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1
Déprez, Viviane, und Marie-Thérèse Vinet. „Predicative Constructions and Functional Categories in Haitian Creole“. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 12, Nr. 2 (01.01.1997): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.12.2.03dep.
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This paper seeks to provide a unified analysis of the particle se in Haitian Creole, traditionally identified as an equality marker, a resumptive pronoun, or a focus marker. This study also serves to illustrate the role and the structural organization of functional projections in this non-inflected language. Under the proposed analysis, se (as well as ye, which has long been recognized as bearing a relation to se) is not a verbal copula; rather, it is a predicate forming aspectual head. A unified analysis based on general principles of UG is offered for se, appearing in predicative sentences, in nominal clefts, and in predicate cleft constructions. It is argued that in all these contexts, se always occurs with DP predicates or predicates headed by a functional head, such as CP predicates, not with any other type of predicates.
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Guérin, Maximilien. „Les prédicats complexes en wolof“. Morphology and its interfaces 37, Nr. 2 (31.12.2014): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.37.2.02gue.
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Determining the morphosyntactic status of verbal constructions is an enduring issue in African linguistics. In Wolof, most verbal constructions are split predicate constructions involving a predicative marker, which encodes the greater part of the grammatical content, and a verb, which contributes to the lexical content. The aim of the current paper is to investigate the morphosyntactic status of these complex predicates. Based on several kinds of criteria (phonology, morphology and semantics), I show that the predicative markers must be analysed as phonologically dependent words (clitics). Thus, Wolof complex predicates clearly display syntactic construction features and cannot therefore be considered as morphological units.
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Lobanovskaya, E. V. „COGNITIVE BASES OF CONVERTIBILITY IN VERBS OF THE "FLIESEN" TYPE AND SUCH CONSTRUCTIONS AS «VERSEHEN MIT FLIESEN» IN THE GERMAN LANGUAGE“. Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, Nr. 2 (03.08.2018): 206–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2018-2-206-210.
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The article features the role of predication in the process of actual utterance generation. Predication forms the logical structure of an abstract model situation, whose components are connected by logical valency. Reflection of reality in the mind of the speaker occurs in the form of logical-grammatical predicates. A predicative sign of the logical-grammatical category of predicativity constitutes a sentence. It implies various logical and grammatical predicates. They are immanently inherent in thematic groups of verbs, with the help of which they are actualized in the utterance. The material of the study is represented by such constructions as "versehen mit Fliesen" and similar verbs, e.g. "fliesen". The prepositional / unrepresentative group of the noun acts as a semantic marker in the thematic group of verbs. The research employs H. Glintz’s test elimination and proves that the semantic marker is a part of the actual predicate. Convertibility of constructions with a prepositional / non-prepositional noun and the corresponding verb allows us to conclude that they have a common logical-semantic predicate in the "deep" plane. The results of the research can be successfully used in courses of theoretical and systematizing grammar, stylistics and text interpretation.
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Bertinetto, Pier Marco, Luca Ciucci und Margherita Farina. „Two types of morphologically expressed non-verbal predication“. Studies in Language 43, Nr. 1 (12.06.2019): 120–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.17013.ber.
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Abstract The morphological expression of non-verbal predication is a geographically widespread, although not very frequent, typological feature. This paper highlights the existence of two radically contrasting types of non-verbal predicative inflection. Construction A has already been described in the literature. It consists of attaching person-sensitive inflection markers to non-verbal predicates, possibly extending this treatment to adverbs and adverbial phrases (locational and temporal), pronouns and quantifiers. This type is well attested in Uralic, Turkic, and Paleosiberian, as well as in some Amazonian language families (most notably Chicham), but it has also been pointed out for some sparse languages of Oceania and Africa. Such non-verbal person inflections diachronically stem from incorporation of conjugated copula elements. Construction B, by contrast, is much rarer and is described here for the first time. It also consists of a dedicated morphological form of the non-verbal predicate (limited, however, to nouns and adjectives), but such form stands out as morphologically lighter than any other form to be found in nouns or adjectives in argument or attribute position. While the latter forms carry some kind of case marker, the noun/adjective predicate merely consists (or historically did) of the word’s root. This type of construction can be found in the small Zamucoan family and still survives in some Tupí-Guaraní languages. Diachronic inspection of Semitic indicates, however, that this predicative strategy was possibly adopted in some ancient varieties, although at later stages it intertwined with the expression of referential specificity. The paper compares the two construction types, highlighting similarities and differences.
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Bakir, Murtadha J. „The multifunctionality of fii in Gulf Pidgin Arabic“. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 29, Nr. 2 (30.09.2014): 410–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.29.2.08bak.
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The paper is a descriptive account of the various grammatical functions of the particle fii in the grammar of Gulf Pidgin Arabic, the contact system that has developed in the Arab countries of the Arabian Gulf for use between the Arabic-speaking native citizens and the expatriate workforce in these countries. It aims at discussing the grammatical multifunctionality of this element and the factors behind the expansion of its grammatical functions, when it was adopted from the lexifier Gulf Arabic. In Gulf Arabic, fii is used as a preposition and as an existential predicate. When it was adopted into GPA, fii also assumed the role of a possession marker and predication marker in non-verbal subject-predicate sentences and sentences with verbal predicates. A similar expansion in grammatical roles has affected its negative counterpart maafii, which is used as a negative of fii in its role as an existential predicate in Gulf Arabic. In GPA the use of maafii has also been expanded so that it is now used as a universal negator in the language, regardless of the predicate or sentence type. The paper investigates the factors that motivated this extension in the uses of fii/maafii and argues that it is not transfer-induced. Rather, language-internal motivation and universal tendencies are more legitimate candidates for the forces lying behind this process.
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Vasiljeva, Natalja M. „THE COMBINATION OF VERB PREDICATES: SIMPLE OR COMPLEX SENTENCE?“ Verhnevolzhski Philological Bulletin 22, Nr. 3 (2020): 113–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/2499-9679-2020-3-22-112-117.
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The article is concerned with the problem of correlation of the homogeneity and the co-ordination in French that is essential to differentiate a simple sentence with the similar verb predicates of a complex sentence. The urgency of such problems is based on the similarity of these syntactic constructions due to the co-ordination link existing in both constructions. This fact doesn’t allow the grammarians to arrive at a common view on the nature of the two constructions. The author proves the influence of the verb predicate syntactic links with the other parts of the sentence on classifying the structure as a simple or a complex sentence. In the paper there have been studied the similar verb predicates in the extended and unextended sentences. In the extended sentences the author focuses on the form and place of a complement, on the presence or absence of the adverbial modifier. The verb predicate grammar form itself influences the differentiating the two structures. Thus, it has been concluded that the main distinctive feature of predicate homogeneity is the grammatical marker. There have been detected the supplementary distinctive feature of predicate homogeneity is the semantic aspect, the lexical meaning in particular. The treated analysis of the empiric material shows the dependence of determining the two syntactic units on the stylistic norms and the rhetorical mode. The most important finding of the research is that, contrary some scientists’ opinion, there is no reason to abandon the term of the similar verb predicates in French.
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Chetry, Sourabh, und Madhumita Barbora. „Negation In Nepali Complex Predicates“. Indian Journal of Language and Linguistics 3, Nr. 4 (02.12.2022): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.54392/ijll2244.
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This paper aims to discuss some properties and characteristics of complex predicates with reference to negation in Nepali. The paper will analyze how negation works with compound verb and serial verb constructions in Nepali. It will also discuss compound verbs like N+V along with V+V structure and analyze the conjunctive participle marker in certain construction. We will also look into the agreement system of negative compound verbs where certain agreement feature gets attached to the negation marker. In this paper we will enquire the condition of negation marker occurring as both prefix and suffix in Nepali serial verbs. We will also try to show how negative polarity items occur in Nepali complex predicate configuration. This paper is a descriptive account of the negative constructions in Nepali complex predicates. Theoretical account is outside the scope of this paper.
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Geist, Ljudmila. „Russisch byt' ('sein') als funktionale und/oder lexikalische Kategorie“. ZAS Papers in Linguistics 14 (01.01.1999): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.14.1999.3.
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The present study offers an analysis of the Russian copular constructions with predicate nominals. In such copular sentences two cases may mark the predicate: the nominative and the instrumental as in 'Anna byla medsestra/medsestroj' - 'Anna was-3sg.fem.a nursenom/instr'. In the present tense the copula has a null-form and the predicate nominal can only be in the nominative. I argue that the case alternation corresponds to the distinction of Stage Level and Individual Level Predicates in the sense of Kratzer (1994) and Diesing (1992), but with some objections. The copula with Instrumental forms S-Predicates, which are analyzed as predicates applying to situations referring to time. The copula with nominative forms I-Predicates, which attribute properties to individuals without referring to time. I-Predicates have no situation argument. Data that show the (in-)compatibility of copular sentences with certain spatial or temporal modifiers provide a reason to assume a situation argument in byt' + Instr but not in byt' + Nom.
Byt' behaves differently in different grammatical contexts: in contexts of sentence negation, yes/no-questions and under focus byt' + Instr behaves like a lexical category, while byt' + Nom behaves like a functional category. As a functional category byt' + Nom is non-overt in the present and is always finite. The semantic distinction between nominative and instrumental predicate NPs is pegged to an opposition between a structure with a functional copula as the only tense and agreement marker with base position in TP and a lexical copula in VP (Franks 1995, Bailyn&Rubin 1991). To explain phenomena of the copula in Russian I propose an integrated syntactic model for two copulas. The two copulas may be conceived as distinct realizations of one verbal lexical entry which will be specified as a lexical or as functional category in the course of lexical insertion. The Model of Parallel Morphology might be used to explain this phenomenon.
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Izre'el, Shlomo. „The syntax of existential constructions“. Journal of Speech Sciences 11 (01.07.2022): e022002. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/joss.v11i00.16183.
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This study, in two parts, endeavors a novel analysis of existential constructions, based on a different theoretical setting of clause structure, where the predicate is taken as a necessary and sufficient constituent of the clause. Leaning on this perception, the analyses of existential constructions developed here tries to overcome the discrepancy between form and (semantic and informational) meaning in Hebrew existential constructions. Part I of the study dealt with affirmative existential-presentative constructions, used to introduce referents into the discourse. Most of the constructions were analyzed as consisting of an existential constituent, viewed as a modal marker, and a pivot, regarded as the core component of the predicate domain. This analysis was shown to be valid for both the existential marker jeʃ and for its suppletive verbal forms, derived from √hjj ‘be’. Thus, presentative-existential sentences are formed as unipartite sentences, consisting of only a predicate domain. Part II deals with other existential constructions, including negative constructions; bipartite existential sentences; existential constituents as sole constituents in a sentence; existential constituents with clitic referential markers; and the use of the existential markers as interjections or discourse markers.
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Bickel, Balthasar, Taras Zakharko, Lennart Bierkandt und Alena Witzlack-Makarevich. „Semantic role clustering“. Advances in research on semantic roles 38, Nr. 3 (30.09.2014): 485–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.38.3.03bic.
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This paper seeks to determine to what extent there is cross-linguistic evidence for postulating clusters of predicate-specific semantic roles such as experiencer, cognizer, possessor, etc. For this, we survey non-default case assignments in a sample of 141 languages and annotate the associated predicates for cross-linguistically recurrent semantic roles, such as ‘the one who feels cold’, ‘the one who eats sth.’, ‘the thing that is being eaten’. We then determine to what extent these roles are treated alike across languages, i.e. repeatedly grouped together under the same non-default case marker or under the same specific alternation with a non-default marker. Applying fuzzy cluster and NeighborNet algorithms to these data reveals cross-linguistic evidence for role clusters around experiencers, undergoers of body processes, and cognizers/perceivers in one- and two-place predicates; and around sources and transmitted speech in three-place predicates. No support emerges from non-default case assignment for any other role clusters that are traditionally assumed (e.g. for any distinctions among objects of two-argument predicates, or for distinctions between themes and instruments).
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Jendraschek, Gerd, und Myung-Chul Koo. „From reciprocity to competition“. Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 24, Nr. 2 (09.03.2023): 302–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.00132.jen.
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Abstract Korean has a reciprocal pronoun that under certain conditions takes on an innovative function as a marker of competition. This meaning emerges when the marker is used in reported speech containing a predicate expressing volition, intention, or speaker-orientation. In such contexts, the marker is reanalysed as co-referential with competing subsets of subject referents. The final stage is the extension of the competition marker to simple clauses and predicates. The empirical part of this research is based on a survey with 23 native speakers. The shift from a reciprocal pronoun to a competition marker will be analysed as an instance of subjectification. The innovative use as a competition marker has led to additional distributional differences between the simple use of the marker and its reduplicated form. The situation in Korean is comparable to that in Japanese, Bulgarian, and Karachay-Balkar, and mirrors the polysemy pattern found in Tuvaluan. This is the first typological study of the relevant domain in Korean, and will be a valuable addition to the list of available studies on reciprocity and subjectification.
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Djamouri, Redouane. „PARTICULES DE NEGATION DANS LES INSCRIPTIONS SUR BRONZE DE LA DYNASTIE DES ZHOU“. Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 20, Nr. 1 (03.06.1991): 5–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-90000453.
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This article is devoted to a semantico-syntactic analysis of the use of seven markers of negation in Early Archaic Chinese, especially in the Zhou bronze inscriptions. The negative BU 不 which is used with intransitive verbal predicates or with adjectives, establishes a descriptive relationship between the subject and the predicate in its clause; it only shows a simple descriptive intention and takes an integral part in the presupposition. The negative marker FU 弗 is fully adverbial and is used, essentially, with transitive verbs. The marker FEI 非, establishes an attributive, descriptive relationship between the two terms of the predication inside the clause just as does BU; but it introduces a polemic value in expressing the falsity of a presupposition. The marker WU2 毋, in contrast with WU1 勿, does not come under the category of a deontic modality. The obligation which it shows does not come from the speaker (or from any other source) but is internal to the subject-predicate relationship. The negation in this case is to be taken as a statement of fact and not as an injunction. However, according to the observations here, WU2 毋 refers to the epistemic modal category. That why it can express the double value of both "certainty" and “necessity” according to the context. The negative WANG 勿 (the negative counterpart of YOU 有 "existence" or "possession") is used to express the possession of dependence. In addition, because of its existential value, it allows for presenting certain terms in both a restrictive and an extensive sense. Finally WU3 無 is most often attached to a substantive and forms thus a marginal expansion (in a syntactically dependent position) serving to characterize a nominal phrase, a verbal phrase, or an entire clause.
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Afrianto, Eva Tuckyta Sari Sujatna, Nani Darmayanti, Farida Ariyani und Jessamine Cooke-Plagwitz. „Clause and predicative constituents in an Austronesian language: Lampung language“. Topics in Linguistics 21, Nr. 2 (01.12.2020): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/topling-2020-0010.
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Abstract This research is conducted qualitatively and aimed at patterning and describing clause and sentence structure in Lampung language through the configuration of its constituents. Regarding the constituents, Lampung has two types of clause: minor and major clauses. A minor clause is indicated by only one constituent, which is commonly a subject, predicate or adjunct. Regarding its function, it can be classified as vocative, shown by exclamation (Wuy!, Huy!); a greeting, as shown by an expression (tabikpun ngalam pukha); and an Arabic greeting (assalamualaikum). On the other hand, a major clause minimally consists of a subject and predicate, and apart from these there can also be an object, complement and adverbial. Furthermore, this research finds various categories that can act as predicative constituents: they are a verb/verbal phrase, adjective/adjective phrase, and noun/nominal phrase. Additionally, a copular verb (iyulah) and existential marker (wat) can also be the predicate. This research also reveals that in a sentence two or more clauses are connected by a conjunction, and then this conjunction becomes an indicator of dependent clauses. Also, a dependent clause can be found after the subject or the object of the independent clause.
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Latifah, Latifah. „PEMBELAJARAN SINTAKSIS BAGI PEMBELAJAR ASING YANG BERBAHASA PERTAMA BAHASA INGGRIS“. Semantik 2, Nr. 2 (16.05.2017): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22460/semantik.v2i2.p55-66.
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Syntax is a branch of linguistics that discuss the relationship between words in speech , language elements that are included in the scope of syntax is a phrase, clause , sentence . Learn syntax for foreign speakers is not easy , it takes a lot of practice so that students are able to understand the material and found it difficult syntax of the results of the exercises . Difficulties and constraints Indonesian Phrases patterned material or noun - adjective DM , whereas the English phrase patterned MD - noun or adjective , thus allowing the formation of fault Indonesian phrases by foreign speakers . Difficulties in material clauses are any deformities of grammatical tense marker in English into lexical time markers in Indonesian . The existence of multiple forms of predicates in the English language into a form of predicate in Indonesian can actually facilitate foreign learners in learning Indonesian clause for foreign learners do not need to be bothered with the selection predicate forms that must be used . Learning difficulties at the level of sentences for foreign speakers closely associated with a lack of understanding of the concept of morphological. By understanding the difficulties experienced by the learners experienced difficulties in practice able to be overcome by focusing on the difficulties faced by learners.Keywords :syntactic learning for foreign speakers
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Yongzhong, Yang, und Yang Yunjue. „Sentences with Object-oriented Adverbials and the Syntax-Semantics Interface“. Macrolinguistics 9, Nr. 14 (30.06.2021): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.26478/ja2021.9.14.2.
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SOOAs refer to the phenomenon that the state adjective in the adverbial position is semantically associated with the object. In this paper this fact will be accounted for by invoking the properties of a pre-syntactic level of semantic representation and its interplay with syntax proper. It will be argued that the object-oriented adverbial is not derived from the attributive; in effect, it is base-generated in the complement position. A model of projection of arguments that allows for this will be proposed. It will be shown that the other special properties of SOOAs follow from the way the verb’s object and complement are represented at the pre-syntactic level. In particular, it will be shown that the underlying structure must satisfy both the requirement of the syntactic system and the requirement of the semantic system. The presence of any symbol in a representation is conditional. The theta-roles of internal arguments are assigned by the predicate, which is locally constrained, whereas the theta-roles of external arguments are assigned by the maximal projection of the predicate, viz. VP. When an external argument occurs, there is an empty predicate position in the representation, for there is an asymmetry between the conceptual system and the syntactic system. Derivation involves Move-α and Generalized Transformation. Different use of derivation methods gives rise to various forms of constructions in Chinese. Similarly, different semantic orientations result from different distributions. The state adjective is base-generated in the position behind the object because its nature is to serve the function of the complement of the object. It co-occurs with the object in the embedded VP because they are closely related to each other in terms of semantics. There is no overt predicate between the object and the state adjective. The state adjective occurs in other positions, which is the result of movement. Movement falls into two types, viz. object movement and state adjective movement. Object movement is prior to state adjective movement. In order to satisfy the requirement of feature checking, the object moves to the position NP. Then the state adjective moves to the major predicate and merges with it so as to maintain its semantic association with the state adjective and to serve the function of the complement. It follows that the difference between Chinese SOOAs and English as well as German SOOAs lies in the distance of movement of state adjectives. In Chinese, there are causative markers, resultative markers, and manner markers that can license the state adjective in the landing sites and help to maintain its semantic association with the object while in English and German there are no such markers. As a consequence, the object in Chinese-type SOOAs does not move while the state adjective moves out of the embedded VP to the empty verb position where the manner marker is inserted. The major predicate moves to the same position and merges with the newly-formed syntactic object ADJ-MANN. Furthermore, Chinese-type SOOAs allow the state adjective to precede the major predicate as the manner marker can license the state adjective. In contrast, in English-type SOOAs, neither the state adjective nor the object moves. Moreover, English-type SOOAs do not allow the state adjective to come before the major predicate because there is no manner marker to license it.
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Izre'el, Shlomo. „The syntax of existential constructions“. Journal of Speech Sciences 11 (11.07.2022): e022001. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/joss.v11i00.16181.
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This study, in two parts, endeavors a novel analysis of existential constructions, based on a different theoretical setting of clause structure, where the predicate is taken as a necessary and sufficient constituent of the clause. Leaning on this perception, the analyses of existential constructions developed here tries to overcome the discrepancy between form and (semantic and informational) meaning in Hebrew existential constructions. The main part of the study deals with affirmative existential-presentative constructions, used to introduce referents into the discourse. Most of the constructions have been analyzed as consisting of an existential constituent, viewed as a modal marker, and a pivot, regarded as the core component of the predicate domain. This analysis is shown to be valid for both the existential marker jeʃ and for its suppletive verbal forms, derived from √hjj ‘be’. A distinction is made between verbal forms with non-referential and referential verb-bound person markers, where the latter, found with expected, known or given pivots, function as focus marking devices, coming in complementary distribution with prosodic marking of focus. Thus, presentative-existential sentences are formed as unipartite sentences, consisting of only a predicate domain. The last two sections of Part I deal with constructions where the existential constituent follows the pivot and with constructions where the pivot is definite. Part II deals with other existential constructions, including negative constructions; bipartite existential sentences; existential constituents as sole constituents in a sentence; existential constituents with clitic referential markers; and the use of existential markers as interjections or discourse markers.
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Tazranova, Alena R. „The Form with =ZA in the Altai Language“. Philology 18, Nr. 9 (2020): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-9-65-77.
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In the following article, we analyze the polyfunctional form with =ZA in the Altai language. Traditionally, this form is viewed as a marker of conditional mood. Our materials show that its semantics and functions are very varied. It can be used not only in infinite functions within polypredicative constructions, but also as an independent finite form with the meaning of a non-real, contrafactive volition. When it is used as a dependent predicate, this form mainly denotes modality of an action’s conditions according to the speaker’s point of view. When one uses the if conjunction, the expected action-condition may not take place, and when the when conjunction is used, such possibility is not considered, but rather, temporal relations are expressed (consecution, simultaneity, general temporal correlation). Specific temporal meanings depend on specific tense forms of finite predicates: if the predicate of a main clause is in present tense, the construction denotes general temporal correlation; if a future tense form is used, it denotes consecution or simultaneity in the future; the past tense denotes consecution in the past. With a 2nd person singular and plural affix =ZAŋ, =ZAgAr expresses the meaning of soft incentive. The =ZA form as a marker of concessive mood denotes completion of an action in spite of conflicting conditions, which demonstrates the shift of this form towards other mood forms.
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Morgunova, Ekaterina, und Ilya Naumov. „Towards a unified analysis of correlatives and indefinites in Balkar“. Proceedings of the Workshop on Turkic and Languages in Contact with Turkic 5, Nr. 1 (29.12.2020): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/ptu.v5i1.4774.
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In this paper we consider two morphosyntactically similar constructions in Balkar: correlative clauses and wh-indefinites. They both consist of three elements: (i) an interrogative pronoun, (ii) a verb marked by the conditional suffix -sa, and (iii) the particle da 'even'. We demonstrate that despite superficial similarities there are certain semantic and syntactic differences between them. Specifically, the correlatives are interpreted definitely and are merged as clausal adjuncts and the whindefinites function as indefinite NPs and are merged as arguments of the main predicate. We develop an analysis that maintains the contribution of wh-expressions and the particle da and argue that the point of divergence is the -sa marked element. While in correlatives it is a true verbal predicate, in wh-indefinites it is a grammaticalized marker that denotes a choice function.
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Liu,, Feng-hsi. „L2 acquisition of the progressive marker zai in Mandarin Chinese“. Chinese as a Second Language Research 1, Nr. 2 (13.11.2012): 153–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/caslar-2012-0011.
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AbstractTwo studies on L2 acquisition of the progressive marker zai in Mandarin Chinese by native English speakers were conducted to investigate the interaction between L1 influence and the congruence of lexical aspect and tense-aspect morphology, as formulated in the aspect hypothesis. The two factors make opposite predictions with respect to the early stage and the acquisition process. The findings from a judgment task and a production task show that the observed pattern is neither predicted by the aspect hypothesis alone nor entirely conditioned by L1 influence. Rather, it is the result of both forces at work. At the early stage zai is associated with activities and accomplishments involving goal or distance. In the acquisition process, both widening and narrowing of predicate types are observed. The findings also show that the L1 effect does not disappear at the same time, but proceeds in stages. In the case of zai marking, the L1 effect weakening process is governed by the strength of event ending that is part of the meaning of the predicates.
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Jordens, Peter. „Systematiek En Dynamiek Bij De Verwerving Van Finietheid“. Toegepaste Taalwetenschap in Artikelen 71 (01.01.2004): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ttwia.71.02jor.
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In early Dutch learner varieties, there is no evidence of finiteness being a functional category. There is no V2nd: no correlation between inflectional morphology and movement. Initially, learners express the illocutive function of finiteness through the use of illocutive markers, with the non-use of an illocutive marker expressing the default illocutive function of assertion. Illocutive markers are functioning as adjuncts with scope over the predicate. Illocutive markers become re-analysed as functional elements.The driving force is the acquisition of the auxiliary verbs that occur with past participles. It leads to a reanalysis of illocutive markers as two separate elements: an auxiliary verb and a scope adverb. The (modal) auxiliary carries illocutive function. Lexical verb-argument structure (including the external argument) occurs within the domain of the auxiliary verb. The predicate as the focus constituent occurs within the domain of a scope adverb. This reanalysis establishes a position for the external argument within the domain of AUX. The acquisition of AUX causes the acquisition of a (hierarchical) structure with a complement as a constituent which represents an underlying verb-argument structure, a predicate as the domain of elements that are in focus, and an external (specifier) position as a landing site for elements with topic function.
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Haacke, Wilfrid H. G. „Syntactic focus marking in Khoekhoe ("Nama/Damara")“. ZAS Papers in Linguistics 46 (01.01.2006): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.46.2006.338.
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Khoekhoe syntax exhibits an unusually flexible constituent structure. Any constituent with a lexical head can be preposed into the focal initial slot immediately before the PGN-marker that marks the subject position. Two strategies of focalisation by foregrounding need to be distinguished: inversion and fronting. Inversion amounts to an inversion of subject and predicate in their entirety. Such sentences have two readings, though, according to their underlying constituent structure: "predicative" or "copulative". Fronting amounts to the preposing of a lexical constituent into the focal initial slot, with subsequent dislocation of the lexical specification of the subject from that slot.
The present analysis has wider implications, particularly: The generally accepted view that Khoekhoe has coreferential/equational "copulative" sentences of the type NPsubject = NPcomplement is a fallacy. Such sentences actually are sentences with their predicate fronted into the focal initial slot. They amount to cleft constructions.
The fact that the primary focal position is immediately before the PGNmarker of the subject is further independent evidence for the "desentential hypothesis", according to which subject and object NPs in the underlying matrix sentence consist of only an enclitic PGN-marker, and for the claim that Khoekhoe underlyingly is a SVO language, not a SOV language as generally held. By implication these findings affect the analysis of other Central Khoesaan languages.
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Balla, Arifuddin, und Ahmad Ardillah Rahman. „Negation Markers in Buginese“. Journal of English Language Learning 7, Nr. 1 (06.06.2023): 293–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.31949/jell.v7i1.5542.
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This study analyzed the expression of negation markers in Buginese. The study employed a descriptive qualitative method. The data for this study are some snippets of daily speech in Buginese Sinjai Dialect setting which we have verified as the native speakers. The results indicated that there are two main ways of expressing negation in Buginese which are negation marker dena' that can be used interchangeably with negation enna'. Negation dena'/enna' is used if the predicate is verbal, adjectival, or with prepositions. Another negation is tannia which is used in relative clause. Negation tannia is used if the predicate is nominal either object or subject. This study can contribute to provide references in Buginese negation as there are a few references in this specific topic.
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Zhang, Xiaowen. „The Possibility of Weak V-DE-(NP)-A Constructions in Chinese“. Journal of Language Teaching and Research 11, Nr. 1 (01.01.2020): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1101.10.
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According to Washio’s (1997) strong and weak resultative analysis, Chinese resultative V-A-(NP) compounds allow both strong and weak resultative constructions while Chinese V-DE-(NP)-A constructions allow only strong resultative constructions, i.e., weak V-DE-(NP)-A constructions are not accepted in these constructions when the result predicate is a stage-level predicate + le. However, it can be found that these ungrammatical weak V-DE-(NP)-A constructions are possible to be grammatical in Chinese when the result predicate is an individual-level predicate or is modified by a degree word. A natural question to ask here is why so. In the paper, I will suggest a reason for it in terms of the function of DE and the aspect marker le in Chinese resultative constructions and the syntactic structures of V-DE-(NP)-A constructions.
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Arrasyid, Noor Diana. „ANALISIS KONTRASTIF PENANDA NEGASI DALAM KALIMAT BAHASA PRANCIS DAN BAHASA INDONESIA“. MIMESIS 3, Nr. 2 (29.07.2022): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12928/mms.v3i2.6241.
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This study examines the peculiarities, similarities, and differences of negation patterns in French and Indonesian sentences. The data analyzed are declarative, interrogative, and negative imperative sentences taken from the Leipzig Corpora Collection. The analysis results found that there are similarities in the formation of negation markers in French “ne … jamais” and Indonesian negation markers “tidak pernah”. The equivalence also appears in the arrangement of negative imperative sentence markers, which are formulated with negative ne+adverbs pas+verb and jangan+verb. Regarding the differences, the negation marker in French is present in two mandatory components, while in Indonesian, it is marked with one marker. There is even more variety of negations in French. In Indonesian, there is a standard rule between the combination of negation markers and the type of predicate in a sentence, but French tends to be more accessible. The formation of past and passive negative sentences is also different. Finally, in negative imperative sentences in French, the verb that is negated must be conjugated according to the subject, but in Indonesian, this is not the case.
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Erlewine, Michael Yoshitaka, und Anne Nguyen. „Ingredients of excess“. Asian Languages and Linguistics 5, Nr. 1 (05.07.2024): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/alal.23002.erl.
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Abstract We describe the various uses of the Vietnamese morpheme quá which appears in excessive constructions. Unlike most other degree morphemes in Vietnamese, quá can precede or follow its gradable predicate, and we argue that these two different uses convey excess in very different ways: pre-predicate quá encodes purpose-oriented excessive truth conditions, whereas post-predicate quá is a comparative which projects a not-at-issue malefactive inference. We propose that the two constructions trace back to pre- and post-predicate 過 kua` in Middle Chinese, motivated by comparisons with cognate constructions in contemporary Chinese languages. We also describe two other uses of quá, as an intensifier with speaker commitment and as an exclamative marker, and explain how they developed from the excessives. This study thus offers an explanatory account of the various uses of this multifunctional expression and the relationships between them, grounded in the history of the language and in principles of semantic change.
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Yehudit, Dror. „THE MULTIPLE FUNCTIONALITY OF THE PRONOUN ʾULĀʾIKA IN THE QURʾĀN“. Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 73, Nr. 1 (März 2020): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/062.2020.00003.
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Demonstrative pronouns may function as deictic or anaphoric pronouns. The demonstrative pronoun ʾulāʾika in Arabic is the focus of this paper. It is argued that in the Qurʾān, besides being an anaphoric/resumptive pronoun, which primarily functions as the syntactic subject, it has three additional functions: (1) as a resumptive pronoun of the left-dislocation construction, helping in retrieving the predicate, which usually consists of a short clause following a ‘heavy’ subject. (2) Possibly it has the same function as ḍamīr al-faṣl, ‘separation pronoun’—namely, ʾulāʾika occurs in a simple sentence where it separates a definite subject and a definite predicate. It also occurs between subject and predicate, while both are constructed as relative clauses, and between a ‘heavy’ subject and indefinite predicate. (3) As a number marker in conditional clauses that are headed by the conditional particle man, and two kinds of number agreement are exhibited in the clause: singular and plural.ʾulāʾika in this case marks the transition from the grammatical-number feature associated with man to the notional number of man.
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Aksenova, Anna. „Subject-verb Agreement in Constructions with Quantifiers in Russian“. Poljarnyj vestnik 24 (03.12.2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/6.5931.
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The agreement of subject and predicate in Russian is actually much less trivial than it might seem at first glance. This paper deals with the case when the subject is realized by a combination of a noun with a quantifier. I analyze a set of examples with the words двое, трое, пара, тройка, десяток, сотня, тысяча, миллион and миллиард where there is a variation in predicate number agreement. Using Random Forest, CIT and Logistic Regression algorithms I prove that collective (двое, трое) and non-collective (пара, тройка, десяток, сотня, тысяча, миллион, миллиард) quantifiers exhibit different patterns of agreement. The first group tends to trigger more plural agreement, while for the second one singular agreement is more typical. Moreover, the quantifier phrase position relative to the predicate can also influence the choice of number marker on the verb.
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Al-Rawafi, Abdulkhaleq Ali, Tri Pujiati und Dadang Sudana. „ON THE TYPOLOGY OF THE NEGATION MARKER MÂ IN MODERN ARABIC DIALECTS: KUWAITI, JORDANIAN, SUDANESE, AND YEMENI“. Arabiyat : Jurnal Pendidikan Bahasa Arab dan Kebahasaaraban 7, Nr. 1 (04.06.2020): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/a.v7i1.14034.
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Modern Arabic Dialects (MADs) have an identical morphological system with some similarities and differences in the choice of the negation morphemes. The main concern of this paper is to discuss the typological properties of the negation morpheme mâ- ما and its variation in four Modern Arabic Dialects (MADs), JA (Jordanian Arabic), KA (Kuwaiti Arabic), SA (Sudanese Arabic), and YA (Yemeni Arabic) taking into account two negation strategies identified by Brustad (2000), namely Verbal Negation and Predicate Negation. Specifically, the study will shed light on the types and positions of the negation morphemes regarding VN and PN strategies. The study employed a descriptive-analytical approach. The data were taken from previous studies on negation in MADs and online sources, i.e., published articles and YouTube. The study found that when the negation morpheme mâ - ما is used as a one-negation system or a two-negation system, as a verbal and predicate negation, it changes to the negation morpheme mâ- ما due to phonological conditions and its pre-verbal position. The study concluded that three negation templates might be generalized in the four dialects, namely one-morpheme template, two-morpheme-template, and predicate negation template. Moreover, blocking of the negation morpheme movement in the sentences happens to do to phonological conditions.
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Al-Azraqi, Munira. „Pidginization in Abha, Saudi Arabia“. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 35, Nr. 1 (13.05.2020): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00047.azr.
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Abstract This study focuses on a pidgin predominantly used by Asian immigrants in the city of Abha in the southwestern region of Saudi Arabia, examining multifunctionality as it appears in three grammatical categories, definiteness, predication, and pronouns. Whereas previous studies on Gulf Arabic Pidgin have described the variety in terms of multifunctionality (e.g. Avram 2004; Bakir 2014, and Potsdam and Alanazi 2014), the current study focuses on the different pathways that bring it about. Three types of multifunctionality are described in terms of refunctionalization, generalization and neutralization. hada (< *haaða ‘this’) is refunctionalized to mark definiteness and as a deictic marker fills the function of the demonstrative. fī, (< *fi ‘at, exist’) has multiple functions being used as a preposition, an existential marker in the meaning of ‘there is/are’, a generalized predicate marker when occurring before adjectival, nominal and verbal predicates. The pronominal system shows simplification from ten to five pronouns only. The study is based on data collected in interviews with a random sample of twenty-four Asian participants of both sexes. Their ages ranged from 26 to 45 years old and their length of stay in Saudi Arabia ranged from four to nine years. They occupied different jobs. A total of twenty nine hours of audio-visual interview data were analysed.
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Spathas, Giorgos. „Disentangling own: evidence from association with focus“. Semantics and Linguistic Theory 24 (05.04.2015): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v24i0.2374.
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The possessive marker <em>own</em> exhibits a complicated behavior that gives rise to a wide range of subtle meaning differences. Accordingly, the theoretical literature has proposed a number of different characterizations of this element. This paper uses (primarily) data from association with focus to disentangle the various effects that <em>own</em> gives rise to and argue that there are at least two distinct homophonous items; <em>own<sub>R</sub></em>, a reflexivizer that operates on a syntactically derived predicate, and <em>own<sub>Poss</sub></em>, a marker of strong/ inalienable possession. We provide a compositional analysis of examples with <em>own<sub>R</sub></em> that derives its distribution without the need to any item-specific principle of Binding Theory; obligatory reflexivization follows from the lexical semantics of <em>own<sub>R</sub></em>, and locality restrictions follow from independent restrictions on the formation of derived predicates in the syntax. We, thus, provide evidence for (i) the dissociation of reflexivization and locality, and (ii) the formation of complex predicates in the syntax.
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Mujudin, Ona, Masayu Gay und Wa Ode Murima La Ode Alumu. „Fungsi dan Pola Kalimat Bahasa Daerah Maba“. KAMBOTI: Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora 2, Nr. 2 (22.04.2022): 108–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.51135/kambotivol2issue2page108-115.
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The Maba Regional Language (BDM) is one of the regional languages found in North Maluku. BDM is spread over 5 sub-districts and 21 sub-districts/villages in East Halmahera Regency. Thus, the distribution of BDM speakers is very wide. BDM has not been studied from the aspect of pattern and function. In fact, in terms of patterns and functions, it has differences with other regional languages in Indonesia, so BDM needs to be studied in order to enrich the treasures of linguistics. In general, this study aims to foster and preserve BDM, specifically revealing its patterns and functions. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with a syntactic approach. BDM functions include S-P, S-P-O, S-P-O-K, and S-P-Pel which form the sentence structure of BDM. BDM sentences have a S-P-O-pa pattern (description: pa = aspect marker), K-S-kb-P sentence patterns, and S-kb-P-O sentence patterns (description: kb = auxiliary verb). The function of filler in compound sentences is SP-O, while single sentences have verbal predicate, adjective predicate, noun predicate, numeral predicate, phrase predicate, repositional, and also has a uniqueness, namely having a verbal adverbial predicate structure (adverb). It can be concluded that the functions of functional sentences between one another. BDM has a unique pattern compared to other regional languages, including regional languages in the North Maluku region. As a pattern, its function cannot be converted into another function. BDM has a transitive function that oversees an intransitive function.
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Baizhanov, Bektur Sembiuly. „Expansion of a model of a weakly o-minimal theory by a family of unary predicates“. Journal of Symbolic Logic 66, Nr. 3 (September 2001): 1382–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2695114.
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AbstractA subset A ⊆ M of a totally ordered structure M is said to be convex, if for any a, b ∈ A: [a < b → ∀t (a < tb → t ∈ A)]. A complete theory of first order is weakly o-minimal (M. Dickmann [D]) if any model M is totally ordered by some ∅-definable formula and any subset of M which is definable with parameters from M is a finite union of convex sets. We prove here that for any model M of a weakly o-minimal theory T. any expansion M+ of M by a family of unary predicates has a weakly o-minimal theory iff the set of all realizations of each predicate is a union of a finite number of convex sets (Theorem 63). that solves the Problem of Cherlin-Macpherson-Marker-Steinhorn [MMS] for the class of weakly o-minimal theories.
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Soykan, Bergül. „On the aorist in conditional antecedents“. Proceedings of the Workshop on Turkic and Languages in Contact with Turkic 6, Nr. 1 (19.12.2021): 5046. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/ptu.v6i1.5046.
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This paper aims to render an explanation for the interpretations of the Turkish aorist when it occurs at the antecedent clause of a conditional. I argue that at the main predicate position the aorist marker has two main interpretations, namely the future-oriented and the characterizing ones. However, inside the antecedent clause, these readings are not readily accessible in the way that they are at the consequent clause, i.e., the main predicate of the conditional. I tackle this situation from two different perspectives and layout two proposals. Based on Kratzer’s (1986, 1991) well-known restrictor analysis of conditionals, my first proposal is that the aorist marker is licensed in the antecedent clause only if the consequent clause has one of its matrix clause interpretations. Nonetheless, various examples allow the aorist marker in the antecedent even though the consequent clause has neither the future-oriented nor the characterizing interpretations. Therefore, I change my approach and make a final proposal that satisfactorily describes both the cases that conform to my initial proposal and the ones that do not. I propose that the aorist in the antecedent either sets the evaluation time of the consequent to the future, in line with Schulz’s (2008) analysis or makes a quantification over situations, as von Fintel (1994) argues for.
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Ọláńrewájú, Emmanuel Ọmọniyì. „Copula and Focus Marker in Central Yorùbá Dialects“. Rainbow : Journal of Literature, Linguistics and Culture Studies 13, Nr. 1 (30.04.2024): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/rainbow.v13i1.2846.
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This paper investigated the morpho-syntactic distribution of ‘’ni’’ in Central Yorùbá (hence, CY) dialect. Primary and secondary data were collected on CY dialects (Ifẹ̀, Ìjẹ̀ṣà, Èkìtì and Mọ̀bà) and subjected to syntactic analysis. Noam Chomsky’s Minimalist Program (MP) of generative grammar was adopted. Two allomorphs of ni identified are: li and ri. The dialects operate ‘’ni’’, ‘’li’’ and ‘’ri’’ as focus markers. These also have their variants that perform predicate function. These are referred to as copula in this paper. Both copula and focus markers are in complementary distribution. ‘’Ni’’ and ‘’li’’ are in free variation in Èkitì and Mọ́bà unlike Ifẹ̀ and Ìjẹ̀ṣa where they are in complementary distribution. Mọ̀bà dialect operates both the focus marker ‘’ri’’ and its copula variant ‘’ri’’ while other CY dialects operate ‘’ri’’ only as a copula. A focus marker is optionally dropped when used with some question nouns (QNs) in the dialects. Three syntactic distributions identified with ‘’ni’’ and its variants are: focused interrogatives, focus constructions and copula constructions. CY dialects exhibit some common features with respect to how both focus markers and copula are operated.
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Sidnell, Jack. „Habitual and imperfective in Guyanese Creole“. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 17, Nr. 2 (03.10.2002): 151–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.17.2.02sid.
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This paper describes variation in the grammar of aspect in Guyanese Creole. In particular, the various grammaticalized strategies for conveying ha-bituality, progressivity and imperfectivity are discussed. The paper contributes to an ongoing debate regarding the function of various preverbal markers and their interrelationships (see Bickerton, 1975; Edwards, 1984; Gibson, 1988; Ja-ganauth, 1994; Rickford, 1987; Winford, 1993a). Choice of preverbal marker is shown to be strongly conditioned by the stativity of the predicate (in the case of habituals). Drawing on the insights of Weinreich (1953), it is suggested that partial congruence between relatively independent grammatical systems encourages recurrent interlingual identifications.
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Repnina, Tatiana V. „One-predicate interrogative conditional constructions in Catalan (in comparison with Spanish and French)“. NSU Vestnik. Series: Linguistics and Intercultural Communication 16, Nr. 3 (2018): 102–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7935-2018-16-3-102-115.
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The article deals with mononuclear interrogative conditional constructions in Catalan (in comparison with Spanish and French), a topic addressed for the first time in a separate study. The tense and voice uses in these constructions, their transformations into two-predicate constructions, and their meanings are examined in detail. Conclusions about the differences in tense use are made, constructions with positive and negative meanings are analyzed. The following conclusions are made: 1. One-predicate conditional constructions are characteristic of interrogative, but not of declarative utterances. 2. One-predicate conditional constructions can be split into those that elide the main clause and those that do not. Elliptical constructions imply the meaning of consequence, while non-elliptical constructions do not. 3. One-predicate interrogative conditional constructions normally begin with a special marker, a conjunction combination – i si in Catalan, y si in Spanish, and et si in French. 4. Interrogative conditional constructions with main clause ellipsis can express both real and unreal condition in the present, past or future by means of tenses and moods. The use of tenses and moods in constructions with main clause ellipsis in the three targeted languages mostly coincide. The differences can be summed up as follows. In Catalan and Spanish, the imperfect of the conjunctive generally corresponds to the imperfect of the indicative in French. In Catalan and Spanish, the pluperfect of the conjunctive is opposed to the pluperfect of the indicative in French. The same difference is also true of non-interrogative conditional constructions. 5. In Catalan and Spanish, non-elliptical interrogative conditional constructions use imperfect subjunctives as opposed to French where imperfect indicatives occur instead. 6. Elliptical one-predicate interrogative conditional constructions address events whose realization or consequences are not obvious to the speaker, or low-probability events. Such constructions mostly express negative meaning. Non-elliptical one-predicate interrogative conditional constructions express request, suggestion, or advice.
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Krifka, Manfred, und Fereshteh Modarresi. „Number Neutrality and Anaphoric Update of Pseudo-Incorporated Nominals in Persian (and Weak Definites in English)“. Semantics and Linguistic Theory 26 (22.11.2016): 874. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v26i0.3919.
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Persian shows differential object marking. We argue that objects withoutthe object marker rā are pseudo-incorporated in the verbal predicate. Specifically,we argue for an existential closure operator over the vP that binds the eventvariable of the verbal predicate, and that nominals within the vP are interpretedas dependent definites with respect to the event. We show that this results in anapparent number neutrality of such nominals, and a maximality interpretation ofanaphoric uptakes typical of E-type pronouns. The semantic contribution of nominalswithin and outside of the vP is modeled in DRT. We also argue that weakdefinites in English make use of the same strategy as pseudo-incorporated nominalsin Persian, and offer an explanation why they are restricted to readings referringto institutionalized activities.
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ZRIBI-HERTZ, ANNE. „On the dual nature of the ‘possessive’ marker in Modern English“. Journal of Linguistics 33, Nr. 2 (September 1997): 511–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226797006543.
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This paper shows, after Watkins (1967) and Tremblay (1989, 1991), that the possessive phrase of This is John's does not necessarily include an elliptical Possessee. This ambiguity is argued to arise from the dual nature of the possessive marker, which may either be inflectional or derivational in Modern English. In the first case, it may be analysed as a functional head, as proposed by Abney (1987) and Kayne (1993, 1994); in the second case, it operates in the lexicon, deriving possessive adjectives which exhibit complementary morphological and semantic properties in adnominal and predicate positions.
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Cho, Chae-Hyung, und Hae-Jun Yoo. „The relationship between the adverbial case marker ‘-e’ and the predicate“. Journal of Language & Literature 64 (31.12.2015): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.15565/jll.2015.12.64.115.
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Okhrimenko, Valeria. „SENSE STRUCTURE OF MODAL UNITS “IMPROBABILE”, “CON OGNI PROBABILITÀ” (IN THE ITALIAN LANGUAGE)“. PROBLEMS OF SEMANTICS, PRAGMATICS AND COGNITIVE LINGUISTICS, Nr. 40 (2021): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2663-6530.2021.40.05.
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The article focuses on appropriateness’s of quantifying of information in microtext of functioning of modal units “improbabile” and “con ogni probabilità” in the Italian language. Modal units“improbabile” and “con ogni probabilità” determine quantifying of information in microtext being nucleus and forming modal structures together with joined components. The modal structure is formed by joined components in according to the regularity rules in the pre-nuclear zone (components combined with modal units “improbabile” and “con ogni probabilità”) and the near-peripheral zone (components used in the modal sentence with these modal units or in adjacent sentences). The modal meaning of epistemic probability is structured by the principle of graduation and implicates diverse degree to monocausality orientation. The factor of neutralization of opposition “imagination about reality vs correlation with reality” is epistemic state of subject of modal meaning. The linguistic means of expression of the modal meaning of epistemic probability are modal structures which contain quantors as reflection of measuring approach to reality. The prototype of modal meaning of epistemic probability is represented by modal units “probabilmente” (“probabile”, “probabilità”). The modal units “іmprobabile” and “con ogni probabilità” which sense structure is analyzed in this article present maximal deviation from prototype expressing, respectively, negation and affirmation of probability. The modal unit “improbabile” is a marker of maximal lowering of grade of probability of the modal evaluation by epistemic vector (complete contradiction between imagination about reality and a fragment of objective reality) and possesses its own specific sense structure. In the pre-nuclear zone of “improbabile” are used existential predicate “essere”, negative totality quantors “nessuno”, “mai”, adverbs meaning exceeding of quality measure (“estremamente”). In the near-periphery zone are used: mental predicate of point of view or mental predicate of knowledge in negative form (often preceded by approximator “quasi”), mental predicate of knowledge in impersonal form “non si sa mai”, lexical units meaning exclusivity of object evaluated as improbable, emotional reaction of extreme astonishment, attempts of verification. Epistemic vector of a microtext being verbalized contains contradiction between expectations of a subject of modal evaluation and reality. Emotive vector of a microtext being verbalized contains information about astonishment. Evaluative vector of microtext being verbalized contains information about exclusivity of a fragment of reality evaluated from the modal point of view. The modal unit “con ogni probabilità” is a marker of maximal increasing of grade of probability of the modal evaluation by epistemic vector (complete correlation between imagination about reality and a fragment of objective reality) and possesses its own specific sense structure. This fixed modal structure contains totality quantor in its structure that influences on verbalization of microtext vectors and their sense filling. In the near-periphery zone are used: existential predicate “essere”, verbs containing semes of exactitude and correlation (“corrispondere”), modal units of trustworthiness containing semes of exactitude and correlation (“proprio”, “esattamente”). Microtext usually verbalizes factual information so existential predicates are used more than mental ones. A principle of logical sequence that characterizes enunciations containing operation with facts influence type of cohesion of mictotext. Instead of causal connectors are used lexical units that significate local and time parameters of situation, a subject of modal evaluation and his probable actions that means removal of accents from gnoseology to ontology because the events are related from the point of view of neutral observer. Microtext can be divided in specification zone which contains operations with facts and generalization zone which contains an explicit deduction.
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Airulsari, Arisha, und Iva Hanani. „Analisis Kesalahan Penggunaan Partikel Penanda Nominatif -i/ga dan Akusatif eul/reul dalam Karangan Pendek Mahasiswa“. East Asian Review 2, Nr. 1 (29.03.2024): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ear.12204.
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This article describes the types and frequencies of errors in the use of the nominative case marker 이/가 (i/ga) and the accusative case marker 을/를 (eul/reul) in short essays written by second-semester students of the Korean Language and Culture Department, Universitas Gadjah Mada. This study analyzed 93 short essays written on the midterm and final exams for the Korean Reading and Writing II course in the 2021/2022 academic year. This research uses both qualitative and quantitative methods. The errors were classified based on the particle usage error classification theory proposed by Jo Cheol Hyeon (2002). The research results showed that there were 66 data in total found in the students' short essays. Of the total 36 data of nominative case marker이/가(i/ga) errors, there were 22 data (61.11%) of substitution errors, 13 data (36.11%) of deletion errors, and 1 data (2.78%) of form error. Then, of the total 31 data of accusative case marker을/를 (eul/reul) errors, there were 20 data (66.67%) of substitution errors and 10 data (33.33%) of deletion errors. One of the factors that is thought to contribute to the occurrence of errors in the use of nominative case marker이/가 (i/ga) and accusative case marker을/를 (eul/reul) is inadequate knowledge of the word class of a Korean sentence predicate. This causes learners to be unable to correctly determine the arguments that function as subject and object in a sentence.
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Jalabneh, Atef Mustafa. „Independent and Subordinate Subjunctive Phrases and Theta-Marking in Arabic Syntax: A Minimalist View“. Theory and Practice in Language Studies 12, Nr. 6 (01.06.2022): 1232–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1206.25.
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The objective of this work is to specify the actual structures of independent and dependent subordinate subjunctive clauses visible with the complementizer ?an ‘that’ at spell out and exclude mandative phrases in Modern Standard Arabic. The problems: There is a confusion to specify the actual structures of such phrases whether they are complementizer phrases [C”s] or tense phrases [T”s]. It is also difficulty to decide whether the phrases constitute arguments to check theta roles or not in the absence of a predicate. The theory: this issue is analyzed with reference to Chomsky's minimalist’s views (1995), Radford's (1988) and Jalabneh (2007, 2011, 2017). The conclusions: The structures are syntactically proved to be [C”s] but not [T”s] whether the complementizer ?an ‘that’ is overt at spell out or covert at PF; [C”s] as syntactic units do not constitute arguments for any predicate; thus; they do not check theta roles in Arabic syntax. The analysis shows also that whether the complementizer? an ‘that’ is overt or covert, its syntactic effect is obvious on the morphology of the internal verb. In other words, it is marked with the subjunctive marker [a] at all levels of syntax.
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Sawada, Osamu. „The (non)-projective properties of the Japanese counter-expectational intensifier yoppodo“. Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 1 (12.06.2016): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v1i0.3720.
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This paper investigates the projective and non-projective properties of the Japanese counter-expectational intensifier yoppodo. Yoppodo has some unique semantic and pragmatic characteristics that ordinary intensifiers do not. In adjectival environments, yoppodo must co-occur with an inferential evidential marker (modal) and infers a high degree via the evidence. It also conventionally implicates that the high degree is above a speaker’s expectation. The interesting feature of yoppodo is that its relationship with an evidential marker is tied up in the issue of projectability. If yoppodo is embedded under an attitude predicate and there is an evidential modal in the embedded clause, then yoppodo’s counter-expectational meaning is subject-oriented. However, if yoppodo is embedded under an attitude predicate and there is an evidential modal in the main clause, then yoppodo’s counter-expectational meaning is speaker-oriented. I argue that the projective property of yoppodo is different from both typical conventional implicatures (e.g., expressives, appositives; see Potts 2005, 2015; Tonhauser et al. 2013) and typical presuppositions, and I claim that it belongs to a new type of projective content, a “dependent projective content.” This paper provides a new perspective for the theories and classification of projective content.
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Anicotte, Rémi. „Bidimensional expressions of fractions in Chinese“. Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 44, Nr. 1 (12.08.2015): 36–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-00441p02.
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A generic pattern of expression for fractions accounts for numerators and denominators, thus generally producing bidimensional numerical expressions. In Qin–Han mathematical texts, fractions were constructed as predicative phrases: the monodimensional expression ‘denominator’s name + fēn’ of a unit fraction 1/n acted as subject, and the numerator’s name acted as predicate. The morpheme zhī could be used as an optional marker of this predicative relation. Later evolutions were not linear, and reveal the effects of language planning and of free linguistic invention, finally giving rise to the inseparable fraction names of Contemporary Chinese. Un schéma générique pour dire les fractions rend compte des numérateurs et dénominateurs produisant des expressions numériques bidimensionnelles. Dans les textes mathématiques Qin–Han, elles étaient construites comme des énoncés prédicatifs où la désignation monodimensionnelle « nom du dénominateur + fēn » d’une fraction unitaire 1/n servait de sujet et le numérateur de prédicat. Le morphème zhī était utilisé facultativement comme marqueur de cette relation prédicative. Les évolutions de ces expressions n’ont pas été linéaires et révèlent l’action d’inventions et de normalisations linguistiques pour aboutir aux appellations insécables des fractions en chinois contemporain.
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Koss, Tom, Astrid De Wit und Johan van der Auwera. „The Aspectual Meaning of Non-Aspectual Constructions“. Languages 7, Nr. 2 (02.06.2022): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages7020143.
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The distinction between perfective and imperfective aspect has been identified in many languages across the world. This paper shows that even languages that do not have a dedicated perfective—imperfective distinction may endow a verbal construction that is not specifically aspectual with a perfective value. The crucial diagnostic for identifying perfectivity in a given non-aspectual construction is a difference in the temporal interpretation of clauses involving that construction, licensed by the actionality class of the main predicate: while stative verbs have a present interpretation, dynamic verbs yield a non-present (past or future) interpretation. This pattern of interaction is triggered by a phenomenon that has been referred to as the ‘present perfective paradox’, i.e., the impossibility of aligning dynamic situations with the time of speaking while at the same time conceptualizing them in their entirety. The latter type of construal is argued to be the main function of perfective aspect. The range of non-aspectual constructions with underlying perfective semantics includes ‘iamitive’ markers, an evidential, an epistemic supposition marker, a focus marker, a polar question marker, and a declarative marker. These constructions come from typologically different and genetically unrelated languages, illustrating the cross-linguistic salience of the category of perfective aspect.
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Rai, Tara Mani. „Clusivity in Chamling, Bantawa, Bayung and Puma Language“. Tribhuvan University Journal 39, Nr. 1 (20.06.2024): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v39i1.66676.
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This paper analyzes clusivity (inclusive and exclusive distinction) in the Kirati languages namely Chamling, Bantawa, Bayung and Puma within the typological framework. The data drawn in this paper were collected from the direct elicitation from the speakers they could represent the languages. The findings reveal that the Kirati languages like Chamling, Bantawa, Bayung and Puma are rich enough in the clusivity as they exhibit inclusive and exclusive distinction in the both dual and plural number. In Bantawa, the marker <-tsi> is realized as the second person dual inclusive marker whereas the marker <-tsija> as the first person dual exclusive marker. The first person plural inclusive is marked by <-n> and <-nka> in the case of the first person plural exclusive in the intransitive verb paradigm. In addition, Puma, Chamling and Bayung also share the first person dual and plural clusivities. The reflexes of the inclusive-exclusive marker may not appear in the same pattern from pronoun to the predicate. Bantawa and Puma have almost the complete copy morphemes that are realized even in the verb conjugation. But the Chamling and Bayung have partial morpheme to denote the clusivity. Typologically observed the Bodish group of the Tibeto-Burman languages, they do not exhibit the way Kirati languages do. For instance, the languages like Gurung, Nar-phu, Dolakha Newar, and Kathmandu Newar have clusivity only in the first-person plural number. Unlike others, Bhujel and Chhantyal have the same marker to indicate the first person inclusive and exclusive marker.
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Oh, Gyu-hwan. „Formation Principles and Change Factors of Korean Complex Predicate Constructions“. Morphology 24, Nr. 2 (30.11.2022): 311–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.51157/kmor.2022.24.2.311.
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Korean complex predicate constructions(henceforth CPCs) can be cross-classified with various types, according to case marker/particle realization, expandability of CPCs’ constituents, polysemy of CPCs’ noun, semantic bleaching degree of CPCs’ verbs/adjectives, etc. The wordhood of Korean CPCs vary depending on the types of CPCs. I accounted for the differences observed on the wordhood of Korean CPCs from the perspective of word-formation and described the synchronic formation and change of Korean CPCs. Korean CPCs are formed synchronically through the concatenative process that occurs when clauses are formed in the syntactic component or the substitutional process and concatenative process in the mental lexicon. Korean CPCs which are formed in the mental lexicon are more likely to be word-like, while CPCs which are formed in the syntactic component are more likely to phrase-like. Korean CPCs that are formed synchronically are used in the syntactic component and experiences formal, semantic, and categorial changes. The formal and semantic change of Korean CPCs are related to the realization of the case-marker/particle and metaphor/metonymy, respectively, and the categorial change of Korean CPCs is due to reanalysis. Because of these changes, I pointed out that the wordhood of the Korean CPCs may decrease or increase.
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Woo, Florence. „What to do to ‘do-to . . .’: Notes on an Object Marker in Nuu-chah-nulth“. Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 52, Nr. 1-2 (Juli 2007): 131–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100004229.
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AbstractThe syntactic behaviour of the object marker ?uukwił in Nuu-chah-nulth is documented based on fieldwork data that illustrate patterns not previously discussed in the literature. A Minimalist-type analysis is presented, in which ?uukwił is a light verb of the category v and is generated in the complement position of the main verb. This captures certain traits of ?uukwił that have hitherto not been unified under a single analysis: its morphological and syntactic autonomy, its semantic dependence on another predicate for argument structure, its link to discourse saliency, and its use as an auxiliary item in A′-raising constructions.
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Oh, Min-seok. „The Contagion of Negativity in the Construction of ‘nominal(+case marker)+negation predicate’“. Korean Linguistics 77 (30.11.2017): 181–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.20405/kl.2017.11.77.181.
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Pradhana, Ngurah Indra. „Japanese and Indonesian Relative Clausa Patterns“. KIRYOKU 5, Nr. 1 (15.07.2021): 173–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/kiryoku.v5i1.173-178.
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In this research, the object of study is clause. This research is focused on the derivation of clauses known as relative clauses. In this study, it was examined about the differences and similarities in the formation patterns, meanings, and relation characteristics of clauses which are relatively good in two languages, namely between Japanese and Indonesian. The results of this research can be used in the teaching and learning process. As well as useful for readers and audiences who intend to pursue linguistics. The analytical method used in this research is the agih method. Based on the analysis that has been done, several conclusions can be drawn as follows. In Indonesian, a relative clause is indicated by the word "yang" as a conjunctive pronoun. Relative clauses can be used as an expansion technique. There is a slight difference in the formation of Relative Clauses in Indonesian and Japanese, namely, in Indonesian the relative clause can only consist of the word "yang" as a relative clause marker and a predicate which functions as a modifier which is then followed by a core sentence. Whereas in Japanese, a relative clause consists of a minimum of objects and a predicate as a modifier followed by a core sentence. Semantically, relative clauses are viewed from proportions formed by a predicate which states activities, processes, or circumstances. The characteristic of the relation in a relative clause is indicated by the word that comes after the noun.