Bücher zum Thema „Press station“

Enrico Fermi – Premio Nobel per la Fisica nel 1938 – ha insegnato alla Regia Università degli Studi di Firenze. La permanenza di Fermi a Firenze fu breve, solo due anni accademici (1924-25 e 1925-26); in questi anni tenne i corsi di «Fisica Matematica» e di «Meccanica Razionale». Il presente volume è un contributo alla ricostruzione di questo periodo non molto noto della vita di Fermi, ma segnato scientificamente dalla pubblicazione della statistica che prende il suo nome, base tra l’altro della fisica dei semiconduttori e quindi dell’elettronica moderna. Vengono anche riprodotte nel testo le «Lezioni di Meccanica Razionale» tenute da Enrico Fermi nel periodo predetto agli studenti di Scienze e del biennio propedeutico agli studi di Ingegneria. I temi affrontati da Enrico Fermi nelle sue lezioni includono la cinematica e la dinamica del punto, la cinematica e la statica dei sistemi rigidi, inclusa la statica di sistemi più in generale. Infine le lezioni contengono le equazioni di «Lagrangia» e alcuni elementi di idromeccanica. Questo libro inaugura una collana di pubblicazioni associata alla rivista «Il Colle di Galileo» della Firenze University Press.

Lo stato sociale nel pensiero politico contemporaneo. Il Novecento. Parte seconda: dal dopoguerra a oggi is intended to complete the overview of the presence of the Welfare State concept in contemporary political thought that began in 2007 with the volume dealing with the nineteenth century and then continued in 2009 with the first part of the reconstruction relating to the twentieth century (both published by Firenze University Press). The final period, from the end of the Second World War to the present, is marked by deeply conflicting situations. These range from, on the one hand, the success of the institutions proper to the Welfare State among the artificers of one of the most socially prosperous periods of Western history to, on the other, the surfacing of critical elements with repercussions which are among the most serious political issues of the present time. Uncoiling right through the second half of the twentieth century is the relentless clash between broadly social-democratic theories and those of a neo-liberalist stamp, with the addition of a third source of reflection: the "critical thought" aimed at underscoring the shortcomings of the Welfare State and its substantial dependence on the capitalist cycle. These are the historiographical issues addressed in this book by a number of scholars, engaged in reconstructing the amplitude and the internal breakdown of a debate that involves the political philosophy of the entire contemporary western world. THE THREE VOLUMES: Lo stato sociale nel pensiero politico contemporaneo L'Ottocento Lo stato sociale nel pensiero politico contemporaneo. Il Novecento Parte prima: Da inizio secolo alla seconda guerra mondiale Lo stato sociale nel pensiero politico contemporaneo. Il Novecento Parte seconda: dal dopoguerra a oggi

Il carteggio tra Cristina e sua figlia Caterina rappresenta un caso unico nel panorama epistolare conservato in casa Medici, per l’ampiezza, per la varietà dei temi trattati, per il tono intimo e confidenziale che traspare dalle lettere. Nei dieci anni trascorsi a Mantova da Caterina le due donne si scambiarono consigli, raccomandazioni e timori che ci permettono di seguire e delineare lo scenario più ampio in cui si muovevano entrambe. Con questa edizione abbiamo ricreato l’unità di un fitto scambio epistolare, costituitosi come unicum nella volontà della scrivente, ma separato poi in due nuclei distinti nelle vicende della sua trasmissione. Sono qui pubblicate le lettere inviate dalla granduchessa Cristina di Lorena alla figlia Caterina de’ Medici Gonzaga presenti nella filza 6110 del fondo Mediceo del Principato conservato nell’Archivio di Stato di Firenze e nelle buste 1095, 1096 e 1097 dell'Archivio Gonzaga presso l'Archivio di Stato di Mantova.

Il secondo di due volumi dedicati all'ermetismo e Firenze editi da Firenze University Press (il primo dal titolo Critici, traduttori, maestri, modelli è acquistabile separatamente). Tra il 1930 e il 1945 un gruppo di giovani dette vita a Firenze a una delle più felici stagioni letterarie del nostro Novecento. Molti di loro si riconobbero in una dizione comune, marcata da un immaginario condiviso, e nel silenzioso dissenso dalla retorica del regime, alla quale venivano contrapposti la radicalità dell’istanza etica e il legame profondo con le radici giudaicocristiane, romanze, romantico-simboliste della civiltà europea. A cento anni dalla nascita dei suoi protagonisti (Mario Luzi, Piero Bigongiari, Alessandro Parronchi, Vittorio Bodini) ancora ci si chiede cosa sia stato l’ermetismo, come sia nato, cosa l’abbia contraddistinto. Cercare come si sia modificato, perché sia stato circondato da pregiudizi e avversione (come fanno i due imprescindibili volumi che raccolgono gli atti di un memorabile convegno nel quale Anna Dolfi ha coinvolto studiosi provenienti da ogni parte del mondo), porta a tracciare un quadro/ritratto degli autori dell’ermetismo, dei suoi critici (Bo, Macrí), amici (il compagno di generazione Vittorio Sereni), estimatori e/o detrattori, e a delimitare i confini di un complesso capitolo della storia italiana iniziata con il Fascismo e conclusa, di recente, con la caduta delle ideologie. Assieme ai suoi ‘attori’, in posizione di rilievo è Firenze, la città che fu risvegliata per qualche decennio alla grandezza del passato da una nuova passione, fatta di cultura, creatività ed intelligenza.

Il secondo Quaderno del Laboratorio di Storia Moderna riprende e sviluppa alcuni interventi presentati nell’ambito del Seminario su Temi e problemi di Storia moderna, attivo da più di quindici anni presso il Dipartimento SAGAS dell’Università di Firenze. I contributi qui raccolti discutono da punti di vista diversi La costruzione dello Stato Moderno, attraverso la lenta e complessa evoluzione della sovranità centrale rispetto alle autonomie, il ruolo delle corti, lo sviluppo della diplomazia e del suo cerimoniale e la storia dell’idea di libertà. Sono analizzati in particolare i casi dell’Elettorato di Sassonia e della monarchia di Francia nel Cinquecento, i Consigli di Scipione Ammirato, il tema della democrazia nell’Encyclopédie e quello della pluralità nazionale per la protezione delle minoranze nell’Impero asburgico.

Il primo di due volumi dedicati all'ermetismo e Firenze editi da Firenze University Press (il secondo dal titolo Luzi, Bigongiari, Parronchi, Bodini, Sereni è acquistabile separatamente). Tra il 1930 e il 1945 un gruppo di giovani dette vita, a Firenze, a una delle più felici stagioni letterarie del nostro Novecento, nota come ermetismo fiorentino (o ermetismo tout court). Gran parte dei partecipanti si riconobbe non solo in una dizione comune, marcata da un immaginario e da una sintassi condivisi, ma nel silenzioso dissenso dalla retorica del regime, alla quale venivano contrapposti la radicalità dell’istanza etica e il legame profondo con le radici giudaico-cristiane, romanze, romantico simboliste della civiltà europea. A cento anni dalla nascita dei suoi protagonisti ancora ci si chiede cosa sia stato l’ermetismo, come sia nato, cosa l’abbia contraddistinto, quali segni abbia subìto e lasciato. Cercare come si sia modificato, perché sia stato circondato da passione, pregiudizi e avversione (come fanno i due imprescindibili volumi che raccolgono gli atti di un memorabile convegno nel quale Anna Dolfi ha coinvolto studiosi provenienti da ogni parte del mondo), porta non solo a tracciare un quadro/ritratto degli autori dell’ermetismo, dei loro estimatori e/o detrattori, ma a delimitare le costanti e i confini di un complesso capitolo della storia italiana iniziata con il Fascismo e conclusa, di recente, con la caduta delle ideologie. Tra maestri, compagni, seguaci, le figure di Bo, Macrí, Luzi, Bigongiari, Parronchi, Bodini, dell’amico di generazione Sereni, spiccano e si impongono per la forza di una suggestiva esperienza di scrittura ad alto tasso meditativo, nella critica come in traduzione, in narrativa come in poesia.

Questo libro nasce da una constatazione e da un desiderio. Il riscontro di partenza è che la natura plurilinguistica della poesia di Andrea Zanzotto diventi quasi invisibile a forza di essere evidente agli occhi dei suoi lettori. Se l’ipersensibilità babelica del poeta del petèl non è certo assente negli studi critici, in questo volume viene affrontata per la prima volta in modo sistematico, con un’indagine sulle molteplici connessioni che intercorrono fra la scrittura poetica e le lingue. Il desiderio che ha accompagnato questa riflessione è stato quello di condurla con uno sguardo “prismatico”, incrociando multilinguismo della poesia e pratica traduttoria del poeta, e convocando, attorno alla multivocalità zanzottiana, le tante voci dei suoi traduttori. Particolarmente significativi, accanto a quelli dei migliori studiosi europei di Zanzotto, gli interventi anche di alcuni poeti (Cecchinel, Demarcq, Rueff) e l’offerta in appendice di documenti inediti. Intervento pronunciato il 26 giugno 2007 presso la Locanda da Lino di Solighetto (TV) in occasione della presentazione del libro F. Carbognin, L’«altro spazio». Scienza, paesaggio, corpo nella poesia di Andrea Zanzotto (Nuova Editrice Magenta, 2007) e del n. 230 de «l’immaginazione» (a. XXII, maggio 2007). Videoregistrato e apparso nel DVD Omaggio ad Andrea Zanzotto (produzione Viviafilm), che comprende anche gli interventi di Niva Lorenzini, Marco Antonio Bazzocchi e Silvana Tamiozzo Goldmann.

Arab spring membawa perubahan besar pada politik Timur Tengah. Banyak yang berharap bahwa Arab spring bukan hanya revolusi Arab jilid dua setelah revolusi Iran pada tahun 1979, tetapi merupakan era baru kebangkitan demokratisasi di Timur Tengah yang akan memberi ruang bagi gerakan politik Islam berpartisipasi secara terbuka di ranah publik. Sarjana-sarjana studi Islam beranggapan bahwa Arab spring merupakan jembatan menuju “Islamist winter”. Islamist winter diartikan dengan ketakutan dunia akan tumbuhnya kalangan Islamis menguasai kekuasaan di dunia Arab.[1] Hal ini mengarah pada notasi apakah radikalisme Islam akan tumbuh di Timur Tengah? Gerakan Arab spring bukanlah gelombang statis. Politik Timur Tengah senantiasa bergerak secara dinamis. Kemenangan Muhammad Mursi di Mesir, kekuasaan Receep Tayyep Erdogan yang semakin kuat di Turki, kemenangan Ennahda di Tunisia, dan bangkitnya Ikhwanul Muslimin secara terbuka hampir di semua negara yang dilanda Arab spring tidaklah secara linier di konotasikan sebagai kebangkitan radikalisme Islam di Timur Tengah. Sebagaimana Asef Bayat mengatakan bahwa Arab spring merupakan momentum baru bagi transformasi menuju post-Islamism, dimana sebuah gejala baru yang merupakan the fusion of religiousity and rights, faithy and freedom, Islam and liberty, as an attempt to trancend Islamism by building a pious society within non-religious state.[2] Pada posisi ini Asef Bayat memiliki standing position yang berbeda dengan Olivier Roy, dimana Roy mempercayai gerakan politik Islam di dunia Islam tidak akan pernah berhasil karena konsep yang diajukan bersifat utopia. Dalam bukunya tentang The Failure of Political Islam, Roy menggambarkan berakhirnya suatu periode dan dimulainya babak baru dari periode lain, bahwa politik Islam tidak diterima bahkan oleh masyarakat Islam itu sendiri.[3] Over generalisasi yang dilakukan oleh Roy mendapatkan kritikan akademis yang luas, dan bagi Asef Bayat hal ini bentuk simplifikasi Roy terhadap dinamisnya perkembangan politik Islam dari masa ke masa. Konsep yang diajukan oleh Asef Bayat tentang post-Islamism memberikan makna bahwa politik Islam secara substansial tidak mati tetapi bertransformasi secara lebih terbuka untuk membangun masyarakat yang relijius ditengah sistem politik yang lebih demokratis dan sekuler. Namun demikian, temuan di buku ini tidak membenarkan semua klaim tentang gejala post-Islamism. Kudeta militer terhadap Muhammad Mursi memunculkan kekuasaan militer yang otoritarian di Mesir, runtuhnya Moammar Khadafi memunculkan perang dua pemerintahan (dawn dan tripoli) di Libya, perpecahan di Irak dan Suriah yang tak kunjung selesai, Yaman yang bergejolak, negara-negara Teluk yang semakin memproteksi diri dari Ikhwanul Muslimin yang dianggap organisasi teroris, hingga blockade Arab Saudi terhadap Qatar. Arab spring berujung pada harapan kosong akan harapan Timur Tengah yang lebih demokratis, karena Arab spring berhasil menumbuhkan demokrasi hanya di satu negara, Tunisia, tempat dimana gelombang demokratisasi itu dimulai. Fenomena ini kami namakan dengan backward bending. Arab spring secara umum tidak menumbuhkan demokrasi (kecuali di Tunisia), justru menjadi arus balik bagi tumbuhnya otoritarianisme baru di Timur Tengah. Kegagalan Arab spring dalam menumbuhkan iklim demokrasi di Timur Tengah merupakan fenomena Arab exceptionalism, dimana dunia Arab secara politik dan kultural lebih sulit untuk menerima demokrasi. Praktik-praktik politik dan kekuasaan otoriter (dinasti) yang telah mengakar di Timur Tengah, tidak bisa diubah serta merta dengan jalur revolusi atau regime change. Jika negara tersebut memiliki kekuatan elit tunggal yang kuat maka re-enforcement politik secara top-down akan terjadi untuk menguasai masyarakat; atau jika tidak polarisasi kekuatan politik bersifat lebih merata maka aktor-aktor politik akan saling menguasai satu sama lain dalam konflik sipil yang panjang dan berdarah. Tunisia berhasil menumbuhkan demokrasi setelah revolusi dan regime change karena transformasi nilai-nilai demokrasi di negara bekas jajahan perancis itu sudah tumbuh sejak sebelum terjadinya Arab spring. Struktur politik, sosial dan budaya masyarakat di negara francophone tersebut lebih siap menerima perubahan ke arah yang demokratis. Demokratisasi ini mengubah satu wajah politik Islam di Tunisia menjadi lebih terbuka dan moderat. Gerakan politik Islam terbesar di Tunisia, Ennahda, melakukan transformasi dari gerakan radikal menjadi partai politik dengan menjadikan Turki sebagai prototype dibandingkan apa yang dilakukan Mursi di Mesir. Hal ini tidak hanya berlaku di Tunisia. Perubahan sosial dan politik di Timur Tengah yang terjadi paska Arab spring berkorelasi dengan munculnya berbagai wajah-wajah baru gerakan politik Islam. Keniscayaan ini tumbuh karena politik Islam bersifat responsif terhadap perubahan sosial dan politik di lingkungannya. Selamat membaca.

This chapter describes how within a decade, the Associated Negro Press (ANP) was declining precipitously, and within fifteen years it was defunct. This decline was not solely due to the declining health of Claude Barnett. It also was due to the changing community served by the ANP: more options seemed to be opening for black writers over whom Barnett once had the whip hand, and more black radio stations were opening too, challenging from the other end. In any event, even Barnett was aware that a new era was opening for the Negro press and not all the news was positive. As interest in Africa waned in the Negro press, as the promise to curtail Jim Crow materialized, Barnett's options narrowed accordingly. He had developed considerable business interests abroad that a globally minded ANP helped to reinforce. If Negro readers could not be served, however, U.S. interests could be.

This chapter analyzes the portrayal of Germany and its people in Britain in order to shed light on the views that would have influenced young Britons joining the BAOR. The focus is on media that are likely to have been encountered by young British men, such as the British press, nonfictional and fictional literature, and war films. The chapter also considers the impact of Germany's economic recovery on British opinion. With regard to cultural and more personal relations between the BAOR and the Germans, a number of relevant publications point to factors that potentially influenced the view of the general British public toward Germany and that of individual soldiers stationed in Germany.

This chapter reviews the book Beyond Sectarianism: The Realignment of American Orthodox Judaism (2015), by Adam Ferziger. In Beyond Sectarianism, Ferziger chronicles the evolution of American Jewish Orthodoxy during the last seventy-five years. He begins with stating the fact that Orthodox affiliations today are voluntary, emerging out of choices made in the modern world. Although Ferziger necessarily talks about early settlers who brought Orthodoxy to America, American Orthodoxy traces its roots to those who came as refugees from persecutions. Those Orthodox Jews have become divided into two main groups: those who embrace insularity and a mono-culture, distancing themselves from mainstream society, versus those who seek to become integrated, albeit not at the cost of relinquishing their (often contradictory) commitments to Orthodoxy. Ferziger’s goal is to point out the signs foreshadowing the current crisis of Modern Orthodoxy.

"Perché siamo affascinati dalla rappresentazione della morte? Che cosa ci attrae dei contenuti audiovisivi ritenuti inaccettabili e morbosi? Partendo dalle origini del cinematografo, il volume analizza le strategie promozionali e la ricezione critica di film che in passato sono stati censurati e al tempo stesso avidamente collezionati, oggetti proibiti che sono ormai considerati prodotti di culto presso specifiche nicchie di pubblico. Uno studio che si intreccia con l’impatto che la tecnologia ha avuto sulla diffusione delle immagini di morte: dal filmato Zapruder alla nascita degli shock sites, dal fenomeno del War Porn ai killer che utilizzano ingegnosamente i social media. Dai cosiddetti snuff movies e shockumentaries a certe manifestazioni dell’arte contemporanea, dalla “necrocultura” al terrorismo, quello proposto è un percorso all’interno del caos della morte dall’era analogica a quella digitale. Nicolò Gallio è Dottore di ricerca in Studi teatrali e cinematografici e si interessa in particolare della relazione tra prodotti audiovisivi e media digitali. Ha tenuto corsi e seminari presso l’Università di Bologna, University of Brighton, Middlesex University e Birmingham City University. Ha scritto articoli e saggi pubblicati su libri e riviste italiane e internazionali, ed è co-autore de Lo spettacolo del cibo. I cooking show nella televisione italiana. È consulente di marketing e comunicazione per agenzie creative, festival e programmi di sviluppo di film indipendenti."

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.