125,000 Cubans fled from the port of Mariel outside of Havana to Florida. By 1987, close to 2,400 Mariel Cubans were being held in prisons in Oakdale, Louisiana, and Atlanta, Georgia, because they had committed crimes in the United States and been ordered deported. Lacking the ability to carry out the deportation, the US government incarcerated the Cubans indefinitely. Upon learning in November 1987 that the Cuban government would accept some of these deportees, detainees in these two prisons rose up, seized 138 hostages, and set the prisons ablaze. After two weeks, the Cuban detainees surrendered once the US government agreed to individually review their asylum claims. The story of the longest prison uprising in US history reveals how law and order politics, emphasizing a heavy-handed policing of crime, merged with immigration restrictions in the 1980s to produce mass immigrant incarceration.

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Shull, Kristina. „Writing about the Abuses against Us“. In Detention Empire, 232–46. University of North Carolina PressChapel Hill, NC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469669861.003.0008.

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Abstract The book’s Postscript explores the legacies of Reagan-era immigration detention policymaking by detailing how the subsequent Clinton, Bush Jr., Obama, and Trump administrations embraced policies of “crimmigration” to expand immigration detention and surveillance practices, militarized border enforcement, and prison privatization. It recounts events surrounding an uprising at a private contract immigration detention facility in Elizabeth, New Jersey in the 1990s that led to a class-action lawsuit seeking redress, and community-led efforts over subsequent decades to challenge abusive detention conditions and practices by supporting and visiting people inside. It reflects upon personal and collective storytelling as effective modes of resistance to detention and introduces the concept of “abolitionist imaginaries” as a collective vision of a world without immigration detention, police, prisons, and/or borders.

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Reverby, Susan M. „Political Medicine“. In Co-conspirator for Justice, 52–64. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469656250.003.0005.

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Berkman’s high standing in medical school got in a prestigious internship at Columbia. But the extra care given to his white upper-class patients versus the poor he saw in the clinics tugged at his sense of justice as he saw the consequences of unequal treatment. After the state’s vicious retaking of the Attica Prison after a prisoner uprising, Berkman evaluated the medical conditions of the prisoners. He quit after the first year of internship and became instead a community doctor. With Barbara Zeller, he snuck medical supplies into the American Indian Movement stalwarts during the siege at Wounded Knee, escaping FBI surveillance. His intellectual commitment to politics now had a deeper emotional tone.

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Carico, Aaron. „Conclusion“. In Black Market, 184–200. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469655581.003.0006.

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The conclusion turns to the trap of the ghetto where Black Americans found themselves caught in the wake of the Great Migration, on the brink of another reformation in U.S. slave racial capitalism. Linking the racial geography of these spaces to the history of slave racial capitalism, it outlines the colonialism inherent in segregation, from zoning laws to slumming to the Bronx “slave markets.” It connects the ghetto to the plantation and to the rise of the prison and mass incarceration, ending with the Watts uprising of 1965 and the call for total abolition.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Prison uprising"

Laborde, Chandra M., und Stathis G. Yeros. „Trans-ecological Imaginations in San Francisco’s Tenderloin“. In 2022 AIA/ACSA Intersections Research Conference. ACSA Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.aia.inter.22.7.

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Much of the violence, social, and racial marginalization associated with downtown urban neighborhoods in the last forty years, exacerbated post-Covid, can be traced back to histories of targeted dispossession masked as urban redevelopment during those decades. This paper examines the dynamics of dispossession, disinvestment, and displacement in the context of the Tenderloin, an under-resourced downtown area in San Francisco.It focuses on the intersection of Turk and Taylor Streets in the Tenderloin as the site of a speculative design proposal aiming to reverse the erasure of Tenderloin’s activist past and the cultures of the queer and trans people who consider it home. The intersection was the site of a queer grassroots uprising against police brutality, the Compton’s Cafeteria Riot of 1966. The riot at Compton’s was spearheaded by street youth and gender-nonconforming people and occurred three years before the Stonewall Riot in New York which typically marks the beginning of the modern LGBTQ rights movement. As such, its symbolism extends far beyond the Tenderloin. Today, the three-story building that housed Compton’s Cafeteria at street level and a residential hotel above is operated as a halfway house by GEO Group, a for-profit prison company that also operated broadly criticized children detention spaces on the US-Mexico border.At a time when advances in LGBTQ rights during the last three decades are increasingly facing political and policy obstacles nationwide, Compton’s legacy and the building’s current use demonstrate American society’s enduring perception of specific bodies, especially those of queer, transgender, and non-binary people of color, as urban interlopers. Moreover, these bodies don’t fit mainstream representations of queerness as a predominantly white, middle-class, consumerist culture.

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Neupauer, František. „Dr. Korbuly Pál, sudca Štátneho súdu v Bratislave“. In Protistátní trestné činy včera a dnes. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9976-2021-10.

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The history of law indeed refers to persons handing down judgments and often offers interesting stories, such as the story of a judge working under various political regimes Dr. Pavel Korbuly (1906–1970). On May 4, 1934, Korbuly was appointed a single judge in criminal matters, after 1948 he became an instrument of justice under the communist regime and was one of the most active judges of the State Court in Bratislava. Prior to the Vienna Arbitration, he was a judge in the Czechoslovak Republic, then in Hungary, and after 1948 he was one of the judges who tried and sentenced victims of the communist regime (more than 500 people) in Slovakia. By the same communist regime, however, Korbuly was later prosecuted due to his active support of the anti-communist uprising in Hungary in 1956. Unlike others, he was one of the judges who had realized their responsibility for convicting the innocent and committed public repentance. From this perspective, his life story is unique in Central Europe as well as worldwide.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Prison uprising"

Walsh, Alex. The Contentious Politics of Tunisia’s Natural Resource Management and the Prospects of the Renewable Energy Transition. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), Februar 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.048.

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For many decades in Tunisia, there has been a robust link between natural resource management and contentious national and local politics. These disputes manifest in the form of protests, sit-ins, the disruption of production and distribution and legal suits on the one hand, and corporate and government response using coercive and concessionary measures on the other. Residents of resource-rich areas and their allies protest the inequitable distribution of their local natural wealth and the degradation of their health, land, water, soil and air. They contest a dynamic that tends to bring greater benefit to Tunisia’s coastal metropolitan areas. Natural resource exploitation is also a source of livelihoods and the contentious politics around them have, at times, led to somewhat more equitable relationships. The most important actors in these contentious politics include citizens, activists, local NGOs, local and national government, international commercial interests, international NGOs and multilateral organisations. These politics fit into wider and very longstanding patterns of wealth distribution in Tunisia and were part of the popular alienation that drove the uprising of 2011. In many ways, the dynamic of the contentious politics is fundamentally unchanged since prior to the uprising and protests have taken place within the same month of writing of this paper. Looking onto this scene, commentators use the frame of margins versus centre (‘marginalization’), and also apply the lens of labour versus capital. If this latter lens is applied, not only is there continuity from prior to 2011, there is continuity with the colonial era when natural resource extraction was first industrialised and internationalised. In these ways, the management of Tunisia’s natural wealth is a significant part of the country’s serious political and economic challenges, making it a major factor in the street politics unfolding at the time of writing.

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