Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Prison rebellion“
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1
Stark, Alejo. „Containing the Surplus Rebellion: Prison Strike/Prison Riot“. New Global Studies 14, Nr. 2 (25.07.2020): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2020-0015.
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AbstractThe 2016 and 2018 wave of prison strikes in the United States presents itself as an extraordinary flashpoint of the prisoner resistance movement. But how might these events be understood in relation to what has been broadly characterized as an “age of riots”? Following Joshua Clover’s characterization of the contemporary riot in Riot. Strike. Riot. as a “surplus rebellion” of racialized “surplus populations” and given the characterization of the contemporary carceral state as a warehouse to contain such racialized populations, this essay characterizes the contemporary wave of prison riots accordingly as a “surplus rebellion.” More specifically, it focuses on the Kinross prison strike-riot that broke out in September 2016 in Michigan’s Kinross prison in order to derive some general parallels between the surplus rebellion and the singularity of recent prison strikes.
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Martínez-Montes, Diana. „Insurgent Visions Of FREEDOM: Migrant Resistance Against The Settler Colonial Nation And Neoliberal Carceral State During The 1995 Esmor Immigration Prison Rebellion“. Swarthmore Undergraduate History Journal 1, Nr. 1 (2020): 37–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24968/2693-244x.1.1.2.
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The following paper provides a historical analysis of the 1995 New Jersey Esmor immigration prison rebellion and its aftermath, including two civil class actions, Jama v. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) and Jama v. Esmor Correctional Services Inc. The Esmor prison rebellion presents a rare example of migrant-led resistance efforts against the neoliberal Carceral State and settler colonial ideologies during the post-Civil Rights Era.
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Martínez-Montes, Diana. „Insurgent Visions Of FREEDOM: Migrant Resistance Against The Settler Colonial Nation And Neoliberal Carceral State During The 1995 Esmor Immigration Prison Rebellion“. Swarthmore Undergraduate History Journal, Nr. 1 (2020): 37–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24968/2693-244x.1.2.
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The following paper provides a historical analysis of the 1995 New Jersey Esmor immigration prison rebellion and its aftermath, including two civil class actions, Jama v. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) and Jama v. Esmor Correctional Services Inc. The Esmor prison rebellion presents a rare example of migrant-led resistance efforts against the neoliberal Carceral State and settler colonial ideologies during the post-Civil Rights Era.
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Smith, Catrin. „Punishment and Pleasure: Women, Food and the Imprisoned Body“. Sociological Review 50, Nr. 2 (Mai 2002): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.00363.
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Food assumes enormous importance in prison: for many prisoners it conditions their life in custody and, in many respects, is symbolic of the prison experience. This article explores the complex relationship between gender, food and imprisonment through an analysis of data obtained from in-depth interviews and group discussions conducted in three women's prisons in England. The findings indicate that, in prison, where control is taken away as the prisoner and her body become the objects of external forces, food is experienced not only as part of the disciplinary machinery, but also as a powerful source of pleasure, resistance and rebellion. The implications of such findings for health promotion in the prison context are discussed. Here, the pleasures and consolations of food may well constitute a redefinition of what it is to be healthy in this context, one that challenges the dominant meaning constructed in current health promotional discourse.
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Jaworska, Anetta. „Re-edukacja w zakładach karnych a style oporu wobec izolacji penitencjarnej“. Kultura i Edukacja 94, Nr. 1 (2013): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/kie.2013.01.04.
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This article concerns the inmates’ resistance against prison isolation and against the process of rehabilitation change. This article aims to present the results of questionnaire research aimed at establishing the correlation between the type of resistance elected by the prisoners and their prison system (and the choice of specific rehabilitation programs). The resistance is understood as an expression of rebellion against the rejection and may be manifested in the form of aggression, hostility or internal dissension. This article concerns four styles of resistance: transformative, accommodative, passive and aggressive which are differentiated by the power of involvement in resistance and prisoners’ behavior towards penal institution. Resistance to isolation in prison is thus recorded a response to the situation of imprisonment, which is perceived by prisoners as imposed by the unjust restriction. It is bound by the prisoners do not accept coercion and lack of leeway and a sense that the prison staff is trying to dominate them. The research was conducted using the method of test questionnaires were 413 prisoners, prison inmates in two prisons closed type. The study, presented as a ratio analysis can be a starting point for further and extended to the whole country research on the motivation of prisoners to participate in rehabilitation programs implemented by the prison service in Poland.
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Grzegorz Kudlak. „Terapia uzależnień od środków odurzających i psychotropowych w warunkach więziennych, w kontekście przeciwdziałania prizonizacji“. Archives of Criminology, Nr. XXXVI (01.01.2014): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7420/ak2014h.
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The many restrictions in force in a closed institution make prisons taxing and oppressive places for their inmates. Imprisonment is associated with a great deal of internal conflict and a deprivation of needs. This increases stress and psychological discomfort. This situation is often beyond the adaptation skills of convicts, prompting them to engage in a set of behavioural patterns known as prisonisation. In the process, prisoners accept norms and values that are specific to prison communities, including deviant attitudes and rituals that stand in opposition to the goals of rehabilitation and express rebellion against the institution of prison. People addicted to narcotics and psychotropic drugs have an additional motivation, viz. the possibility of obtaining drugs, to live the “double life” of prison. Research shows that incorporating specialized addiction treatment into prison programs is conducive to rehabilitation. This raises the question as to whether this therapy could effectively control prisonisation as well. The author’s own survey of prisoners who were treated shows that their hierarchy of values were significantly different six months later. This change can be regarded as developmental and indicative of successful rehabilitation. This could serve as evidence that positive therapeutic results encourage prison inmates to find constructive ways of dealing with imprisonment, reducing stress, reflecting on their conduct and understanding that their time in prison is a consequence of their actions. In this context, addiction therapy in prison may well be an effective means of preventing prisonisation.
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Darma Laksana, I. Ketut. „Jejak Politik dan Perjuangan Bung Karno“. Pustaka : Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Budaya 19, Nr. 2 (31.08.2019): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/pjiib.2019.v19.i02.p03.
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Understanding of Soekarno / Bung Karno must be done thoroughly. This political figure and independence proclamator has established himself as a respected person in the world. That is why, as many as twenty-six titles of Doctoral Causa were awarded to Bung Karno who came from renowned universities in the world. However, behind all that, during the occupation, Bung Karno went in and out of prison. Still as a detainee at Sukamiskin Prison (1926), Sukarno underwent a trial by filing a plea titled Indonesia Menggugat in Lanraad Building, Bandung. The interesting thing in his plea was that the target was not only directed at the judges who were convening it, but also outside parties, especially the Dutch who were perpetrators of imperialism. He reminded the Netherlands that he was not a rebel, but someone who wanted to claim his right to independence. Prison, seizing independence, the PRRI-Permesta rebellion, liberation of West Irian, confrontation with Malaysia, and the rebellion of the G 30 S / PKI, are historical facts that characterize his struggle. To reveal all this, the data of this paper comes from various sources, which are generally understood by the public, especially the educated. Thus, methodologically, this paper is a historical retrospection, looking back at the traces of politics and the struggle of Bung Karno.
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Fontes, Anthony W. „Becoming fugitive: Prison breaks and the space of punishment“. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 40, Nr. 5 (Oktober 2022): 786–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02637758221128582.
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Dominant metanarratives of prison escape—as rebellion in the name of freedom and as spectacular revelation of prison organizational failure—stand in stark contrast to the experience and meaning of escape for those for whom it matters most: prisoners. For prisoners, escape does not necessarily constitute a line of flight out of the space and time of punishment. Instead, it abruptly transforms their relationship to state power and communal belonging that more often than not reifies the isolation that incarceration insists upon. Guided by a prisoner’s narrative of escape from a Guatemalan prison, evasion, exile, and re-capture, this essay brings the phenomenon of prison escape into conversation with carceral geography’s exploration of essential connections and reflections between the prison and other social, institutional and geographic spaces, highlighting how multiple actors and forces beyond the carceral state collude in fixing vulnerable bodies in place . Ultimately, the freedom that escape might promise the prisoner recedes before discourses and infrastructures of punishment and isolation built far beyond the prison, showing how incarceration and freedom cannot be defined by prison walls, nor by the law’s calculations that pretend to mete out justice in discrete units of time.
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Gusmão, Xanana. „Eyes on the prize“. Index on Censorship 26, Nr. 2 (März 1997): 51–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209702600214.
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The thousands of people who welcomed Nobel prize-winner Bishop Carlos Belo back to Dili on 24 December were also carrying posters of Xanana Gusmão. The charismatic former leader of the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin) has been in prison in Jakarta since 1992, serving a 20-year sentence for rebellion and possession of firearms. Gusmão, a poet and former seminary student, spent 11 years leading the armed resistance in the Timorese jungle. In 1989 he became leader of the National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM), a newly formed alliance of pro-independence groups. ‘Maubere’ is a name adopted by Fretilin to signify ‘the oppressed’. Below are excerpts from conversations with Gusmão in Cipinang prison over the last Christmas holidays
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Zinoman, Peter. „Colonial Prisons and Anti-colonial Resistance in French Indochina: The Thai Nguyen Rebellion, 1917“. Modern Asian Studies 34, Nr. 1 (Januar 2000): 57–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003590.
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Between the pacification of Tonkin in the late 1880s and the Nghe-Tinh Soviet Movement of 1930–31, the Thai Nguyen Rebellion was the largest and most destructive anti-colonial uprising to occur in French Indochina. On August 31, 1917, an eclectic band of political prisoners, common criminals and mutinous prison guards seized the Thai Nguyen Penitentiary, the largest penal institution in northern Tonkin. From their base within the penitentiary, the rebels stormed the provincial arsenal and captured a large cache of weapons which they used to take control of the town. Anticipating a counterattack, the rebels fortified the perimeter of the town, executed French officials and Vietnamese collaborators and issued a proclamation calling for a general uprising against the colonial state. Although colonial forces retook the town following five days of intense fighting, mopping-up campaigns in the surrounding countryside stretched on for six months and led to hundreds of casualties on both sides.
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Sheller, Mimi. „Complicating Jamaica’s Morant Bay Rebellion: Jewish radicalism, Asian indenture, and multi-ethnic histories of 1865“. Cultural Dynamics 31, Nr. 3 (August 2019): 200–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374019847585.
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The 1865 Morant Bay Rebellion in Jamaica has generally been interpreted as a struggle between the post-emancipation Black peasantry and the white colonial government, which led to a violent confrontation, military suppression, and the demise of the Jamaican House of Assembly in favor of direct Crown Colony rule. Yet, the archival record shows other more complex currents that were also at play, including multi-racial, cross-class alliances, and strong conflicts over local politics, corruption, and labor rights. This article focuses on a little noted aspect of the events of 1865: the arrest for sedition of Sidney Lindo Levien, a Jewish newspaper publisher of The County Union. Levien advocated for the poor, foreigners, and women; joined the Underhill Meetings supporting the political rights of the vast majority of people emancipated from slavery; and was arrested under martial law during the rebellion and later found guilty of sedition, serving nearly 7 months in prison of a 1 year sentence before being pardoned. Drawing on his own writings, photographs, family genealogy, and Levien’s hitherto unknown “Chronicle of 1865,” I argue that his story opens new questions about the relation between Jews and Baptists, Black and “Coloured,” Asian and Maroon, and varied elite and non-elite “White” populations in Jamaica, taking us beyond the typical Black-vs-white framing of the Morant Bay Rebellion toward a more multi-sided emphasis on cross-racial protest and multi-denominational resistance within the imperial global economy. Both dominant “White” colonial histories and subsequent Jamaican “Black” national histories have erased the more diverse actors and cross-cutting interests that shaped the events of 1865, which only come into view through a multi-ethnic history of global mobilities and shifting identities, which I refer to as a critical cosmopolitan perspective.
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Read, Geoff. „The Return of N’Guyen Van Binh“. Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 46, Nr. 2 (01.09.2020): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2020.460203.
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This article explores the case of N’Guyen Van Binh, a South Vietnamese political prisoner exiled for his alleged role in “Poukhombo’s Rebellion” in Cambodia in 1866. Although Van Binh’s original sentence of exile was reduced to one year in prison he was nonetheless deported and disappeared into the maw of the colonial systems of indentured servitude and forced labor; he likely did not survive the experience. He was thus the victim of injustice and his case reveals the at best haphazard workings of the French colonial bureaucracy during the period of transition from the Second Empire to the Third Republic. While the documentary record is entirely from the perspective of the colonizers, reading between the lines we can also learn something about Van Binh himself including his fierce will to resist his colonial oppressors.
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Dahal, Arvind. „Anti-War Messages in the Songs of John Lennon“. JODEM: Journal of Language and Literature 12, Nr. 1 (07.08.2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jodem.v12i1.38709.
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This study endeavors to explore Lennon’s songs as an expression of rage and rebellion of the common Americans against the bitter realities of the contemporary American war politics of the 1960s and 70s and of the prevailing socio-economic and cultural injustices. It illumines a reality that alternative cultures like drugs, alcohol, homosexuality, nomadism and mystic vision, perceived reprehensible by the contemporary mainstream culture, were in fact manufactured out of harsh American socio-political context. By projecting the painful experiences of the victims during the time of war, the research engages with the extraction of themes like terror of the nuclear arms race and poverty, racism, prison and war, buried in Lennon’s compositions and thereby revealing Lennon’s association with such subcultures to counter and to subvert the mundane, the rationality and material hunger of the mainstream culture in the then America.
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Frauen, Jan-Boje. „Turnspits and Other Malenky Machines: Laziness and Cowardice in Burgess's A Clockwork Orange“. Journal of Aesthetic Education 56, Nr. 4 (01.12.2022): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/15437809.56.4.06.
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Abstract This article argues that the first-person narrator and antihero of Anthony Burgess's famous dystopia is far from being the symbol for human freedom he has traditionally been taken to be. Quite the opposite, he is to be seen as a symbol for human “self-imposed nonage” at every point of the novel: from his alleged rebellion to his farewell to rape and aggression in the final chapter. All of his apparent acts of freedom are determined by the dynamic interplay of biological disposition and political exploitation. Burgess's theory of freedom, however, is more sophisticated than Alex's “turnspit freedom.” It is displayed in two minor characters, F. Alexander and the prison chaplain, modelled on Burgess and his cousin the Catholic Archbishop George Dwyer, respectively, who display “political awareness” that leads to decisions based on informed judgment.
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RUIZ, JULIUS. „A Spanish Genocide? Reflections on the Francoist Repression after the Spanish Civil War“. Contemporary European History 14, Nr. 2 (Mai 2005): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002304.
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This article considers whether the Franco regime pursued a genocidal policy against Republicans after the formal ending of hostilities on 1 April 1939. In post-war Spain, the primary mechanism for punishing Republicans was military tribunals. Francoist military justice was based on the assumption that responsibility for the civil war lay with the Republic: defendants were tried for the crime of ‘military rebellion’. This was, as Ramón Serrano Suñer admitted his memoirs, ‘turning justice on its head’. But although it was extremely harsh, post-war military justice was never exterminatory. The article stresses that the institutionalisation of military justice from 1937, following the arbitrary murders of 1936, contributed to a relative decline in executions. Although the regime's determination to punish Republicans for ‘military rebellion’ inevitably led to the initiation of tens of thousands of post-war military investigations, only a minority of cases ended in execution. This was especially the case from January 1940, when the higher military authorities ended the autonomy of military tribunals over sentencing. This reassertion of central control in January 1940 was part of a wider policy to ease the self-inflicted problem of prison overcrowding; successive parole decrees led to a substantial and permanent decrease in the number of inmates by 1945. Allied victory in the Second World War did not mark the beginning but the end of the process of bringing to a close mass military justice.
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Gruesser, John. „Poe’s Last Jest: The Magazine Prison-House, Colonial Exploitation, and Revenge in “Hop-Frog”“. Edgar Allan Poe Review 24, Nr. 1 (April 2023): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/edgallpoerev.24.1.0021.
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Abstract This article looks at Edgar Allan Poe’s “Hop-Frog” in connection with revenge, one of the oldest and richest themes in literature. As the author has done in connection with “The Cask of Amontillado,” this article offers a generalized biographical interpretation of this 1849 story, linking it to Poe’s February 1845 essay “Some Secrets of the Magazine Prison-House” with its emphasis on “fat,” exploitive “editors and proprietors,” as well as his September 1845 “Marginalia” piece about the sorry state of the American publishing industry. Contending that the story must be read vis-à-vis not only enslavement and slave rebellion, as several critics have done, but also colonization, this article casts doubt on claims that Poe used the tale to settle scores with personal enemies or to revenge himself on the reading public. A brief coda argues that in “Hop-Frog” Poe does not simply avenge himself on those responsible both for his own exploitation as “a poor devil author” and the colonization of American literature generally. Rather, he counterbalances the gruesome, fiery climax with a celebratory compendium of many of his greatest hits through allusions to at least eleven of his writings published between 1835 and 1846.
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Ahmad, Naseer, und Mirza Adnan Asim. „Major Socio-Economic Factors Responsible for Crimes“. STATISTICS, COMPUTING AND INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH 2, Nr. 2 (31.12.2020): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/scir.v2i2.15.
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Crime in Pakistan has been increasing day by day with the passage of time. This research discussed two particularly influential approaches to the explanation of the role of Socio-Economic factors that are responsible for crimes. One of these approaches emphasizes social orientations and the other economic deprivation. Certain groups allegedly endorse values that are supportive of criminal behavior. In this study Quantitative research method is used and universe of this study is district jail Sargodha. Data is collected through questionnaire and 110 respondents included in this study which is selected after applying simple random sampling technique and through SPSS (statistical packages for social sciences) data analysis is comprises. Even though statistical significance is often difficult and problematic but this technique is used to logically and scientifically approve the factors including social and economic which create a sense of disturbance and responsible for creating the rebellion traits in that individual. These result shows crimes have directed attention to poverty, injustice, unemployment, lawlessness, anomic situation, general economic inequality, and inequality. So socio-economic factors often present and held responsible behind every criminal act that is done by a human. Now as the result the people chose the path of crime that satisfied and pulled out him from the tense situation temporarily but they have to pay the consequences of their criminal actions in the form of a few year prison in corresponding to a small type of crime and sometimes its declared as a lifetime time prison and death penalty according to the severity and intensity of crime.
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Grant, Kevin. „Bones of Contention: The Repatriation of the Remains of Roger Casement“. Journal of British Studies 41, Nr. 3 (Juli 2002): 329–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/341152.
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This is a history of life after death—not the life of a disembodied soul, but of the body left behind in a prison yard, buried in quicklime. It is a history composed of family members, friends, politicians, and bureaucrats drawn into cooperation and conflict by the politics of rebellion, partition, and sexuality in Ireland and Great Britain. The deceased in dispute, Roger Casement, had been a controversial figure during the later years of his life, knighted by the British Crown in 1911 for his advocacy of humanitarian causes in Africa and South America and then hanged by the British government on 3 August 1916 for conspiring with Germany to mobilize and arm Irish separatists. Casement had requested that his body be buried at Murlough Bay, near his family's home in County Antrim in the province of Ulster. Instead, Casement's body was buried at Pentonville Prison in London, and for almost fifty years the British government rejected the appeals of Casement's family and supporters for the repatriation of his body to Ireland. In 1965, the body was finally exhumed and reinterred at Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin, following a state funeral.Why did the British government take over fifty years to disinter Casement's body from Pentonville, and why was his request to be buried at Murlough Bay not honored? In exploring the answers to these questions, I focus on negotiations between the British and Irish governments, and the terms of their final agreement over the present location of Casement's remains.
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Damier, Vadim. „Isabelo de los Reyes and the Beginning of the Labour Movement in the Philippines“. Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, Nr. 2 (2022): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018556-9.
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The article focuses on the activities of the Filipino publicist, ethnographer, public, religious and political figure Isabelo de los Reyes (1864–1938). For the first time in Russian historiography, drawing upon de los Reyes' own works, it highlights his role in the movement for Philippine independence from Spain, in the formation of the labour movement, and in the initial dissemination of socialist ideas in the archipelago. A talented and prolific journalist, he rose to prominence among the progressive “ilustrados” - the educated class in the Spanish colony of the Philippines - at a very young age. Arrested by the colonial authorities after the outbreak of the 1896 anti-colonial rebellion, de los Reyes was exiled to Spain. While in prison in Barcelona, he was influenced by left-leaning fellow prisoners – anarchists, syndicalists and socialists. He was greatly impressed by his acquaintance with socialist literature. After his release from prison in 1898, de los Reyes took part in the activities of the Philippine emigration and the campaign against the capture of the Philippine Islands by the United States. In 1901 he returned to his homeland, bringing with him the works of anarchist and socialist theorists and propagandists, to which he introduced the country's leading labour activists. In 1902, at their request, he helped organise the Unión Obrera Democrática (UOD), which emerged as the first trade union association not only in the Philippines but also in the whole of Southeast Asia. At that time De los Reyes held socialist views, incorporating elements of Christian socialism, anarchism, and reformist syndicalism. He also initiated the creation of the Philippine Independent Church. After a major wave of strikes in 1902, de los Reyes was arrested by the US authorities in the Philippines and resigned as head of the UOD. After his release from prison, he published the organ of the labour movement, the newspaper “La Redención del obrero”. In the following years, de los Reyes withdrew from the trade union movement, focused on topics related to the Philippine Independent Church, and then became actively involved in political activities, being elected municipal councilor and senator.
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Shvets, Alla. „FRANKO’S POETIC CYCLE “MOURNING SONGS”: ASPECTS OF POETICS“. Слово і Час, Nr. 5 (11.10.2021): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33608/0236-1477.2021.05.3-21.
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Franko’s poetic cycle “Mourning Songs” became the third in his collection “From the Heights and Lowlands” (1893), however, this cycle was not included in the first edition of the collection in 1887. Nine lyrical poems of the cycle “Mourning Songs” mainly belong to the genre of reflective-meditative lyrics, in which the author (lyrical subject) reflects on social structure, ontological and existential problems. The articulation of the mental state of the lyrical hero, his inner suffering, loneliness, social vacuum, feeling of being unwanted in the world are important motives here.
Franko purposely doesn’t arrange poems in chronological order but instead develops the inner plotline of the cycle with the following motives: guilt for the mournful mood of his muse, inner rebellion against social evil, apocalyptic vision of destroying the old world order, declaration of his solidarity with the humiliated, obsession with the idea of service, emotional despair, resignation and passive reconciliation with one’s own misfortune, statement of one’s social credo, the experience of loneliness and marginality, optimistic vision of the earthly paradise against the background of prison-like gloom.
As a result, eschatological motives appear: the domination of evil on earth inevitably will lead to its destruction for the sake of a new life and restoration of just law and order. In mood and stylistically, Franko’s jail poetry corresponds to the prison lyrics by Taras Shevchenko.
Each of the nine poems in the cycle has been considered in terms of poetics, genre, imagery, literary means, versification, as well as intertextual parallels at the level of reminiscences and allusions. The researcher paid attention to the character of the lyrical hero, the internal plot of the cycle, chronotopic organization, leitmotifs, folklore structures.
The philosophical meditations of the cycle “Mourning Songs”, perceived in the context of Franko’s biography, reflect the parallelism of the lyrical hero’s existence and the author’s psychobiography of the period marked by the first two arrests.
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Elimelekh, Geula. „Existentialism in the Works of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Munīf“. Oriente Moderno 94, Nr. 1 (02.07.2014): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340036.
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This article examines existential themes in three of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Munīf’s novels: The Trees and the Murder of Marzūq, East of the Mediterranean and Here and Now or East of the Mediterranean Revisited. The innovation of existentialist literature lies in the strength with which it describes alienation in the modern era, the meaninglessness of life and the pursuit of truth and absolute values. Munīf’s characters reflect the central themes of existentialist philosophy and literature. Like the protagonists of Sartre and Camus, they are aware of the absurdity of human existence and attempt to rebel against it, though often rebellion leads them to death and obscurity. Munīf’s works, some of which belong to the unique Arabic prison literature sub-genre, highlight individuality and authenticity in his characters and portray other issues that preoccupy Western existentialist writers: anxiety and distress, fear of death, loneliness, alienation and moral decline. In Munīf’s literary world the existentialist fate is inevitable. However, most of his leading characters do not give up and do not succumb to fate, but fight against it in body and spirit. Across the spectrum of his writings, Munīf’s indomitable, yet highly human figures live and die lives committed to the existential ideals of freedom and authenticity, because they are aware that if they give up the struggle, all hope for a better future is lost.
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Tarr, Duncan. „Crossed Wires in the Motor City: A Genealogy and Analysis of the 1967 Riots and the 1968 Strike Wave in Detroit“. New Global Studies 14, Nr. 2 (13.07.2020): 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2020-0009.
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AbstractIn the years 1967 and 1968 the city of Detroit was the site of two waves of rebellion. The riot of 1967 was one of the largest and most costly urban rebellions in U.S. history. And in the ashes of the ‘67 insurrection a wave of strikes began shutting down the sprawling factories of the auto industry. These strikes were organized by militant Black workers who later founded the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, an organization that characterized itself as the “ideological inheritor” of the riot. This article situates the League within the global moment of 1968, discusses the relationship of work stoppages to circulation struggles, and examines how the participants’ experience in riots, both on the streets of Detroit and in the prisons around the state, informed the praxis and politics of the League.
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Besteman, Catherine. „Prison Rebellions, Black Radical Consciousness, and Counterinsurgency“. Current Anthropology 65, Nr. 3 (01.06.2024): 579–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/730225.
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BOIN, R. ARJEN, und MENNO J. VAN DUIN. „Prison Riots as Organizational Failures: A Managerial Perspective“. Prison Journal 75, Nr. 3 (September 1995): 357–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032855595075003006.
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Most explanations of prison riots implicitly regard the causes of rebellious inmate behavior as the determinants of a riot's outcome. But little attention has been paid to the course of a riot. Here it is argued that what happens during the riot itself will influence the scope and outcome of that riot. In this article, the focus is on crisis management. We contend that the way in which prison administrations prepare for and handle this type of crisis can make the difference between a small-scale disturbance and a full-fledged riot. Crisis management should therefore be considered a critical variable in explaining a riot's outcome.
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Dasgupta, Sabyasachi. „Book Review: The Indian Uprising of 1857–58: Prisons, Prisoners and Rebellion“. Studies in History 27, Nr. 1 (Februar 2011): 133–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/025764301102700108.
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Kaplan, Caren, und Andrea Miller. „Drones as “Atmospheric Policing”“. Public Culture 31, Nr. 3 (01.09.2019): 419–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-7532679.
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The use of drones to supplement and operationalize US border enforcement and municipal policing disturbs the supposed boundary between military and civilian or battleground and home front. Situating drones in an expanded field of a war power–police power nexus draws together histories of so-called small wars, insurgencies, civil rebellions, labor strikes, prison uprisings, and practices of resistance at various scales that have responded and continue to respond to colonial occupation and racial capitalism. Once we situate drones as a technology of atmospheric policing, we develop a better understanding of the ways these assemblages converge with other forms of atmospheric violence, including the toxic colonial present of warfare.
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Losier, Toussaint. „Against ‘law and order’ lockup: the 1970 NYC jail rebellions“. Race & Class 59, Nr. 1 (28.06.2017): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396817707431.
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The article focuses on a series of rebellions that occurred within the New York City jail system in 1970 over problems of overcrowding and inhumane conditions and the resurgent practice of preventive detention. While championed in the Nixon administration’s vision of ‘law and order’, preventive detention was carried out by John Lindsay, the liberal Republican mayor of New York City, not only against political dissidents, but also against working-class citizens too poor to afford bail. During the course of the October revolts in five facilities including the Tombs, Branch Queens, and Rikers Island, inmates called attention to this practice, winning an unprecedented set of bail review hearings during the course of their takeover of a local jail. These radical prison movements, which were influenced by inmates from the Black Panther Party and Young Lords Party, drew upon discourses of human rights, multiracial unity, and national liberation and also joined calls for broader social transformation. Though short-lived, these events shed light on the contested legacy of preventive detention, a crucial strategic reminder amidst today’s resurgence in ‘law and order’ rhetoric and practice.
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Gómez, Alan Eladio. „“Nuestras Vidas Corren Casi Paralelas”: Chicanos, Independentistas, and the Prison Rebellions in Leavenworth, 1969–1972“. Latino Studies 6, Nr. 1-2 (April 2008): 64–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/lst.2008.3.
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Adhikari, Anup. „An Analysis of the Poem “Prison” by Krishna Sen ‘Ichchhuk’ Translated by Govinda Raj Bhattarai“. Nepal Journal of Multidisciplinary Research 4, Nr. 2 (29.08.2021): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/njmr.v4i2.39013.
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Poetry is a form of art; to express emotions and feelings by the use of distinctive style, meaning, sound and rhythm. The poem presents the rebellious nature of the revolutionists to defeat the arbitrary through literature and is much privileged towards independence. The poet imagines such an awful condition that happens in the insurgency period and he is not able to equivalent the freedom of choice and action. Oligarchy creates fascism, besides it, the poet has used the literary term, ‘my friend’ in each stanza to denote all victimized citizens and inmates who are anguished from despotism. To uplift from authoritarianism regime and to live with full sovereignty the communist movement had played an appreciable role in the context of Nepal. The literary genre which is characterized by literature and cultural form of early modern England that is written while the author is confined in a location against his wills, such as a prison, jail, or house arrest is known as prison literature. Thus, the message or underlying meaning of the poem is such that the poet alerts the emperor and leaders to adopt a democratic model.
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Siegfried, Kate. „Cramped Space: Finding Rebellious Potential in Fixed Capital During the Attica Prison Uprising of 1971“. Cultural Critique 120, Nr. 1 (Juni 2023): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cul.2023.0027.
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Yoo, Hyun-Joo. „Depathologising the Traumatised Self in Susanna Kaysen's Girl, Interrupted“. International Research in Children's Literature 12, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2019): 195–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ircl.2019.0310.
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In Girl, Interrupted, Susanna Kaysen recounts her traumatic experiences in the women's ward of a psychiatric institution in the USA in the 1960s. The institution was more prison than refuge for Kaysen, who felt the experience denied her her subjectivity. Significantly, as she reworks the memories from her traumatic adolescence, Kaysen does not depict her young self as a psychopath, whose identity is defined, diagnosed, and interpreted as fractured and unstable by medical professionals. The novel provides a way of exercising the agency denied to her as a young adult and in it she rebuilds an image of her traumatised self as an active agent. She endows her persona with the rebellious and subversive power to resist patriarchal medical authorities and, in a broader sense, to disrupt the dominant sexist cultural pedagogies imposed on young women in the late 1960s.
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Sen, Satadru. „Policing the Savage: Segregation, Labor and State Medicine in the Andamans“. Journal of Asian Studies 58, Nr. 3 (August 1999): 753–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659118.
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The penal colony that the british established in the Andaman Islands at the end of the 1850s was originally intended as a place of permanent exile for a particular class of Indian criminals. These offenders had, for the most part, been convicted by special tribunals in connection with the Indian rebellions of 1857–58. As the British vision of rehabilitation in the Andamans evolved, the former rebels were joined in the islands by men and women convicted under the Indian Penal Code. In the islands, transported criminals were subjected to various techniques of physical, spatial, occupational, and political discipline (Sen 1998). The slow transition from a convicted criminal to a prisoner in a chain gang, to employment as a Self-Supporter or a convict officer in the service of the prison regime, to life as a free settler in a penal colony was in effect a process by which the state sought to transform the criminal classes of colonial India—the disloyal, the idle, the elusive and the disorderly—into loyal, orderly, and governable subjects.
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Brgles, Branimir. „Who is rebelling at Susedgrad and Stubica? Contribution to the research of the 1565 – 1573 peasant revolts“. Povijesni prilozi 55 (Dezember 2018): 139–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/pp.v55i0.68.
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Kapadia, Ronak K. „The Downward Redistribution of Breath: Abolitionist Visions of Healing Justice from Chicago“. Asian Diasporic Visual Cultures and the Americas 8, Nr. 3 (05.01.2024): 259–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23523085-08030001.
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Abstract A new generation of visionary artists, activists, and healers from queer and trans Black, Indigenous, and People of Colour communities offer a crucial wellspring for insurgent ideas about breathing, healing, and justice that contrast the dominant militarized policing order in the United States. At a time when the proliferating calamities of global fascism, climate chaos, and endless warfare appear ascendant across the planet, how do minoritarian cultural workers living and labouring in the heart of empire make sense of this dying world order while breathing life into new worlds through their creative practices? The ecology of minoritarian aesthetics emerging from recent overlapping protest movements in Chicago are working to turn the tide against prisons, policing, and American warfare. They offer a powerful roadmap for indexing the dystopian here and now of US imperial decline and imagining rebellious futures that can move us from despair and isolation to coalition and transformation.
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Kelly, Aileen. „Self-Censorship and the Russian Intelligentsia, 1905-1914“. Slavic Review 46, Nr. 2 (1987): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498907.
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How long ago was it that, terrified from childhood, we ceased to kill in ourselves the most innocent desires? How long ago did we cease to shudder when finding in our souls passionate impulses unrecorded in the tariff of romanticism?Aleksandr Herzen, From The Other ShoreIn a letter to his friends in Russia in 1850, Aleksandr Herzen complained of the “democratic orthodoxy” that was forming among the exiled revolutionaries of 1848:They have established their own radical inquisition, their poll tax on ideas: ideas and thoughts which satisfy their demands have the rights of citizenship … the others are … the proletariat of the moral world: they have to be silent or win their place by a head-on attack. Against rebellious ideas there has appeared a democratic censorship, incomparably more dangerous than any other, because it has neither police, nor packed juries … nor prisons, nor fines. When the reactionary censorship takes a book from your hands, the book receives universal respect: they persecute the author, close a printing house, smash the machinery, and the persecuted word acquires the status of a belief. Democratic censorship achieves the moral destruction of its object: its accusations are promulgated not … from a procurator's mouth, but from the distance of exile, the darkness of prisons. A verdict written by a hand which bears the marks of chains leaves a deep impression on the heart, which does not prevent it from being unjust.
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Bećirović, Denis. „Contribution to Research of the position and activity of Labour movements in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the end of the First World War until the beginning of the Husin Rebellion“. Historijski pogledi 4, Nr. 5 (31.05.2021): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.87.
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Based on archival material and relevant literature, this text analyses and presents the activities of the labour movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first years after the end of the First World War. During this period, the struggle for workers'rights, mostly through strike actions, resulted, among other things, in an increase in wages, the introduction of eight-hour working days in most companies, the exercise of the right to elect workers' commissioners and trade unions. The workers managed to get other benefits related to the economic position of the workers, such as retail co-operatives, apartments, assistance in purchasing work suits, etc. Workers' representatives fought for a radically better position and a new place in society. In addition to eight-hour working days, higher wages and other demands to improve the material position of workers, strikes against the political disenfranchisement of workers were conducted during this period, as well as for political freedoms and democratisation of political life in the country. During 1919 and 1920, several strikes about pay were organised by miners, construction workers and metalworkers in the forest industry, catering workers and employees in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Bijeljina, Brčko, Zenica, Breza, Mostar, Zavidovići, Dobrljin, Lješljani, Maslovarama and Rogatica. It was part of over 125 strikes by workers in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the period of legal activity of the Socialist Labour Party of Yugoslavia (SLPY) (c), i.e. the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) and its close trade unions. At the initiative of the SLPY (c) and united syndicates, public political assemblies were organised in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Zenica, Mostar, Brčko, Derventa, Vareš and Drvar, at which demands were put forward to dissolve the authorities, and organise democratic elections for the Constituent Assembly and demobilise the army. The aggravation of the political situation in the first post-war years was noticeable in many local communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a number of cities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there were physical confrontations between workers and security bodies of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. One such example occurred, in Zenica in mid-October 1920, when police banned the Communists' attempt to hold an assembly despite a previously imposed ban. On that occasion, the gathered mass of 2,500 workers refused to disperse and demanded that the assembly be held. After the police and the gendarmerie tried to disperse the gathered workers, there was open conflict. Workers threw stones at security officials, and they responded by firing firearms. The rally was eventually broken up, one worker was wounded and twelve workers were hurt during a clash with police. Owing to the increasing engagement of workers' representatives, the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina worsened. It was not uncommon to have open conflicts between workers and government officials. After the collapse of the Husino uprising, the position of workers deteriorated. Also, this paper discusses the impact of the revolutions in Eastern and Central Europe on the labour movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Harris, Rachel. „China's New Voices: Popular Music, Ethnicity, Gender, and Politics, 1978–1997. By Nimrod Baranovitch. [Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 2003. xiv+332 pp. £16.95; $24.95. ISBN 0-520-23450-2.]“. China Quarterly 178 (Juni 2004): 518–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004270291.
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An enjoyable overview of the world of pop, rock and politics in Beijing, accessible for students of Chinese culture and popular music studies. This is an area that has been exceptionally well covered in the literature, and Baranovitch's claim to originality lies mainly in his focus on ethnicity and gender. The overview of the development of pop from 1978–97 does a useful job of drawing together the various strands, though most of this is very familiar from the writings of Geremie Barmé, Andrew Jones et al. We begin with the introduction of Gangtai (Hong Kong and Taiwan pop) to the mainland, led by Deng Lijun whose ‘coquettish nasal slides,’ Baranovitch rightly suggests, were more truly subversive in China in 1978 than any of the subsequent rock and punk styles. Baranovitch chronicles the rise of the xibeifeng, the Shaanbei folk-infused rock style, linking it into the xungun roots movement and Tiananmen. An interesting section on qiuge or ‘prison songs,’ popular in 1988, explores somewhat less well-known territory. We follow the rise of the commercial, the karaoke craze and Mao fever, and the co-option of at least some of the rebellious rockers by the state. Baranovitch enthusiastically reveals the significance of music in the political arena, and its ability to prefigure, even shape the political.
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Zahra, Momal. „Dynamics of Surveillance and Discovery of Self in Musharraf Ali Farooqi's The Story of a Widow“. Journal of English Language, Literature and Education 1, Nr. 04 (18.05.2020): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/jelle.2020.01049.
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This qualitative research identifies Foucault's idea of panoptical surveillance (1995) based on Jeremy Bentham's ideal prison in The Story of a Widow by Musharraf Ali Farooqi. Research draws parallel between 'panopticon' and societal surveillance which is in the form of traditions, norms, male gaze and resistance strategies and traces behaviour of characters in response to surveillance. The character of novel's protagonist – Mona is particularly analyzed through panoptic lens of theory. This study traces notion of “ideology” and “interpellation” from Althusser's essay “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses” (1971) in order to depict struggle of Mona against ideological surveillance. Social ideologies form identity of individuals and thrust their power and subjection on Mona who in turn fights for creating her own identity. The research endeavours to explore struggle of women in finding 'Self' under societal surveillance and ideologies which hail people as 'subjects'. It also aims to study whether it is possible for a woman to attain self-satisfaction by rebelling against prevailing societal notions which act as hurdle in practicing their rights or not. This research will further help to discover dynamics of power and authority for both genders and shall establish humanistic approach of gender equality. It will aid in inculcating the notion that societal surveillance should be beneficial for growth of all individuals rather than restricting the autonomy of some (women) in society which leads to social unrest.
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Nikravesh, Negeen N. „Thomas Hardy and the Gothic: Restructuring the Gothic Prison in Far from the Madding Crowd (1874) and Tess of the d’Urbervilles (1891)“. Victoriographies 13, Nr. 1 (März 2023): 60–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/vic.2023.0479.
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This article explores Thomas Hardy’s engagement with the Gothic tradition, particularly in relation to the female monstrosity and imprisonment central to mid-Victorian Gothic realism. Focusing on Tess of the d’Urbervilles (1891) and Far from the Madding Crowd (1874), I demonstrate that Hardy purges the Gothic from the domestic space and disperses it into the natural world, restructuring the Gothic prison that haunts the tradition. By moving the Gothic into a less socially fraught place – the sublimity of nature rather than the psyche of the woman – Hardy also reconfigures Gothic female monstrosity. No longer a reflection of the repressed desires and passions of rebellious female characters, the monstrous in Hardy’s Wessex is linked instead to raging fires and destructive storms, presenting the Gothic as ever-present and occurring in the ‘open air’ of nature. Hardy neutralises the formerly imprisoning domestic space and introduces a new Gothic force as a source of anxiety: the burden of time. The focus on time and temporality in Tess of the d’Urbervilles reveals an increasing ambivalence towards modernity in Hardy’s later novels, as the suffering of the heroine through physical confinement is moved to entrapment by the ‘burden of time’ in the rapidly changing Victorian fin de siècle. As a result, the Gothic that enters Wessex takes on both a spatial and temporal quality – manifested in the natural world but linked to haunted pasts and haunting futures. Through a series of shifts in Far from the Madding Crowd and Tess of the d’Urbervilles – of Gothic repression removed from the female psyche and Gothic imprisonment unlinked from the domestic space – Hardy establishes a further linkage between the Gothic and time in the latter novel. As a result of this displacement of original Gothic tropes, Hardy’s work can be read as both radically feminist and deeply critical of modernity.
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Israel, Paolo. „Dénètem Touam Bona, Fugitive, where are you running?“ Kronos 50, Nr. 1 (26.06.2024): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9585/2024/v50a17.
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Fugitive, Where are you Running? is a collection of essays, most of which were previously published in French, by writer, philosopher and curator Dénètem Touam Bona. The author's inclination to straddle geographic and conceptual lines is reflected in the scope, exuberance and poetic verve of the volume. The first three chapters ('Return of the Maroni', 'The Art of the Fugue', 'Manhunt') lay the conceptual foundation by foregrounding categories of marronage, fugitivity and fugue. The fugitive slave is presented as the figure that haunts the establishment of capitalist modernity and the only possible 'line of flight' from it. The fugue is the art of subtle evasion from the prisons of racialised capitalism and an alternative to the triumphalist politics of armed liberation struggles. Touam Bona proposes an impressionistic, rhapsodic and allegorical travel through the various incarnations of the maroon community - with its spontaneous and horizontal modes of organisation and accretion - and capitalism's death drive to surveil and suppress them. The following two chapters track the iterations and repression of fugitivity in the present, by engaging with technologies of migrant surveillance at the border ('Heroic Land', which mixes critique and fiction) and the space of Mayotte, a French department in the heart of the Indian Ocean, increasingly securitised and excised from the histories of flux that characterise this region ('The Impossibility of an Island'). The sixth chapter ('Cosmo-poetics of the Refuge') returns to the book's central theme of the maroon rebellion, connecting it to Afro-diasporic spirituality and performance. The final extended chapter ('Liana Dreaming') turns to environmental concerns, by foregrounding the figure of the liana as the point of resistance to colonial penetration and weapon of maroon resistance. In Caribbean cultures, the liana and the vine bring together collective bodies and communities. Against colonial tropes of taming, erasure and penetration, the power of the forest itself generates plant-induced visions of unsubmission.
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Andrade, Gibton Pereira de. „Rebeliões e crimes bárbaros na penitenciária agrícola do Monte Cristo (PAMC): a crise no sistema prisional de Roraima / Rebellions and barbaric crimes in the Monte Cristo (PAMC) agricultural penitentiary: the crisis in the Roraima prison system“. Brazilian Applied Science Review 4, Nr. 5 (2020): 2966–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.34115/basrv4n5-017.
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Ookhnoi, Batsaikhan. „T.Bavuudorj: About the names written in kanji on the nail plates of Japanese captivated soldiers“. Journal of International Studies 45, Nr. 114 (16.12.2022): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/jis.v45i114.2466.
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After World War II there were around 12,000 Japanese personnel in the Mongolia interned to work in labor camps as POWs, which were sent from the Soviet Union. Of them, it is estimated that around 1500 died in captivity.But at this time, from October 1945 to February 1948, Mr. Tasran Bavudorj, who worked as the head of the Department of CorrectionalCamps and Prisons of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the first secretary of the Party Committee of the Ministry, wrote his memoirsin 1989-90, and given to me. In his memoirs, he wrote down some very interesting facts about some of the complicated issues of Mongolian history in the 1930s, such as the 1932 “Rebellion of the Monks”, about Marshal Demid, and Marshal Choibalsang’s order to reveal himself and about Japanese POWs in Mongolia.As noted in the memoirs of T.Bavudorj, when the captured Japanese soldiers returned to their homeland, Major Ishii, the head of the Japanese POWs camp, taking white bag, where he “cut off the thumbs of the dead soldiers and wrote down their names, surnames, ages, and regions.”We assessed the memoirs of the T.Bavudorj, described a new findings of the Mongolian history in 1930-40s, and suggested to implement new source for the research of Mongolian history.
Т.Бавуудорж: Олзлогдсон япон цэргүүдийн хумсны толион дээр ханзаар бичсэн нэр хаягийн тухай
Хураангуй: Энэ жил Монгол Улс Япон Улсын хооронд дипломат харилцаа тогтоосны 50 жилийн ой тохиож буй билээ. Дэлхийнхоёрдугаар дайны дараа Зөвлөлт Холбоот Улсад олзлогдсон япон цэргүүдээс тодорхой тооны цэргүүдийг Монгол Улсад өгч, ажиллуулж байсан тухай бид мэдэх юм. Харин энэ үед буюу 1945 оны 10 дугаар сараас 1948 оны 2 дугаар сар хүртэл Дотоод явдлын яамны Засан хүмүүжүүлэх үйлдвэрийн лагериуд ба Хорих ангиудыг удирдах газрын даргаар, мөн тус яамны Намын хорооны нэгдүгээр нарийн бичгийн даргаар ажиллаж байсан Тасрангийн Бавуудорж гуай 1989-90 оны үед дурдатгалаа өөрийн гараар бичиж, над өгсөн юм. Тэрбээр дурдатгалдаа 1930-аад оны Монголын түүхийн ээдрээ бүхий зарим асуудлаар, тухайлбал 1932 оны “лам нарын бослогын” талаар, Өрлөг Жанжин Дэмидийн тухай, Маршал Чойбалсангийн өөрийгөө илчлэх тушаалын талаар онц сонирхолтой зүйлс бичиж тэмдэглэсэн байдаг. Үүний зэрэгцээ Олзлогдсон япон цэргүүд нутаг буцах болоход Японыолзлогдсон цэргийн Ерөөгийн лагерийн дарга хошууч Иший “тэнд үхсэн цэргүүдийнхээ эрхий хурууг огтлон аваад овог, нэр, нас, нутгийг тэмдэглэн бичиж” авч явсан тухай сонирхолтой зүйлс тэмдэглэснийг энд өгүүлэх болно. Харин 1945 оны 12 дугаар сарын 12-нд Сайд нарын Зөвлөлийн дэргэд байгуулагдсан Олзлогдсон цэргийн хэрэг эрхлэх ерөнхий газрын даргаар нь Бадамжавын Сосорбарам ажиллаж байсан байдаг билээ. 1947 оны 11 дүгээр сарын 4-нд Сайд нарын Зөвлөлийн дэргэдэх Олзлогдсон цэргийн хэрэг эрхлэх газрыг өргөтгөн БНМАУ-ын Сайд нарын Зөвлөлийн дэргэдэх Барилгын хэргийг эрхлэх ерөнхий газар болгон байгуулсан байдаг. Энэхүү дурдатгалын эзэн Т.Бавуудорж бол 1948 оны 2 дугаар сараас 1956 оны 9 дүгээр сар хүртэл БНМАУ-ын Аж Үйлдвэрийн яамны сайдаар ажиллаж байсан хүн юм. Тэрбээр Засагт хан аймгийн Эрдэнэ дүүрэгч вангийн хошуу буюу одоогийн Хөвсгөл аймгийн Цэцэрлэг сумын харьяат нэгэн билээ.Түлхүүр үгс: Олзлогдсон япон цэргүүд, дэлхийн хоёрдугаар дайн, Т.Бавуудорж, БНМАУ, Япон улс, ЗХУ
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Dr Md Nasir Uddin. „Bangabandhu and Islamic Values: Manifestations and Effects“. Dhaka University Arabic Journal 23, Nr. 26 (14.06.2024): 163–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.62295/mazallah.v23i26.69.
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Bangabandhu (1920-1795) Seikh Mujibur Rahman, the architect of Bangladesh and the Father of the nation, was born on 17 March 1920, in the village of Tungipara of patagati union under the Gopalganj district. His parents used to affectionately call him ‘Khoka’. He spent his childhood in Tungipara. Seikh Mujib married Seikh Fazilatunnesa at the age of 18. In 1940, he joined “All India Muslim Students Federation”. Before that in 1938, he was introduced with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy while he came to visit the Gopalganj Missionary school. After the partition of India, he founded “East Pakistan Muslim Chhatra League” on 04 January 1948. He was elected joined secretary of “Awami Muslim League” on June 23, 1949, at the age of 29. He had great contribution in language movement in 1952, to establish Bangla as the state language of Pakistan. He was elected Secretary General of “East Pakistan Awami Muslim League” on July 9, 1953. Seikh Mujib achieved a great victory in Gopalganj constituency on 10 March, 1954, while “United Front” secured 223 seats out of 237 (Awami League143). Seikh Mujib took the charge of Agriculture and Forest Ministry. But the Central government dissolved that cabinet. Seikh Mujib presents the historic 6 point in Lahore on 5 January, 1966, demanding autonomous government in East Pakistan. Seikh Mujib was publicly declared as “Bangabandhu” on 23 February, 1969. Bangabandhu Seikh Mujib achieved a landslide victory in the general election of 1970. In the great war of Independence during the nine month the Pakistan Army surrendered to the allied forces made of Mukti Bahini and Indian Army on 16 December, 1971. As a result, Bangladesh became independent in the history of the world. Bangabandhu Seikh Mujibur Rahman was elected as the prime minister of the country. He along with his family members and personal staffs were assassinated by a group of Bangladesh rebellious Army on 15 August, 1975. He would practice Islamic values in his personal life. He used to pray his prayers with Maulana Bhasani and Mr. Fazlul Huq. when they had finished their evening prayers the Maulana would discuss about religion from the holy Qur’an. This became a regular routine in the prison life. He also recites verses from the holy Qur’an every day. He had Bengali translation of the holy Qur’an in several volumes. While he was in Dhaka jail he had taken Muhammed Ali’s English translation of the holy Qur’an and had read it regularly. But his philosophy in the state life is as follows: He was always wishing to make Bangladesh a country of peace for all religions. He was interested to give importance to all citizens equally. He has contributed to establishing religious tolerance in Bangladesh. His outstanding contribution was to spread Islamic values through Islamic Foundation and other religious institutions. However, the Article tries to highlight that Bangabandhu respects Islamic values in his personal life, and his attitude was to reduce the extremism, and build a peaceful Bangladesh in-between various cultures and religions.
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MISZEWSKI, KAMIL. „“Good” and “bad” adaptation to prison isolation of Polish long-term prisoners in the light of Erving Goffman’s typology of adaptation“. Prison Systems Review 118, Nr. 1 (30.03.2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.52694/thpsr.118.12.
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The methods of adaptation to prison isolation of prisoners sentenced to short and long-term sentences differ significantly. The latter, after the stage of initial rebellion, often develop constructive coping strategies, while the former are able to persist in rebellion throughout their sentence, realizing its short duration. Based on his own field research regarding adaptation to prison isolation of Polish long-term prisoners, the author reflects upon which methods of adaptation (on the basis of Ervin Goffman’s typology) may be referred to as “good” and which as “bad” ones.
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Dargis, Manohla, Jennifer Moorman und Dawn Fratini. „Busting Out“. [in]Transition 2, Nr. 1 (22.03.2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.16995/intransition.11421.
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“Busting Out: Caged Heat and the Women-in-Prison Film" examines the 1974 exploitation film Caged Heat to situate the movie in historical and genre terms in order to demonstrate how women-in-prison films both exploit and objectify women’s bodies even as they offer potentially empowering depictions of agency, queerness, cooperation, and rebellion.
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„Yearning for Freedom in a Prison without Bars in Two Novels: Ṣamt al-Farāshāt/ Silence of the Butterflies by Laylā al-ʿUthmān and Lam ʾAʿud ʾAbkī / I Do not Cry Anymore by Zaynab Ḥifnī“. European Journal of English Language and Literature Studies 10, Nr. 2 (15.03.2022): 30–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/ejells.2013/vol10no2pp.30-57.
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The crisis of freedom that the Gulf woman lives in under a patriarchal male culture that is biased against her and against the Arab woman in general, turns her into a prisoner who lives behind moral bars. Under these circumstances, the Gulf woman's writing becomes a conflict with the man's concepts and the patriarchal male mentality of her society. However, by writing, she reveals the issues of her scandalous oppression, and emancipates herself from her shackles. Writing is one of the forms of freedom, through which she regains her voice that has been stolen from her as a woman and a creative artist. This study seeks to reveal the manifestations of oppression that the woman is exposed to in the feminist Gulf literature in two novels: Ṣamt al-Farāshāt by Laylā al-ʿUthmān, and Lam ʾAʿud ʾAbkī by Zaynab Ḥifnī as samples. The study will reveal the woman's figurative 'prison' and 'jailor': the prison of society with its norms and traditions, and the prison of the Man and his domination as images of her oppression by marriage, and by the siege of social norms, the culture of silence, her prevention from choosing her job and her creative freedom. In return, the study will observe the features of her revolution and rebellion against all these figurative "prisons" such as her refusal of the traditional marriage, her resistance by writing, her search for love, and breakage of the sex taboo. The woman manifests herself between the character of the 'prisoner' and the 'rebellious' woman, between her 'yearning for freedom' and her 'revolt' against the 'bars' in order to realize herself and break the taboos.
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Kranebitter, Andreas. „Rebels without a cause? ‘Criminals’ and fascism in The Authoritarian Personality“. Journal of Classical Sociology, 10.12.2020, 1468795X2097850. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468795x20978506.
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An important empirical basis for the interpretations of Theodor W. Adorno, Else Frenkel-Brunswik, Daniel J. Levinson and R. Nevitt Sanford in The Authoritarian Personality (TAP) were questionnaires and in-depth interviews conducted by William R. Morrow with prisoners at California’s San Quentin prison. A reconstruction of the historical approach exposes serious methodological shortcomings, some of which Morrow openly addressed in memoranda, revealing that the supposedly particularly authoritarian attitude of the prisoners was due, among other things, to their submission to the psychiatric authority in the authoritarian situation of the prison and due to the conditions of a hierarchical prisoner society. In TAP, the empirically inadequate survey was interpreted primarily in the context of psychoanalytic literature on crime at that time, in particular Robert Lindner’s Rebel Without A Cause, whose theory of pseudo rebellion permeated TAP. Focusing on the shortcomings of TAP, this article argues, enables its inspiring insights to be appreciated.
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Dos Anjos, Liliane Souza. „SENTIDOS E DERIVAS EM COMPOSIÇÕES VISUAIS“. Revista DisSoL - Discurso, Sociedade e Linguagem, Nr. 7 (30.06.2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.35501/dissol.v0i7.297.
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Neste artigo, procuro dar visibilidade ao processo discursivo presente em duas composições visuais: uma cena prototípica que concentra o já-visto, engessando sentidos a respeito do sistema carcerário brasileiro, outra, um recorte significante de filmagem feita pelos presidiários comemorando a rebelião do Complexo Penitenciário Anísio Jobim (Compaj), Manaus. Pelo dispositivo teórico da Análise de Discurso é possível compreender como, em situações-limite, nas quais a vida encontra-se ameaçada, as relações sociais são postas em xeque e os sujeitos são capazes de gestos em alternativa à estabilidade inequívoca no/do social, mexendo com os sentidos e com o que é sentido pelo sujeito. Na textualização desses movimentos, a mídia tem papel crucial. Abstract: In this paper, I seek to give visibility to the discursive process present in two visual compositions: a prototypical scene that concentrates the already-seen, embodying meanings about the Brazilian prison system, and another, a significant filming cut by inmates commemorating the Prison Complex rebellion Anísio Jobim (Compaj), Manaus. By the theoretical device of Discourse Analysis it is possible to understand how, in this situations, in which life is threatened, the social relations are put in check and the subjects are capable of gestures in alternative to the unequivocal stability in the social, stirring with the senses and what is felt by the subject. In the textualization of these movements, the media plays a crucial role.
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Kocić, Marija. „French Influence in the Bay of Kotor at the End of the 18th and the First Years of The 19th Century: The Activities of Mirislav Zanović“. Etnoantropološki problemi / Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 17, Nr. 1 (02.04.2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v17i1.14.
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The paper discusses the activities of Mirislav Zanović, the leader of the pro-French political faction in the Bay of Kotor at the end of the 18th and the first years of the 19th century. This research indicates that the first reliable data on his pro-French orientation date back to the end of 1793. At that time, the general providor of Dalmatia, Alvize Marin, was warned about individuals in Boka, who were suspected of feeling sympathy towards the Revolution and its ideas. In October 1795, Mirislav tried to launch a rebellion, motivated by the ideas of brotherhood and freedom. This revolt was aimed at liberating certain areas on the border from Ottoman servitude. It was quelled, while Mirislav was kept in prison for some time, in Venice. He was released after the French conquered the city and sent to Budva to propagate the ideas of the Revolution and work to win over the local population.
The paper also discusses its position during the first Austrian (1797–1805), Russian (1806–1807) and French (1807–1813) rule in Boka. Although the Austrian authorities harbored suspicion of Mirislav, he managed to survive thanks to the influence of his father, Count Antun Zanović, who was appointed manager of Budva. Mirislav found himself in the most difficult position during the Russian rule, when he spent some time in prison. He reached the peak of his rise in the political life of Boka during the French rule, when he was appointed to certain administrative positions in Budva. After France lost all illusions about the possibility of the survival of its government in Boka, Mirislav, thanks to good relations with Bishop Petar I Petrović-Njegoš, changed sides in 1813, denying any support to France. In the years that followed, Mirislav was relegated to the background. He spent a short time in prison in Dubrovnik, after which he was released, but was placed under surveillance by the Austrian authorities for the rest of his life.
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Moon, Paul. „Maketu’s Execution and the Extension of British Sovereignty in New Zealand“. Te Kaharoa 6, Nr. 1 (30.01.2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v6i1.61.
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The execution of a minor chief in 1842 in Auckland Prison for the crime of murder would normally be of little significance in the evolution of a nation’s statehood, unless it triggered some form or rebellion or even revolution. The history of colonial rule in the British Empire in the nineteenth century contains many examples of murderers receiving capital punishment for their crime. However, the constitutional significance of the Governor’s determination to execute the criminal was of substantial, principally because it signified the Crown’s willingness – at this relatively early stage in Crown Colony Government in New Zealand – to extend its jurisdiction so that British law would apply to Maori communities. Too often, it has been taken for granted that the Treaty of Waitangi asserted (initially in principle and gradually in practice) British sovereignty over Maori as well as Europeans in the country. However, what the Maketu example illustrates is that the limits of British sovereignty in New Zealand prior to 1842 were confined exclusively to the non-Maori population, as had been the expectation of the Colonial Office in the two years leading up to the conclusion of the Treaty.