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1
Huang, Xinjunrong, und Cheng-Yu Edwin Tsai. „The sole relative marker“. Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 25, Nr. 2 (06.02.2024): 318–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.00156.tsa.
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Abstract The exclusive expression weiyi ‘sole/only’ in Mandarin can appear preverbally in a relative clause (e.g., wo weiyi xihuan de shu ‘the sole book I like’) but not in other types of clauses (e.g., *Wo weiyi xihuan shu, intended: ‘I only like books’). This paper first justifies the claim that weiyi may not only function as an adjectival modifier but also appear preverbally inside a relative clause, and then demonstrates how weiyi is related to definiteness and takes scope out of a relative clause. It is proposed that preverbal weiyi is part of a DP which undergoes overt A’-movement in the process of relativization. The syntactic structure and semantic composition of a matching analysis are offered to show how a uniform account can be given across adjectival and relative weiyi. A major implication of this paper is that Mandarin does not possess a relative pronoun but allows a DP-internal focus expression to mark syntactic movement in relativization. A comparison between relative constructions involving weiyi and English all-clefts is also discussed.
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Sidnell, Jack. „Habitual and imperfective in Guyanese Creole“. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 17, Nr. 2 (03.10.2002): 151–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.17.2.02sid.
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This paper describes variation in the grammar of aspect in Guyanese Creole. In particular, the various grammaticalized strategies for conveying ha-bituality, progressivity and imperfectivity are discussed. The paper contributes to an ongoing debate regarding the function of various preverbal markers and their interrelationships (see Bickerton, 1975; Edwards, 1984; Gibson, 1988; Ja-ganauth, 1994; Rickford, 1987; Winford, 1993a). Choice of preverbal marker is shown to be strongly conditioned by the stativity of the predicate (in the case of habituals). Drawing on the insights of Weinreich (1953), it is suggested that partial congruence between relatively independent grammatical systems encourages recurrent interlingual identifications.
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Witzenhausen, Elisabeth. „Von Negation zu Domänensubtraktion“. Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 141, Nr. 1 (22.02.2019): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bgsl-2019-0001.
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Abstract Middle Low German (MLG) underwent Jespersen’s Cycle, a change in the expression of sentential negation, whereby a preverbal marker ni (stage I) was adjoined by an adverbial niht (stage II) in the transition towards MLG, and was eventually replaced by it (stage III). In this article, I argue that the single preverbal particle ne/en in MLG became a marker of negation which is located syntactically higher, i. e. above the clause boundary, than the clause in which ne/en appears. This analysis is based on a corpus study investigating MLG exceptive clauses (English unless-clauses). Both on semantic and syntactic grounds, it is shown that these clauses can be explained as being complements of an operator that subtracts the proposition in the exceptive clause from the modal domain of a universal quantifier.
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Farghal, Mohammed. „Present perfect or simple past?“ Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 64, Nr. 5-6 (31.12.2018): 710–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.00063.far.
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Abstract The present study aims to examine the claim that the preverbal particle qad in the perfective is an aspectual marker of near past in Arabic, hence it corresponds to the present perfect in English. The authentic translational corpus drawn from two works (journalistic/scientific and literary discourse) clearly indicates that the preverbal qad is employed as a cohesive marker whose main function is to smooth and naturalize Arabic discourse. The study demonstrates that the translator’s choice between an Arabic simple past with or without qad is governed by the requirements of the flow of discourse rather than by aspectual marking. Failure to account for this discursive function of qad when translating from English into Arabic would in Arabic translations produce cohesion gaps which in English are usually taken care of by punctuation.
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Troike, Rudolph C. „Preverbal no-negation in Gullah“. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 27, Nr. 2 (13.08.2012): 235–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.27.2.02tro.
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Modern Sea Island Gullah is unusual among Atlantic English-based creoles in reportedly not having no as a preverbal negator, ẽ or ɛ̃ ‘ain’t’ being used instead, and doubts have been expressed about any earlier extensive use of no. However, important authentic evidence of its earlier use is provided by the 1838–39 journal of Fanny Kemble (1863) and by letters written during Northern occupation in the Civil War. Among literary writers, Simms (1839/1845) used no 22% of the time vs. 8% for ain’t, while no is near-categorical in Harris (1881), though rare in Jones (1888), and absent in Christensen (1892) and Gonzales (1922). Turner (1949) recorded preverbal no co-occurring with another signature creole marker, Subject me, suggesting code-switching to a basilectal grammar. Hancock (1987) also found no in Gullah. The dominant use of preverbal no in Texas Afro-Seminole (Hancock 2006) could reflect its earlier greater prevalence in the Sea Islands. The evidence raises the possibility that Gullah speakers’ practice of avoiding basilectal use with outside interlocutors (the ‘observer’s paradox’) may have obscured recognition of its modern survival.
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Mallya, Aurelia. „Aurelia Mallya: Locative-subject alternation constructions in Kiwoso“. Ghana Journal of Linguistics 9, Nr. 2 (31.12.2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/gjl.v9i2.1.
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Locative subject alternation constructions show variation within and across languages in terms of subject agreement pattern and the type of predicates involved. In Kiwoso, the preverbal locative DPs with and without locative morphology are best analysed as canonical subjects, as evidenced by the subject diagnostics, such as subject-verb agreement and its occurrence as a subject of passive verb and relative verb clauses. The examined examples demonstrate that the postverbal subject neither behaves like canonical subject nor shows features of canonical object in that it cannot passivize in alternation constructions or appear on the verb as an object marker (i.e., cannot be object marked). However, there is strong evidence to suggest that the preverbal locative (subject) DP in Kiwoso locative-subject alternation constructions is a grammatical subject. As in most languages, locative-subject constructions in Kiwoso serve a pragmatic-discourse function of presentational focus. The locative subject argument of the locative-subject alternation constructions is interpreted as a topic, whereas the postverbal thematic subject of these sentences is understood as focus. The postverbal subject provides information which is usually discourse new in relation to preverbal locative DPs. The data examined from Kiwoso challenges the view that formal and semantic locative inversions cannot co-exist in a single language.
7
Jegerski, Jill. „The processing of case in near-native Spanish“. Second Language Research 31, Nr. 3 (07.01.2015): 281–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658314563880.
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This article reports a study that sought to determine whether non-native sentence comprehension can show sensitivity to two different types of Spanish case marking. Sensitivity to case violations was generally more robust with indirect objects in ditransitive constructions than with differential object marking of animate direct objects, even among native speakers of Spanish, which probably reflects linguistic differences in the two types of case. In addition, the overall outcome of two experiments shows that second language (L2) processing can integrate case information, but that, unlike with native processing, attention to a case marker may depend on the presence of a preverbal clitic as an additional cue to the types of postverbal arguments that might occur in a stimulus. Specifically, L2 readers showed no sensitivity to differential object marking with a in the absence of clitics in the first experiment, with stimuli such as Verónica visita al/el presidente todos los meses ‘Veronica visits the[ACC/NOM]president every month’, but the L2 readers in the second experiment showed native-like sensitivity to the same marker when the object it marked was doubled by the clitic lo, as in Verónica lo visita al/el presidente todos los meses. With indirect objects, on the other hand, sensitivity to case markers was native-like in both experiments, although indirect objects were also always doubled by the preverbal clitic le. The apparent first language / second language contrast suggests differences in processing strategy, whereby non-native processing of morphosyntax may rely more on the predictability of forms than does native processing.
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Abels, Klaus, und Peter Muriungi. „focus particle in Kîîtharaka“. ZAS Papers in Linguistics 46 (01.01.2006): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.46.2006.333.
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In this paper we argue that Kîîıtharaka in situ and ex situ object focus constructions are exhaustive. Sentences with a preverbal focus marker are argued to be nonexhaustive. Our conclusions are based on felicity in mention-some contexts, simple and multiple questions and entailment relations.
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Haokip, Pauthang. „Agreement in Kuki-Chin languages of Barak valley“. Journal of South Asian Languages and Linguistics 5, Nr. 2 (27.11.2018): 159–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jsall-2018-0008.
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Abstract This paper discusses the agreement system of five Kuki-Chin (KC) languages of Barak valley, viz. Saihriem, Hrangkhol, Chorei, Sakachep, and Ronglong. The paper has an introduction, and five sections dedicated to agreement in different contructions: intransitive structures, transitive structures, agreement with the same person, agreement with ditransitive verbs, and agreement in hortative and imperative constructions. The discussion of agreement is further divided into subparts by paradigm; non-future, future and negative; and by languages. As in most KC languages, the Barak valley KC languages exhibit both preverbal and postverbal agreement clitics. The preverbal agreement clitics are homophonous with the possessive pronouns which occur before a noun. In intransitive constructions, the future affirmative paradigm has the same subject agreement clitics as the non-future paradigm. But unlike the non-future paradigm, the agreement clitics occur mostly after the verb and before the future tense marker in the future paradigm. In intransitive constructions, the postverbal agreement clitic shows up only in the future negative paradigm. As in the case of preverbal agreement clitics, the subject NP of an intransitive verb in the future negative paradigm can be dropped, and it can be recovered from its corresponding postverbal agreement clitics. Across the Barak valley KC languages, a transitive verb agrees with its object for the 1st person. Saihriem is the only language which shows number distinction for the second person object. If a verb takes more than one object, one with an inanimate direct object and the other with an indirect human object, the human indirect object takes precedence over the inanimate direct object for agreement. The Imperative construction takes the regular pre-verbal subject agreement marker for 1st and 3rd person in both the singular and plural form. On the contrary, the second person does not take any agreement marker. However, the number (singular and plural of the person) is distinguished in the imperative marker itself.
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Cyrine, NYOMY Cyrine. „Exploring negation in Awing“. Journal of Translation and Language Studies 1, Nr. 1 (14.11.2020): 94–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.48185/jtls.v1i1.24.
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Negation is a universal category and languages differ in many respects in the way they express the latter (see Klima 1964). In this regards, some languages express sentential negation (a subcategorization of negation) with one marker (Dutch, German, English, etc.) while others like French uses two markers. Alongside markers used to express sentential negation, other items, among which Negative Polarity Items, mark negation and tight a particular element within its domain. In this paper, I aim at providing a picture of the expression of negation in Awing (a Bantu Grassfield langue of the Ngemba Group spoken in the North West region of Cameroon). Accordingly, sentential negation is expressed with two discontinuous markers kě…pô. One fact important to the presence of this negative marker is the movement of postverbal elements to a preverbal position turning the SVO structure in non-negative clause to an SOV pattern in negative clauses. In addition, the study describes other negative elements and negation subcategories. In last, the study of negative concord reveals that Awing belongs to the group of Strict Negative Concord (SNC) languages in which n-words must co-occur with negative marker to yield negation.
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Willis, David. „Motivating the emergence of new markers of sentential negation“. Diachronica 27, Nr. 1 (02.06.2010): 110–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.27.1.04wil.
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This article investigates the historical emergence of postverbal negation in Welsh. Welsh undergoes a shift from preverbal negation (Middle Welsh ny(t)) to postverbal negation (Present-day Welsh ddim “not” < Middle Welsh dim “at all” < dim “thing, anything”) (Jespersen’s Cycle). In Middle Welsh, ddim occupies a late clausal position, but it later undergoes a syntactic reanalysis which moves it to an earlier immediately post-subject position. It also shifts in status from a weak negative polarity item, appearing in interrogative, conditional and negative clauses, to a purely negative particle. The article argues that, when ddim begins to occupy an earlier clausal position around 1600, it becomes phonologically less salient, and subsequently loses its emphatic sense in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Finally, the article considers the loss of the preverbal negative marker ni(d) in spoken Welsh, and whether this can best be understood as a push chain (ddim makes ni(d) unnecessary) or as a pull chain (ni(d) is phonologically weak and needs reinforcing by ddim). It concludes that push-chain explanations are most probable for the earlier part of the development up to 1750, with pull-chain explanations being more convincing thereafter.
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Molina, Mariya. „SIMILATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS IN HITTITE «SONG OF ULLIKUMMI»“. Izvestia of Smolensk State University, Nr. 1 (49) (26.05.2020): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-60-73.
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The article is aimed at the analysis of similative constructions with the semantics «X like Y» in Hittite epos the «Song of Ullikummi». Contextual analysis allows the author to detect this type of collocations without any markers like asyndetic
constructions (with juxtaposition, a chain of accusatives).
The author of the article has studied the word order in these constructions. It has been shown that the similarity phrase regularly takes place in the immediate preverbal position after the object and the adverbial modifier of place in a linear
structure. It is interesting to find contexts with a standard of comparison in the initial position of the clause, which points out to the upper (and marked) focus position. This type of placement mostly correlates with right dislocations, frequent in
the Hittite poetic language. As for the linear word order, constructions with conjunction «like X», as a rule, appear as a sequence «a comparee – a standard of comparison – a marker of
the standard». The rare sequences «a standard – a comparee – a marker» show markedness connected to the needs for information structure, which demands further research. In asyndetic constructions the standard sequence appears as «a comparee – a standard». In the paper it has been shown that similative constructions in the «Song of Ullikummi» actually lost the proper similarity semantics and serve as markers of certain qualities of poetic images.
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Liao, Wei-wen Roger. „Bare numeral phrases in Mandarin and the Minimalist Mapping Hypothesis“. International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 5, Nr. 1 (10.08.2018): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.17002.wen.
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Abstract We pursue an agreement-based analysis of the bare numeral phrases in Chinese. Bare numeral phrases in Chinese often occur with the you marker in the preverbal position. With the marker, a bare numeral phrase obtains an individual-denoting reading, which has an existential meaning. In contrast, several syntactic environments do not need the you marker, and the bare numeral phrase obtains the quantity-denoting reading. In addition to the existential you marker, we observe that the distributions of the two readings are correlated to the lower (root) modals (Mod) and the middle aspects (Asp). We argue that the correlation can be analyzed through syntactic feature agreement. That is, the bare numeral phrase carries an unvalued quantificational feature in the null D, and its unvalued feature is valued by the corresponding existential you marker, Asp, and/or Mod heads through (multiple) agreement. We argue that the proposed feature agreement mechanism can improve upon the (Extended) Mapping Hypothesis (Diesing 1992; Tsai 1999, 2001) under the Minimalist Program.
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Cassiani Obeso, Estilita María. „Reinforcement of Grammatical Structures through Explicit Instruction in Palenquero Creole: A Pilot Study“. Languages 6, Nr. 1 (04.03.2021): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6010041.
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The Afro-Hispanic creole, Palenquero, has been spoken (together with Spanish) in the village of San Basilio de Palenque, Colombia, for centuries. Until recently, Palenquero was endangered due to prejudice, but language revitalization efforts are underway, and younger speakers are learning Palenquero, but with little reinforcement out of school. The school instruction involves no grammatical explanations, almost no student production, or critical feedback. Adult speakers usually do not address younger speakers in Palenquero, thus leaving school-acquired forms suspended without reinforcement. This represents a unique scenario of heritage acquisition of a language with no bidirectional communication between younger and adult speakers. The present study focuses on the use of preverbal particles and prenominal plural marker by heritage speakers of Palenquero before and after explicit instruction. Communication activities explicitly presented the prenominal plural ma and preverbal particles, such as zero morpheme (simple present), asé (habitual), ta (progressive), a (perfective/simple past) and tan (future). Participants performed better at the post-test and results suggest that explicit explanation of grammatical rules, practice, repetition, and corrective feedback improved the usage of ma and tan. This result lines up with previous studies that posit the amount of time and exposure that learners need in order to acquire complex morphology.
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Burnett, Heather. „Variation as a testing ground for grammatical theory“. Linguistic Variation 16, Nr. 2 (31.12.2016): 267–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.16.2.05bur.
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This paper addresses the contribution that corpus-based studies of syntactic variation can make to the construction, elaboration and testing of formal syntactic theories, with a particular focus on the testing dimension. In particular, I present a new empirical study of obligatory and optional asymmetric negative concord phenomena, and I show how an influential analysis for obligatory concord patterns (de Swart, 2010) can be tested using variation data through looking at the predictions that its natural probabilistic extension makes for the forms, interpretations and frequency distributions of expressions in languages in which asymmetric concord is optional. In obligatory negative concord languages like Spanish, negative indefinites, such as nadie ‘no one’, appear bare in preverbal position (i.e. in an expression like Nadie ha venido ‘No one came’), but they co-occur with the negative marker no in postverbal negative concord structures such as No he visto a nadie ‘I did not see anyone.’ (lit. ‘I did not see no one.’). Furthermore, in this language, co-occurrence between a negative marker and an n-word is either prohibited (*Nadie no ha venido), or it is obligatory (*He visto a nadie). Québec French shows a variable version of the Spanish pattern in which the negation marker optionally co-occurs with postverbal negative indefinites (J’ai (pas) vu personne ‘I saw no one’) but is prohibited with preverbal negative indefinites *Personne est pas venu (Ok: Personne est venu. ‘No one came’). I show how the predictions for Montréal French of de Swart’s analysis of Spanish can be tested (and, in this case, mostly verified) using a quantitative study of the distribution of bare and concord structures in the Montréal 84 corpus of spoken Montréal French (Thibault & Vincent, 1990) through looking at its natural extension within Boersma (1998)’s stochastic generalization of the Optimality Theory framework, which is the framework in which de Swart’s proposal is set.
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Good, Jeff. „Clause combining in Chechen“. Studies in Language 27, Nr. 1 (04.04.2003): 113–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.27.1.05goo.
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Chechen exhibits three major strategies for the combination of clauses: coordination, chaining, and subordination. The major formal characteristics of these three traditional categories of clause linking are discussed with reference to their basic syntax and semantics as well as to more particular syntactic characteristics, including constituent order and behaviour with respect to negation and wh-questions. In addition, these clause combining strategies of Chechen are classified with respect to Foley and Van Valin’s (1984) typology of clause linkage. A particularly useful result of this classification is that it permits a straightforward characterization of the use of the preverbal conjunctive enclitic ’a as a marker of cosubordination.
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Mobarki, Yahya Abdu A. „From locative existential construction fi(ih) to a TMA/progressive marker“. Journal of Historical Linguistics 10, Nr. 1 (25.05.2020): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhl.16026.mob.
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Abstract The grammaticalization framework has been suggested as a predictive power for language change. This paper considers the grammatical functions of the locative construction fi(ih) in the Gulf Arabic Pidgin (a variety spoken by workers from the Indian subcontinent and south Asian countries working in the Arabian/Persian Gulf States). In Gulf Arabic, there are (1) the preposition fi ‘in; into; inside’ and (2) the locative construction fi(ih) ‘there is/are’, which only has an existential function. In Gulf Arabic Pidgin, the locative construction fi(ih), however, has several grammatical functions, including (1) a possessive marker (i.e., have-constructions), (2) an equative/predicative copula, and (3) a preverbal predicative marker. The aim in this paper is two-fold: first, to show how a grammaticalization framework can possibly account for the grammatical innovations of fi(ih) in the Gulf Arabic Pidgin; and second, to suggest that these grammatical innovations might be the results of an ongoing grammaticalization process of LOCATIVE>TMA/PROGRESSIVE. Earlier studies conducted on this pidgin serve as data sources for this project.
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Schwegler, Armin. „Future and Conditional in Palenquero“. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 7, Nr. 2 (01.01.1992): 223–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.7.2.03sch.
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Previous research (including the recent monographs of Friedemann & Patino Rosselli 1983 and Megenney 1986) states that Palenquero (henceforth PAL) has but a single future particle — tan — and lacks overt irrealis markers to express conditionals. This paper takes issue with earlier claims by showing that this creole language in fact has an additional irrealis marker — ake or its variants k(e) — whose principal function is to signal future and conditional. After the presentation of data, attention is focused on the syntax and origin of aké. In the course of the discussion it will become apparent that the PAL facts speak against Bickerton's well-known hypothesis about the prototypical creole tense-modality-aspect system, which is said to order preverbal morphemes as follows: tense (± anterior) + modality (±irrealis) + aspect (±durative). The final section offers a preliminary investigation into PAL modal distinctions (certain future versus probable future) which casts strong doubts on earlier assertions that PAL lacks contrastive mood differentiations. The article concludes with suggestions for further research.
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Witzenhausen, Elisabeth. „On the (non-)expletive uses of the preverbal negative ne/en in the history of (Low) German and Dutch“. Nordlyd 44, Nr. 1 (12.10.2020): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/12.5281.
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This article presents novel data from Middle High German, Middle Low German and Middle Dutch showing that two phenomena which often have been treated as one, namely the single former negativemarker ne/en appearing in adverbial and complement clauses, have to be treated as distinct phenomena. I argue that only in complement clauses, ne/en is a paratactic negation marker, while in adverbial clausesit functions as an exceptive and adversative discourse marker. In these contexts, I refer to ne/en as post-cyclical Furthermore, I propose a scenario as to how the reanalysis from negation to exceptive markerproceeded.
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Hirvonen, Johannes. „The information structure of Meadow Mari“. Voprosy Jazykoznanija, Nr. 5 (01.11.2024): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/0373-658x.2024.5.97-115.
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This paper provides a first descriptive overview of morphosyntactic strategies of marking information structure in contemporary Meadow Mari, based on both elicited and corpus data. I describe syntactic strategies of marking focus, topics, and contrastive topics in the language. Focus is variably realized in situ, in immediately preverbal or postverbal position, or via pseudocleft. The strategies differ in terms of their “markedness”, in the sense that more marked strategies encode subsets of the types of foci which the less marked strategies encode. Nevertheless, no type of focus requires a certain strategy. Topics are placed in the left periphery of the clause. In addition to these syntactic strategies of information structure marking, the suffix -ŽE is described as a morpheme denoting the selection of an individual from a superset and contrasting it with other individuals — essentially as a marker of contrastive topics. With its broad scope, the paper lays the groundwork for comparative research on information structure in Meadow Mari and other Uralic languages and for more detailed studies on information structure in Meadow Mari itself.
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Meisterernst, Barbara. „A semantic analysis of modal DE 得 in pre-modern Chinese“. Lingua sinica 5, Nr. 1 (01.01.2019): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/linguasinica-2020-0001.
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Abstract In this paper, the lexical semantics of the pre-modal verb 得 dé and its development into a modal auxiliary will be discussed. Two different positions are available for the modal dé, the default preverbal position of modal auxiliary verbs and a post-verbal position. The analysis of the event and the argument structure of the lexical verb dé reveals that the different modal uses of dé originate from its functions as an achievement verb. In this regard, dé clearly differs from the other verbs of possibility in Late Archaic Chinese. The particular syntacto-semantic constraints of dé can account for its development into both a modal auxiliary verb, and for the particular functions it develops in the Modern Sinitic languages as a postverbal modal marker.
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Sommerlot, Carly J. „Voice in Land Dayak Languages“. Oceanic Linguistics 63, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2024): 203–33. https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2024.a946243.
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Abstract: It has been noted that many languages spoken on the island of Borneo, Indonesia, represent a variety of different voice profiles. However, due to limited documentation, languages belonging to the Land Dayak subgroup have not been included in these prior discussions of voice. This paper represents a first step in describing the voice system in five Land Dayak languages, which diverges from the well-studied “Indonesian-type” and “Philippine-type” voice profiles and is characterized by a two-way distinction with limited morphological affixation and case marking, relying instead on word order and a preverbal analytic marker in the undergoer voice. While this patterns similarly to a “Central Bornean-type” voice system, Land Dayak languages showcase variation within this profile that suggests Central Bornean-type as a typology should be broadened. Land Dayak languages additionally show evidence of a nasal prefix N-, which functions not as a voice marker but as a transivitizer, contributing to a larger discussion on the role of (me)N- in the languages of Indonesia.
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Mous, Maarten. „TAM-full object-verb order in the Mbam languages of Cameroon“. ZAS Papers in Linguistics 57 (01.01.2014): 72–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.57.2014.420.
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Nen and Nyokon are unique among the Bantu languages in allowing full nominal objects between the tense/aspect marker and the verb. Despite the fact that the two languages are neighbours and related they make different use of this positional option. In Nen the position is the default one for objects and the post-verbal position renders an object discrete and suitable for quantified objects and for contrast. In Nyokon the position before the verb is functionally equivalent to the one after the verb. The difference is related to the fact that Nyokon allows the preverbal object only in certain tenses whereas in Nen it is not restricted. But contrasted objects in Nyokon too appear after the verb. There is a construction in which both positions are filled with a constituent. This construction is modelled on a secondary predication construction.
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Zeller, Jochen, und J. Paul Ngoboka. „Agreement with locatives in Kinyarwanda: a comparative analysis“. Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 39, Nr. 1 (25.05.2018): 65–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jall-2018-0003.
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AbstractIn Bantu languages such as Chichewa or Herero, locatives can function as subjects and show noun class agreement (in class 16, 17 or 18) with predicates and modifiers. In contrast, (preverbal) locatives in Sotho-Tswana and Nguni have been analysed as prepositional adjuncts, which cannot agree. Our paper compares locatives in Kinyarwanda (JD61) with locatives in these other Bantu languages and demonstrates that the Kinyarwanda locative system is essentially of the Chichewa/Herero type. We show that Kinyarwanda locatives are nominal in nature, can act as subjects, and agree with predicates and modifiers. However, even though Kinyarwanda has four locative noun classes (16, 17, 18 and 25), there is only one locative agreement marker (class 16ha-), which indiscriminately appears with all locatives, regardless of their noun class. We explain this fact by arguing that noun class features in Kinyarwanda do not participate in locative agreement; instead, the invariant class 16 marker expresses agreement with a generic feature [location] associated with all locatives. We offer a syntactic analysis of this peculiar aspect of Kinyarwanda locative agreement, and we propose a parameter that accounts for the relevant difference between Kinyarwanda and Chichewa/Herero-type Bantu languages.
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Saeed, Feras. „Verbal Anti-Agreement with Non-Human DPs“. International Journal of English Linguistics 9, Nr. 5 (06.09.2019): 362. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v9n5p362.
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This paper examines the unexpected verbal anti-agreement with non-human plural subjects in Standard Arabic. In this language, when the plural subject denotes non-humans, the verb fails to establish plural agreement with that subject. Non-human DPs refer to nominals which denote any animate life-form other than humans as well as all inanimate entities. In this paper, I provide two competing analyses to account for this phenomenon. In the first analysis, I build on the assumption (Mohammad, 2000) that preverbal subjects in this language are Topics and argue that the singular number marker on the anti-agreeing verb is the result of establishing partial agreement with the non-human subject in its base-position before movement/dislocation to TopP. In the second account, I borrow Corbett’s (2004) notion of ‘individuated nominals’ where it is assumed that plural nominals can either refer to collective individuals or distinct individuals; subsequently the intended referent dictates agreement on the verb. Hence, I argue that non-human plural subjects are collective nominals that are not individuated, therefore they are inherently singular and the plural marker in this case carries morphosyntactic information that does not affect the inherently imposed singular feature.
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Rickford, John R., und Jerome S. Handler. „Textual Evidence on the Nature of Early Barbadian Speech, 1676-1835“. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 9, Nr. 2 (01.01.1994): 221–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.9.2.02ric.
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On the evidence of textual attestations from 1676-1835, early Barbadian English is shown to have exhibited many more nonstandard features than is generally recognized. Such features, which are commonly, if not exclusively, found in pidgins and creoles, include vowel epenthesis, paragoge and initial s-deletion processes, creole tense-modality-aspect marking, copula absence, the use of invariant no as a preverbal negative and as an emphatic positive marker, the occurrence of one as indefinite article, and a variety of morphologically unmarked pronominal forms. The texts consist of samples of African and Afro-Barbadian speech from historical sources, including ones which linguists have not previously considered. The textual samples are examined century by century, accompanied by a detailed account of the contemporary sociohistorical setting, and interpreted in terms of known and inferred Caribbean patterns of sociolinguistic variation, both in the present and in the past. It is concluded that while early Barbadian speech comprised a range of varieties, creolelike varieties were undoubtedly a part of that range.
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Kulikov, Leonid. „Vedic preverbs as markers of valency-changing derivations“. Studies in Language 36, Nr. 4 (31.12.2012): 721–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.36.4.01kul.
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The present paper offers an analysis of the transitivizing and intransitivizing preverbs (semi-bound verbal prefixes) in Vedic Sanskrit. I will argue that the (in)transitivizing force of these morphemes is weak: the passivization test shows that transitivizing preverbs only exceptionally make fundamentally intransitive verbs true transitives, whilst the only intransitivizing preverb ví has but a rather limited valency-changing capacity.
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Irsch, Kristina, David L. Guyton, Robert B. Geary, Jing Tian, Boris I. Gramatikov und Howard S. Ying. „Disconjugacy of Eye Movements during Attempted Fixation: A Sufficient Marker for Amblyopia?“ Klinische Monatsblätter für Augenheilkunde 239, Nr. 10 (Oktober 2022): 1206–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/a-1933-3150.
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Abstract Background To investigate whether detection of disconjugacy of eye movements during attempted fixation, or interocular position instability, may serve as a single sensitive test for amblyopia. Patients/Methods and Material Binocular eye movements were recorded at 500 Hz using the EyeLink 1000 eye tracker (SR Research Ltd., Kanata, Ontario, Canada) and analyzed using EyeLink software and Matlab (MathWorks, Natick, MA, USA). Eight subjects (four amblyopes, one successfully treated amblyope, and three non-amblyopes: 7 – 44 years) were asked to fixate on a stationary cross subtending 0.5° at 57 cm. Interocular position instability was quantified by calculating the minimum area bivariate contour ellipse (BCEA) encompassing 68% of the difference between right and left eye position points during 20-second viewing epochs. For statistical analysis, BCEA values, as well as visual acuity and stereoacuity, were normalized by base-10 logarithm transformation. Results The amblyopic subjects with persistent vision loss (one anisometropic, two strabismic, one deprivation; uncorrected visual acuity range 20/60 – 20/300, corrected stereoacuity range nil-400 arcsec) showed significantly higher interocular position instability (larger 68% BCEAs) than the non-amblyopic subjects (uncorrected visual acuity range 20/20 – 20/800, corrected stereoacuities of 20 arcsec) and the successfully treated strabismic amblyope (to the 20/20 level of visual acuity and 70 arcsec of stereoacuity) during binocular viewing trials; p < 0.01. Interocular position stability was strongly correlated with stereoacuity (in that better stereoacuity was associated with lower 68% BCEAs; r = 0.95), but not with visual acuity (r = 0.20). Conclusion Interocular position instability appears to differentiate amblyopic from non-amblyopic subjects and appears to improve after successful treatment. Interocular position instability may therefore prove to be a single sensitive test for the presence of amblyopia. As a difference measure, it is inherently less susceptible to head motion and calibration error, as well as to conjugate eye motion, and as such is expected to be somewhat immune to latent nystagmus. Interocular position instability may also be useful to guide treatment, especially in preverbal children, and to assess the efficacy of novel treatments. Further research is required to establish optimal interocular position instability thresholds and to determine how specific this measure is to amblyopia.
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Horodilova, T. „NEGATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS IN THE HISTORY OF GERMAN: THE CASE OF MULTIPLE NEGATION“. Вісник Житомирського державного університету імені Івана Франка. Філологічні науки, Nr. 1(96) (06.09.2022): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/philology.1(96).2022.75-86.
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This paper discusses the evolutionary path of sentence negation development in the history of the German language. The peculiarities of means of multiple negation realization in the studied periods of the language development have been analyzed, taking into account changes in the paradigm of negative markers of Old, Middle, and Early New High German. In terms of polynegation, the attention has been focused on the negative concord, accompanied by a preverbal marker and an additional negative adverb or pronoun. It has been found that the implementation of the negative concord involves a single semantic core of negation. The reasons for the transition from double to single negation in the appropriate period of the German language development have been highlighted. The study of the mechanisms of grammaticalization made it possible to trace the development of negative grammatical constructions, namely the loss of syntactic independence and morphological diversity of elements in the syntactic paradigm. The gradual nature of sentence negation has been presented according to Jespersen's cycle, which reflects the weakening of the mononegative proclitic with its subsequent strengthening with the help of an additional negative pronoun, and, as a result, the return to the mononegative model in which the second negative element was implemented. A particular attention has been paid to the phenomenon of grammatical redundancy and its manifestations in the transformation of the negative model in diachrony. In linguistic studies, grammatical redundancy is characterized as a property or language behavior when the same function is realized by two or more means. The gradual elimination of the additional negative element contributed to the isolation of the mononegative model inherited by Modern German. It has been also shown that structural changes in negative sentences are closely related to a relatively free or limited word order.
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Yoshida, Shigeki. „Efficient marking of argument focus: A trade-off between focus particles and word order in Sinhala“. Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 7, Nr. 1 (05.05.2022): 5223. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v7i1.5223.
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Colloquial Sinhala has focus concord constructions in which finite verbs with the suffix -e mark argument focus. In such constructions, the focal constituent is optionally marked via a focus particle, via movement to a postverbal (rather than preverbal) position, or via a combination of a focus particle and postverbal position. In this paper, I quantitatively analyze the preferred position of focal constituents marked by the three focus particles =yi, tamaa and tamai, as well as those not marked by any particle. Using data from a news website, I show that marking via a particle and the movement to the postverbal position are not randomly used. Rather, focal constituents marked by a focus particle are less likely to occur preverbally, while those not marked by a particle are more likely to occur postverbally. Moreover, among constituents marked by a focus particle, those marked by the particle =yi are more likely to occur postverbally. Based on these findings, I argue that the positional tendencies of focal constituents can be regarded as efficient marking patterns. When a constituent is marked by a focus particle, it is less likely to occur preverbally because the focal constituent is already explicit and the marking by the position would be redundant. The preference of =yi for the postverbal position does not seem to follow this general tendency until one takes into account that it requires less effort to produce =yi due to its phonological status. With this in mind, the distribution of constituents marked by =yi can also be regarded as an efficient pattern. The discussion in this paper contributes to both the typology of efficiency and the typology of optional focus marking.
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Nkollo, Mikołaj, und Alexandra Fiéis. „The não interpolation in Classical and early Modern European Portuguese and the mapping between syntactic and phonological structures: An empirical study“. Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 13, Nr. 1 (27.05.2020): 115–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/shll-2020-2023.
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AbstractThe central topic of the paper is clitic-verb non-adjacency (interpolation) in Classical and early Modern European Portuguese (EP). Throughout that period, the negative marker não was the only expression likely to disrupt the continuity of clitic-verb sequences. The aims of the study are twofold. First, previous assumptions on the syntax of this pattern are matched against data retrieved from the texts stored in the Biblioteca Nacional Digital. The present analysis demonstrates, first, that clitic-verb adjacency and non-adjacency had divergent distributions depending on whether they occurred in obligatory proclisis contexts or in X-V-cl/X-cl-V variation ones. Whereas interpolation was the default choice in the former, clitic-verb adjacency was prevailing in the latter in the period under discussion. The second aim is to account for the overrepresentation, underpinned by corpus data, of 3rd person accusative pronouns in clauses with interpolation. In previous works, the origin of clitic-verb non-adjacency was couched either in semantic terms (the contribution of não to the meaning of the VP) or in terms of clitic movement and increasing constraints on the status of Neg (Neg and clitic are both assumed to be affixes). In the present paper, interpolation is shown to have had an interface nature, with phonological factors playing a central role. The discontinuity of clitic-Verb sequences is thought to have helped speakers to get rid of the affixal attachment of the o, a, os, as series to the preceding non-verbal sound material (nasal diphthongs in não, quem, ninguém, etc, coercing preverbal pronouns into taking a nasal onset quem no, não no, etc.). As a consequence, in present day standard EP, clitic-specific allomorphy has become earmarked for enclisis.
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Verstraete, Jean-Christophe. „Preverbal positions in three Germanic languages“. Languages in Contrast 4, Nr. 1 (14.04.2004): 105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lic.4.1.06ver.
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This study investigates the opposition between intra-clausal and extra-clausal positions in the preverbal domain in English, German and Dutch. It is argued that some of the traditional criteria used to distinguish between these positions, especially the criterion of pronominal resumption, are not entirely reliable, and a number of new criteria are introduced, including distribution in non-declarative contexts. On the basis of these descriptive refinements, it is proposed that the opposition between intra-clausal and extra-clausal positions can be defined functionally in terms of the scope of illocution markers: the intra-clausal position falls within the scope of illocution, whereas the extra-clausal position is outside its scope. This functional generalization does not only help to explain the various formal criteria that distinguish the two positions, but it is also in line with their typical discourse functions.
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Valenzuela Mochón, Estefanía. „Modality in Arabic: The Multiple Functions of the (Non)-Indicative Markers -ūn and b-“. Languages 7, Nr. 4 (25.10.2022): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages7040272.
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This paper explores the non-indicative modal meanings that the classical indicative plural inflection -ūn and the preverbal particle b- express in different varieties of Arabic. Moreover, it argues that these two forms allow the speaker to introduce a marked stance in specific grammatical contexts, where the choice of -ūn or b- clearly introduces a modal reading to the proposition. Taking a comparative approach to examine modality in Arabic, I build on examples taken from Classical Arabic (CLA), premodern non-standard written (NSW) documents, and modern dialects to analyze the modal behavior of -ūn and b-. Analysis of the data reveals the following: (1) preverbal b- is used to create rhetorical contrast, and (2) either -ūn or b- can overtly signal authoritative expectations (and orders) and/or intention. These results suggest an interesting connection between the modal roles played by -ūn and b- across Arabic varieties and demonstrate the importance of NSW texts in tracing the historical development of modality in Arabic.
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de Andrade, Aroldo. „Aboutness Topics in Old and Middle French: A corpus-based study on the fate of V2“. Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 63, Nr. 2 (21.11.2017): 194–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2017.45.
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AbstractThis article investigates the loss of aboutness topics in preverbal position in the history of French, using a corpus-based research on preverbal accusative objects. A comparison of Old and Middle French with Modern French reveals that new-information focalization had disappeared by the 14thcentury, whereas aboutness topicalization had in turn vanished by the end of the 16thcentury, along with other marked constructions. Combined with the generative premise that independent pragmatic factors should not trigger syntactic change, the results of this study suggest the reanalysis of the grammar as V-to-I in Renaissance French is responsible for blocking the derivation of aboutness topicalization. An alternative proposal based on phase extension and on Relativized Minimality, in a version affecting some types of A′-movement, relates those two diachronic shifts. The article concludes with the idea that the study of marked constructions may be recast as offering diagnostics on broader syntactic changes.
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Kurt, Didem, und Nazik Dinçtopal Deniz. „Processing Focus in Turkish“. Languages 8, Nr. 1 (29.01.2023): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages8010038.
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The immediately preverbal position has been argued to be the default focus position in Turkish. In absence of any overt focus markers, the constituent in this position is considered to carry sentential stress and neutral information for canonical word-order sentences and focus is projected to the whole sentence in the form of broad focus. In non-canonical word-order sentences, the immediately preverbal constituent is presumed to carry focal stress and the focused constituent would receive narrow focus. This paper tested this claim experimentally. The paper also investigated if there were any differences in the cognitive operations associated with processing and revising focus in canonical and non-canonical sentences. There were a sentence completion task and an eye-tracking experiment. The sentence completion data and the eye-tracking data supported the theoretical predictions: the immediately preverbal position was associated with default focus in Turkish when no pitch accentuation or other focus markers were available. The eye-tracking data further showed that changes to word-order were perceived as cues for broad versus narrow focus marking. The participants’ processing of and revision from narrow focus were costlier than processing broad focus and assigning narrow focus for the first time. We argue, in line with previous research, that this may be due to deeper encoding of focused information in memory or heavier memory load resulting from keeping a set of alternatives of the focused constituent when it has contrastive meaning.
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Lafkioui, Mena B., und Vermondo Brugnatelli. „Negation in Berber: Variation, evolution, and typology“. Linguistics 58, Nr. 4 (25.10.2020): 967–1008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0010.
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AbstractDouble and triple negation marking is an ancient and deep-rooted feature that is attested in almost the entire Berber-speaking area (North Africa and diaspora), regardless of the type of negators in use; i. e., discontinuous markers (preverbal and postverbal negators) and dedicated negative verb stem alternations. In this article, we deal with the main stages that have led to the present Berber negation patterns and we argue, from a typological viewpoint, that certain morphophonetic mechanisms are to be regarded as a hitherto overlooked source for new negators. Moreover, we present a number of motivations that account for the hypothesis that, in Berber, those languages with both a preverbal and a postverbal negator belong to a diachronic stage prior to the attested languages with a preverbal negator only. Consequently, the study demonstrates that the Jespersen Cycle is back to the beginning in certain Berber languages. In doing so, we also show that Berber is to be regarded as a substrate in the development of double negation in North African Arabic. In addition, the study accounts for the asymmetric nature of Berber negation, although some new developments towards more symmetrical negation configurations are also attested.
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Budassi, Marco, und Elisa Roma. „On the origin of the absolute vs. conjunct opposition in Insular Celtic“. Indogermanische Forschungen 123, Nr. 1 (01.08.2018): 293–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2018-0011.
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Abstract Despite more than a century of research, the origin of the Insular Celtic double system of verbal inflection is still debated. In this paper, we defend the thesis that the set of absolute endings originated by the agglutination of a subject clitic to the verb form. This clitic marked the declarative (vs. relative) use of verbs, since its distribution was complementary to that of the relative marker *yo. The present indicative as well as the preterite (in both the absolute and conjunct inflection) of one strong verb (berid‘bring’) and one weak verb (lécid‘leave’) are reconstructed according to this theory. For compound verb forms, the clitic ~ *yoalternation can be posited as well. The cases in which the distribution of initial mutations on the verb stem after preverbs does not follow the diachronic phonological rules of Old Irish (that is, there is no lenition after preverbs originally ending in a vowel) are accounted for from a synchronic standpoint. This “anomalous” behaviour can be explained by positing that a functionally relevant (morphological) system of mutations had replaced the previous phonology-based system.
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Živković, Ema, und Nina Sudimac. „The effect of focus and the focus particle samo on the exclusion of contextual alternatives in Serbian“. Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 57, Nr. 2 (01.06.2021): 299–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2021-0013.
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Abstract The goal of this paper is to investigate the relationship between focus and the inferences that listeners derive from utterances. While the function of focus is to generate a set of alternatives to the focused element, it can also evoke the implicature that the statement does not hold for the contextual alternatives, which is referred to as exhaustive meaning. Whether focus is exhaustive is a matter of cross-linguistic variation. This paper aims to assess exhaustive inferences in Serbian triggered by focus in situ marked by prosodic prominence and in the preverbal position, canonical sentences with neutral intonation, and the exclusive particle samo ‘only’. The participants were presented with the recorded test items, after which they were asked to express their judgement about the possibility of the contextual alternatives using a scale. The results indicated that there was no interpretative difference regarding exhaustive meaning between the sentences with the focused words marked with prosodic prominence and those with unmarked intonation. However, the sentences with the preverbal focused target word were judged as significantly more exhaustive than the canonical sentences with default intonation. Finally, the sentences with the focus particle samo were interpreted mostly as not allowing other contextual interpretations.
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Krebs, Julia, Ronnie B. Wilbur und Dietmar Roehm. „Two agreement markers in Austrian Sign Language (ÖGS)“. Sign Language and Linguistics 20, Nr. 1 (06.11.2017): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sll.20.1.02kre.
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Abstract For many of the sign languages studied to date, different types of agreement markers have been described which express agreement in transitive constructions involving non-inflecting (plain) verbs and sometimes even inflected agreement verbs. Austrian Sign Language (ÖGS) belongs to the group of sign languages employing two different agreement markers (agrm-bc/agrm-mf), which will be described in this paper. In an online questionnaire, we focused on two questions: (i) whether both forms of agreement markers are rated as equally acceptable by Deaf ÖGS-signers and hearing native signers, and (ii) whether there is a preferred syntactic position (pre- vs. postverbal) for these markers. Data analysis confirmed that both agreement markers are accepted by ÖGS-signers and that both agreement markers are slightly preferred in preverbal position. Further, possible origins of both agreement markers are discussed.
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Inglese, Guglielmo, und Chiara Zanchi. „Reciprocal constructions in Homeric Greek: A typological and corpus-based approach“. Folia Linguistica 54, s41-s1 (01.12.2020): 117–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2020-0005.
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Abstract Ancient Greek features a wide array of means to encode reciprocity. Even though reference grammars do mention most of these strategies, they have not been brought together and compared in a systematic way so far. In this paper, we provide a thorough corpus-based description of the three most widespread reciprocal markers in Homeric Greek: the pronoun allḗlōn, the middle voice, and the use of preverbs. Our analysis is couched within current descriptive models of reciprocal constructions developed in linguistic typology. As we argue, Homeric Greek offers a remarkably complex picture, whereby these strategies synchronically cover different semantic and syntactic sub-domains of reciprocity, and thus partly stand in complementary distribution. Already in Homer, the pronoun allḗlōn is the most productive marker of reciprocal situations, with the middle voice and preverbs playing a more limited role. By adopting a diachronic perspective, we also show that this distribution can partly be explained as the result of the different historical sources of each construction. Moreover, once properly scrutinized, the facts of Homeric Greek provide interesting cues as to the developments of reciprocal constructions in later stages of Greek.
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Schneider-Blum, Gertrud, und Birgit Hellwig. „Reference tracking in Tima and its interplay with split ergative marking“. Studies in Language 42, Nr. 4 (31.12.2018): 970–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.17030.sch.
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Abstract Tima, a Niger-Congo language of the Sudan, shows signs of split ergativity. If its constituent order deviates from the basic AVO order to OVA order, the postverbal agent is formally marked, unlike preverbal agents. A direct object, regardless of its position relative to the verb, is never marked. Research so far has shown that ergative constructions are triggered by certain participant constellations in discourse. In particular, when the speaker keeps a non-agentive participant, more specifically a direct object, as the centre of attention in sentence-initial position, a newly introduced agent occurs postverbally and receives ergative marking. In addition, AOV and OAV constructions are attested, both involving focus marking.
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Aceto, Michael. „Barbudan Creole English“. English World-Wide 23, Nr. 2 (20.12.2002): 223–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.23.2.04ace.
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This article presents some of the core grammatical features of Barbudan Creole English, an Anglophone language that has never been described in the linguistics or creolistics literature. It begins with a historical presentation of Barbuda within the British colonial world, discussing the islands unusual social configuration regarding the use of African slaves and its role in producing goods for plantations in nearby Antigua. The grammatical presentation focuses on the preverbal markers as well as other features and provides some comparative data mostly between Antiguan Creole English and Barbudan.
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Tosco, Mauro. „Feature-geometry and diachrony“. Diachronica 24, Nr. 1 (01.06.2007): 119–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.24.1.06tos.
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Several East and South Cushitic languages of East Africa have a preverbal series of subject markers. They are generally clitics, sometimes phonologically independent words. Like the subject clitics of many Romance varieties, these markers display characteristic restrictions: their paradigm is often incomplete, or the same morpheme may be shared by two or more persons. In this article, the subject markers of Cushitic are first compared with the Romance subject clitics, and then analyzed in the light of the feature geometry of pronominal systems (Harley & Ritter 2002b). It is argued that feature-geometric accounts are amenable to a diachronic interpretation, and that subject markers, rather than deriving directly from independent personal pronouns, arise out of the piecemeal addition of pronominal features from a minimal system. In so doing, they move along a possibly universal path of development, whose different stages are neatly exemplified in Cushitic.
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Ehrhart, Sabine. „The development of the preverbal markers in St-Louis-Creole: The formation of a TMA-system?“ Language Sciences 14, Nr. 3 (Juli 1992): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0388-0001(92)90006-z.
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Key, Alexandra P., Courtney E. Venker und Micheal P. Sandbank. „Psychophysiological and Eye-Tracking Markers of Speech and Language Processing in Neurodevelopmental Disorders: New Options for Difficult-to-Test Populations“. American Journal on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities 125, Nr. 6 (01.11.2020): 465–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1352/1944-7558-125.6.465.
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Abstract It can be challenging to accurately assess speech and language processing in preverbal or minimally verbal individuals with neurodevelopmental disabilities (NDD) using standardized behavioral tools. Event-related potential and eye tracking methods offer novel means to objectively document receptive language processing without requiring purposeful behavioral responses. Working around many of the cognitive, motor, or social difficulties in NDDs, these tools allow for minimally invasive, passive assessment of language processing and generate continuous scores that may have utility as biomarkers of individual differences and indicators of treatment effectiveness. Researchers should consider including physiological measures in assessment batteries to allow for more precise capture of language processing in individuals for whom it may not behaviorally apparent.
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Tubau, Susagna, Viviane Déprez, Joan Borràs-Comes und M. Teresa Espinal. „How speakers interpret the negative markers no and no…pas in Catalan“. Probus 30, Nr. 1 (25.04.2018): 121–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/probus-2017-0008.
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AbstractThis paper reports the results of an experimental investigation designed to test the interpretation of the optional doubling of the negative markersnoandpasin Expletive Negation (EN) contexts and in preverbal Negative Concord Items (NCI) contexts in Catalan. We show that in EN contexts a negative interpretation ofnois preferred to an expletive one, with non-negative readings being less widespread than expected from what is described in traditional grammars. In NCI contexts the overt presence ofnobasically contributes to a single negation interpretation, thus confirming the status of Catalan as a Negative Concord language. We also show that, in the absence of discourse environments,pasin both EN and NCI contexts shows a variable interpretation, a characteristic of negative polarity items. Our results indicate thatpasdoes not increase the amount of negative interpretation ofnoin EN contexts, or of double negation in NCI contexts, but is an item dependent on the interpretation ofno. We conclude that the strengthening role of Catalanpas(at stage two of Jespersen’s cycle), while associated with the expression of metalinguistic negation, does not reverse the truth or falsity of a proposition.
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Baranova, Vlada. „The Preverbal Negation Particle esə in Kalmyk: Historical Development and Typological Context of Negators in Subordinate Clause“. International Journal of Eurasian Linguistics 1, Nr. 1 (18.06.2019): 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25898833-12340003.
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Abstract The goal of this paper is a comprehensive description of the negation particle esǝ, which is the single preverbal indicative negator in Kalmyk, whereas other negation markers are placed after the verb. The particle esǝ is mainly used in subordinate clauses. Judging from corpus data, it also occurs with a small number of finite forms in emphatic contexts such as rhetorical questions. This paper provides an explanation for both of these facts based on historical and typological considerations. More specifically, it will examine the results of the development of the negation system on a synchronic level, focusing on spoken data and corpora. It will also contribute to a broader understanding of negation in subordinate clause. A typological overview of sources for different markers in dependent clause shows that the Kalmyk case is uncommon cross-linguistically. An additional factor that plays a role here is the dichotomy finiteness vs. non-finiteness/nominalization.
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Andersen, Torben. „Syntacticized topics in Kurmuk“. Studies in Language 39, Nr. 3 (26.10.2015): 508–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.39.3.01and.
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This article argues that Kurmuk, a little-described Western Nilotic language, is characterized by a syntacticized topic whose grammatical relation is variable. In this language, declarative clauses have as topic an obligatory preverbal NP which is either a subject, an object, or an adjunct. The grammatical relation of the topic is expressed by a voice-like inflection of the verb, called orientation here. While subject-orientation is morphologically unmarked, object-oriented and adjunct-oriented verbs are marked by a subject suffix or by a suffix indicating that the topic is not subject, and adjunct-orientation differs from object-orientation by a marked tone pattern. Topic choice largely reflects information structure by indicating topic continuity. The topic also plays a crucial role in relative clauses and in clauses with contrastive constituent focus, in that objects and adjuncts can only be relativized or contrastively focalized if they are coded as topics. Moreover, some types of adverbial clauses require adjunct-orientation.
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Larrivée, Pierre. „Reanalysis of negatives as polarity markers? The last 400 years of decline of the French preverbal negative clitic“. Lingua 147 (August 2014): 40–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2013.09.004.
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Graham, Lamar A. „An analysis of morphosyntactic variation in the Old Spanish future and conditional“. Journal of Historical Linguistics 8, Nr. 2 (27.12.2018): 192–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhl.17016.gra.
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Abstract The presence of two forms of the future and conditional paradigms in Old Spanish is well-attested. The analytic form, which was marked by a mesoclitic, was more syntactically restricted, while the synthetic form, which surfaced with either a proclitic or an enclitic, was essentially free to appear in any syntactic context. It is notable that the analytic form was only acceptable in contexts in which finite verbs obligatorily hosted enclitics. In this article, I test various morphosyntactic factors to determine the level of variation among the analytic and synthetic future and conditional forms across six centuries of Old Spanish. The factors of verb tense, preverbal constituent, and verb stem morphology significantly affect the emergence of mesoclisis or enclisis, as does the century during which the verb is produced; however, subject expression is not a significant factor.