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1
Maeda, Mitsuko, und 前田美子. „Power relations among actors in development cooperation: patterns, concepts and approaches in a Japanese-assistedteacher training project in Cambodia“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38233575.
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2
Bastalich, Wendy. „Politicising the productive: subjectivity, feminist labour thought and Foucault“. Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phb324.pdf.
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3
au, Zsuzsanna Millei@newcastle edu, und Zsuzsa Millei. „A genealogical study of the child as the subject of pre-compulsory education in Western Australia“. Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20081002.80627.
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The study produces a genealogy of the child as the shifting subject constituted by the confluence of discourses that are utilized by, and surround, Western Australian precompulsory education. The analysis is approached as a genealogy of governmentality building on the work of Foucault and Rose, which enables the consideration of the research question that guides this study: How has the child come to be constituted as a subject of regimes of practices of pre-compulsory education in Western Australia?
This study does not explore how the historical discourses changed in relation to the child as a universal subject of early education, but it examines the multiple ways the child was constituted by these discourses as the subject at which government is to be aimed, and whose characteristics government must harness and instrumentalize. Besides addressing the research question, the study also develops a set of intertwining arguments. In these the author contends that the child is invented through historically contingent ideas about the individual and that the way in which the child is constituted in pre-compulsory education shifts in concert with the changing problematizations about the government of the population and individuals. Further, the study demonstrates the necessity to understand the provision of pre-compulsory education as a political practice.
Looking at pre-compulsory education as a political practice de-stabilizes the takenfor-granted constitutions of the child embedded in present theories, practices and research with children in the field of early childhood education. It also enables the de- and reconstruction of the notions of childrens participation, empowerment and citizenship. The continuous de- and reconstruction of these notions and the destabilization of the constitutions of the child creates a framework in which improvement is possible, rather than a utopian, wholesale and, thus revolutionary, transformation in early education (Branson & Miller, 1991, p. 187). This study also contributes to the critiques of classroom discipline approaches by reconceptualizing them as technologies of government in order to reveal the power relations they silently wield.
4
盧詠思. „從「校本管理條例」爭論看權力話語“. HKBU Institutional Repository, 2005. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/678.
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5
Yang, Victor. „Unleashing power : pathways to inclusion and representation in U.S. AIDS activist organisations : a comparative case study of political representation in the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP)“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5b51086e-cd00-4d92-b39a-2865219ea5a1.
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The thesis proposes a theory for the development of substantive representation among social movement organisations (SMOs). Substantive representation (SR) is the extent to which political institutions advance the policy interests of their constituents, in particular the most disenfranchised. Despite their noble proclamations, institutions of representative democracy often fail to advance the interests of groups who have been ignored and absent at the proverbial table. The thesis establishes a causal process to explain the divergence in SR outcomes among informal SMOs, or all-volunteer groups that disavow formal hierarchy in favour of egalitarian modes of decision-making. It utilises a case study of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP), an umbrella organisation dedicated to ending the HIV/AIDS crisis in the United States and worldwide. It explains an anomalous story of SR attainment through the ACT UP Philadelphia chapter, compared to sister groups in New York City and Boston. The analysis draws from 92 semi-structured interviews, 13 months of participant observation, periodical review, and archival databases. ACT UP Philadelphia translated common SMO intentions of inclusivity into the uncommon rituals of practice. It forged a deliberate pipeline to invest not only in the presence but also the power of disenfranchised people with HIV, people too dark and poor to interest counterpart groups in other cities. Through an analytic retelling of ACT UP's history, the thesis argues that the fulfilment of SR depends on the ability of SMOs to appeal to member self-interest. Critically, SMOs can offer material incentives and nurture feelings of debt and obligation: causal steps to recruitment and sustainability of a heterogeneous membership. In building a crucial if contentious core of dissimilar people and partnerships, SMOs can unleash an oft-unrealised power for collective action and SR, by and for disenfranchised peoples who had thought change to be impossible.
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Ackerman, Carla. „The power of patriarchy : its manifestation in rape“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/54906.
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Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 1995.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates womens' perceptions of social power, as illustrated by their experiences of rape. In the first chapter the principles of subjective feminist research are analyzed against the background of feminist critique on so-called objective science. This introduction also discusses the feminist research methodology used in the study. This is followed by an examination of mainstream political science's conception of "power". How mainstream political scientists conceptualise "power", how they define "the exercise of power". Analyses of the feminist critique against the mainstream conception of "power" are discussed. The account of Foucault's ideas on "power" is, to some degree, a link between mainstream political science's views and feminists views. An examination of patriarchy, the three main dichotomies present in our society that determine female/male relations and gendered sexuality follows. It is against the aforementioned background that the literature study moves into a practical research stage. The next chapter analyses womens' conceptions and experiences of "power" relations by looking at the feminist theory of rape. This is followed by an analysis of the research data and a discussion of the popular rape myths in our society. A historical overview and analysis of the current rape law is then given, while the last chapter examines a feminist alternative conception of "power"relations by re-visiting "power" and by providing a feminist vision of women-power.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek vrouens se persepsies van sosiale mag soos geïllustreer deur hulle ervarings van verkragting. In die eerste hoofstuk word die beginsels van subjektiewe feministiese navorsing geanaliseer teen die agtergrond van die feministiese kritiek teen sogenaamde objektiewe wetenskap. Dit verskaf 'n bespreking van die feministiese navorsingsmetodologie wat in die studie gebruik is. In die daaropvolgende hoofstuk word hoofstroom politieke wetenskap se konsepsie van "mag" ondersoek deur te kyk na hoe hoofstroom politieke wetenskap "mag" konseptualiseer, hoe dit "die uitoefening van mag" definieer en deur die analise van feministiese kritiek teen hoofstroom politieke wetenskap se konsepsie van "mag". Die opsomming van Faucault se idees oor "mag" is in sommige opsigte 'n skakel tussen hoofstroom politieke wetenskap se sieninge en die van feministe. 'n Ondersoek na patriargie, die drie belangrikste tweeledighede ("dichotomies") in ons samelewing wat die verhoudings tussen vrouens en mans bepaal en geslagtelike seksualiteit ("gendered sexuality") volg. Dit is teen die agtergrond van die voorafgaande dat die literatuurstudie gevolg word deur 'n praktiese navorsingsfase. Daar volg'In analise van vrouens se konsepsies en ondervindings van "magsverhoudinge" deur eerstens na die feministiese teorie van verkragting te kyk. Hierna volg 'n analise van die navorsingsdata en In bespreking van populêre verkragtingsmites in ons samelewing. In aansluiting by bogenoemde volg 'n historiese oorsig en analise van die huidige verkragtingswet en vrouens se ervarings daarvan. Laastens volg 'n feministiese alternatiewe konsepsie van "magsverhoudinge" deur 'n her-analise van "mag" voor te stel en deur 'n feministiese visie van vroue-mag ("women-power") te verskaf.
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Bue, Martine Eriksen. „Women's vulnerability, sexual power and prevention of stigma : what do prevention campaigns tell us“. Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86385.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The HIV-epidemic that is evident in South Africa today is infecting more women than men. This is mostly due to the vulnerability that women are facing in sexual relationships, where they are not able to negotiate the terms and conditions of their sexual engagement. Patriarchy, the culture of masculinity and a general male dominance influence women’s dependency on their man and agency inside and outside of the home, and contribute to the oppression of women both generally in society and sexually. Women have by this not the control over their own bodies and are for this reason in a high-risk position of contracting HIV. The vulnerability is further linked to the stigmatisation that women experience if they do try to negotiate preventative measures to reduce the risk of transmission. The fear of being stigmatised as ‘loose’ or HIV-positive by both men and women if suggesting condom use, inhibits women to propose the necessary actions for protection. Stigmatising behaviours also impact on a person’s fear of becoming HIV-positive and reduces the likelihood of getting tested, disclose one’s status to sexual partners and receive treatment. This thesis examines cultural and socio-economic issues that contribute to gender inequality in South Africa, and can generate stigma towards women on the basis of HIV and AIDS. This is done by using radical feminism as the theoretical framework for contextualising how women are situated in the South African society, in terms of general and sexual agency. Through the method of content analysis and the findings from the theoretical framework, the thesis further analyses how the three HIVprevention campaigns loveLife, Brothers for Life and TAC manage to address the issues related to stigma based on HIV/AIDS, which are directed towards women. Race, class and gender are all factors that influence the likelihood of becoming HIV-infected and of becoming stigmatised. Women’s low social status situates women in a position where they are more probable to be the object of stigmatisation since they already are considered lower in rank. If the women also are of colour, poor and low educated the chances of becoming stigmatised on the basis of HIV and AIDS are even more likely, the same is the chances of becoming HIV-infected. This indicates that poor, uneducated black women are the group that is most vulnerable towards stigmatisation as well as towards HIV-transmission. Socio-economic and cultural factors have a strong influence on the gender inequality in sexual relationships found in South Africa, which cause HIV to spread and can generate stigmatising behaviours. Stigmatisation on the basis of HIV/AIDS is therefore important to address in order to reduce the number of new HIV-infections. The three campaigns analysed for this thesis did neither directly address stigma on a general level nor directed towards women. The campaigns are therefore considered to be missing an important feature of HIV-prevention in South Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die huidige Suid-Afrikaanse Vigsepidemie infekteer meer vroue as mans. Dit is die geval weens die kwesbaarheid wat vroue ervaar in seksuele verhoudings, waar vroue nie die mag het om die omstandighede van hul seksuele interaksies te onderhandel nie. Patriargie, die kultuur van manlikheid en ‘n algemene manlike dominansie beïnvloed vroue se mag en dra by tot die onderdrukking van vroue, beide in die samelewing in die algemeen en in seksuele verhoudings. Om hierdie rede het vroue nie beheer oor hul eie liggame nie en daarom ervaar hulle ‘n hoë risiko om MIV op te doen. Hierdie kwesbaarheid word ook verbind aan die stigmatisering wat vroue ervaar wanneer hulle probeer om voorkomende aksie te neem ten einde die risiko van Vigsoordrag te verminder. Die vrees om deur mans en ander vroue gestigmatiseer te word as iemand met ‘losse sedes’, of as iemand wat MIV-positief is wanneer hulle kondoomgebruik voorstel, weerhou vroue daarvan om die nodige voorkomende aksie vir selfbeskerming te neem. Stigmatiserende gedrag het ook ‘n impak op ‘n mens se vrees om MIV-positief te word en verminder die waarskynliheid dat jy jouself vir die virus sal laat toets, dat iemand hul status aan seksuele maats sal verklaar, of behandeling sal ontvang. Diegene wat reeds MIV onder lede het is bang om hul status te verklaar weens die gepaardgaande stigma. Hierdie tesis ondersoek kulturele en sosio-ekonomiese kwessies wat bydra tot geslagsongelykheid in Suid-Afrika, en wat stigma kan veroorsaak teenoor vroue met betrekking tot MIV and Vigs. Die studie analiseer dan of Vigsveldtogte hierdie stigma kan aanspreek. Dit word gedoen deur radikale feminisme toe te pas as ‘n teoretiese raamwerk om vroue se plek in die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing te kontekstualiseer, beide in terme van algemene en seksuele mag. Die metode van inhoudsanalise word toegepas om drie Vigsvoorkomingsveldtogte (loveLife, Brothers for Life en TAC) te analiseer en vas te stel of en hoe hulle kwessies wat betrekking het op stigma teenoor vroue aanspreek. Sosio-ekonomiese en kulturele faktore het ‘n sterk invloed op die geslagsongelykeid in seksuele verhoudings in Suid-Afrika; dit lei daartoe dat MIV versprei word en kan stigmatiserende gedrag vererger. Om hierdie rede is dit belangrik dat MIV/Vigsvoorkomingsveldtogte stigmatisering aanspreek ten einde gedrag te wysig en om die getal nuwe Vigsbesmettings te laat daal. Die drie veldtogte wat in hierdie tesis geanaliseer is het beide nagelaat om stigma direk aan te spreek op ‘n algemene vlak, en was ook nie direk gerig op vroue nie. Die veldtogte kan daarom beskou word as ontoereikend deurdat hulle belangrike komponente van MIV-voorkomig in Suid-Afrika misgekyk het.
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Urs, Ion Social Sciences & International Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. „The empowerment of aggressive state ideology in two periods of Russian history“. Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Social Sciences & International Studies, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40568.
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The concepts of power and state - particularly embedded in the idea of the Great Power, with a geopolitical perspective and a profoundly aggressive character - are tantamount in importance to the Russia's elite political ideology. However, the existence of different emphases within such a political ideology, ranging from the active-obstructive to the passive stances, brings into question the factors of variation that might be responsible for the elite's level of determination to pursue these concepts over an internal or foreign policy development. In addressing this query, two tasks are set: descriptive - involving a survey of the content of Russian aggressive political ideology over different periods in history; and explanatory - determining circumstances that might account for the empowerment of one or other option of Russian aggressive political ideology. Therefore, the thesis includes a comparison of historical periods with similar relevance to the Russian state. The concern here is in relation to shifting factors of variations of aggressive political ideology acting in the space-frame of one state, but in different time-frame. Resting on these frames the thesis explores the shaping of the Russian elite's defining principles of state internal and foreign policy development and traces the factors of variation responsible for the empowerment of one or other particular form of the aggressive political ideology. The factors of variation discussed in the thesis are different in nature and intensity. The primary impetus for variation in the form that aggressive political ideology would take is determined by the factor of national distress. Other factors (regime volatility, political and economic motivations, information dissemination, and challenges within the international system) are responsible for the depth and extent to which aggressive ideology is going to resonate. No factor could create the variation by itself. The argument is that a specific set of factors is required to create the conditions for variations in the form the aggressive political ideology would take and to determine whether aggressive ideology would generate or not an obstructive political decision.
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Oliveira, Daniel Simões. „As regiões guerrilheiras colombianas e sua relação com a economia e politica no mundo contemporaneo“. [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279245.
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Orientador: Reginaldo Carmello Correa de MoraesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T20:56:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira_DanielSimoes_M.pdf: 1311572 bytes, checksum: b711e7694374f0201cc16ec0c2762fc5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007
Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo aprofundar o conhecimento acerca dos sentidos da atual ordem mundial vigente a partir do estudo da dinâmica conflituosa observada no território colombiano. Nesse sentido, toma como objeto central de sua reflexão a constituição de duas importantes regiões no interior do país, cujos contornos se definem pela presença de atividades econômicas de grande porte mediadas pelos movimentos guerrilheiros que, através do controle da circulação espacial nos espaços em questão, passam a impor uma organização peculiar e funcional aos interesses desses movimentos armados. As duas Regiões em questão, a Cocaleira e a Petrolífera, serão tomadas destarte em suas particularidades internas, para que posteriormente seja pensado o significado destes espaços na lógica do capitalismo contemporâneo, expandido ao nível global
Abstract: The objective of the present work is to deepen the knowledge concerning the directions of the current effective world-wide order from the study of the conflicting dynamics observed in the Columbian territory. In this direction, it takes as central object of its reflection the constitution of two important regions in the interior of the country, whose contours are defined by the presence of great economic activities mediated by the guerrila movements that, through the control of the space circulation in these regions, impose a peculiar and functional organization to the interests of these armed movements. The two Regions in question, the Petroliferous and the Coke one, will be taken in its internal particularities so that later the meaning of these spaces in the contemporary capitalism logic, expanded to the global level, can be thought
Mestrado
Política Externa
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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Fung, Yat-chu, und 馮一柱. „Information technology and empowerment in information society: use of computers amongst senior persons“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31245298.
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Madonko, Thokozile. „The puzzle of domination in society : seeking solutions in the African context“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007260.
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The presence of human destitution, impoverishment and degradation in the midst of plenty has puzzled social thinkers for millennia. One of the oldest and grandest of theories: the theory of ideology attempts to provide an answer to the puzzle of domination in society. Michael Rosen, in his book On Voluntary Servitude (1996), argues that the solution provided by the theory of ideology is problematic. Furthermore, on the basis of his critique, Rosen argues that we should abandon the theory of ideology and consider alternatives to it. Even though many contemporary academics have turned away from the theory of ideology, because they view it as an imprisoning meta-theory, this study explores the possibility of there being a meta-theory that could help us to make sense of the world. Through an examination of Rosen's critique this thesis shows that Rosen is too quick in his dismissal of the theory of ideology because he fails to consider that a revised functionalist theory of ideology can be expanded to account for the mechanism(s) that ensure that, over time, the society in question acquires ideological consciousness to further its welfare. This thesis shows that Rosen is correct in his criticism of the theory of ideology's explanation of domination because the content, history and social effects of ideological consciousness cannot be fully explained in terms of their role in promoting or stabilising relations of domination. In light of Rosen's criticism the thesis shows that if one provides both an explanation of the psychological motivations of individuals and of the nature of the oppressive society in which they find themselves then what I call an integrated theory of ideology can be developed. In order to illustrate the importance of an integrated theory of ideology the study moves away from high-level theoretical abstraction to concrete social analyses, focusing on the work of Frantz Fanon and Steve Biko and their explanations of domination. The reason this study focuses on their work is because in their role as social scientists, Fanon and Biko provided a powerful critique of colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial society. It will be argued that Fanon and Biko were able to provide a lasting critique of colonial reality because they offered their critique within the framework of such an integrated theory. Consequently, this study argues that, as Fanon and Biko's work illustrate, an integrated theory of ideology qua critical theory ought not to be abandoned because it is crucial for understanding and resisting forms of oppression that exist in the world today.
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El, Battiui Mohamed. „L'eau au Moyen-Orient: entre gestion et instrumentalisation“. Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210507.
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L’eau est vitale dans toutes les économies. C’est à cause de son rôle prépondérant pour la survie que les tensions politiques autour des basins et des fleuves internationaux tendent à être particulièrement très épineuses. Actuellement, la mauvaise répartition de cette ressource pose un sérieux problème du fait qu’elle est gérée en fonction de stratégies politiques et non en fonction des réalités hydrologiques régionales. Nous expliquons à l’aide de la « Enhanced Power Matrix Model » (La Matrice de FREY et NAFF améliorée) que les tensions autour des bassins et des fleuves au Moyen – Orient n’aboutiront pas à des conflits armés mais à une situation de non guerre et de non paix, très peu propice à la coopération. Pour sortir de cette situation de blocage, nous proposons aux décideurs politiques et aux négociateurs, sur base de l’article 6 de la Convention de New York de 1997 sur « les cours d’eau internationaux à d’autres usages que la navigation », un modèle de répartition de la ressource hydrique entre les différents riverains d’un cours d’eau international. Face à cette situation, beaucoup de pays de la région tentent de mettre de façon unilatérale des modèles de gestion macroéconomique :réduction de la demande ou l’augmentation de l’offre de l’eau. Ces modèles se heurtent à des obstacles de nature économique, politique, sociologique et culturelle. Dans un objectif de conception de nouveaux modèles de gestion de l’eau, nous proposons un modèle coopératif, les projets de transfert inter – bassin, pour faire face à la mauvaise répartition de cette ressource au Moyen – Orient.
Nous appuyons sur la méthodologie multicritère d’aide à la décision pour opérationnaliser l’article 6 de la Convention de New York et pouvoir comparer les différents projets de transfert inter - bassin. Cette méthodologie fait appel à un logiciel d’aide à la décision « Décision Lab 2000 ». Le commentaire des résultats fournis par ce logiciel nous a permit de tirer l’enseignement suivant :seuls les projets qui présentent une faisabilité politique élevée arrivent en tête de classement. Ce qui nous fait dire que la question de l’eau au Moyen – Orient est, avant tout, une question politique.
Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Bond, Sophie, und n/a. „Participation, urbanism and power“. University of Otago. Department of Geography, 2008. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080404.152556.
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This thesis explores how an adherence to professional principles can be reconciled with a commitment to inclusive participatory planning processes in urban governance. Two themes are drawn together. First, the study concerns recent shifts in thinking about public participation that have resulted in innovative approaches to engaging citizens in urban governance processes through deliberative, interactive workshops and forums. Second, the study focuses on power relations that are inherent in such forums, particularly when a variety of different knowledges (expert and lay) interact. The two themes are brought together by focusing on the participatory practices of the urbanist movement - an urban form movement that draws specific principles from the urbanism of traditional towns and cities in order to create socially and environmentally sustainable places. Within urbanist participation, professional principles for the built environment and a commitment to a form of deliberative democracy are combined. In this study, the crucial question asked is: what is the nature and effect of the power relations on the democratic character of public involvement in participatory planning processes?
To explore this issue, two urbanist Enquiry by Design processes were selected as retrospective case studies. One case involved a regeneration project for an inner urban area of a north England industrial town, while the other case involved a greenfield urban extension in the south west of England. The empirical research, undertaken in mid 2005, comprised 52 semi-structured interviews, analysis of extensive background material, and site visits. Research participants were selected to capture a range of perspectives and experiences of each process.
To understand the power relations in the cases a two pronged approach was taken. The study was informed by literature from communicative planning theory and deliberative democracy. From this literature, an Ethic for Communicative Participation was developed as a heuristic device to evaluate urbanist participation. Concomitantly, to understand the nature of the power relations involved in the deliberative forum, the study employed a discourse theory perspective after Laclau and Mouffe (2001). Thus, power was understood as relational and imbricated within all social relations, while conflict was conceived of as an indicator of power.
The study found that the urbanist discourse, as a hegemonic project, had a significant effect on the nature of the participatory processes. In disseminating and instituting a particular vision for urban sustainability, the urbanist participatory process was found to be instrumental to realising the urbanist vision in each locality. As such, the cases studied displayed a thin commitment to democracy. Moreover, the discursive constructions of concepts of community, representation, consensus and participation evident in the cases, exposed a unified and homogeneous understanding of social groups. Consequently, the complexity of power relations and conflict inherent in the processes were bracketed, resulting in the exclusion of certain perspectives.
Nevertheless, the study illustrated the value in understanding the inherently antagonistic nature of the public sphere for both research and practice. The study supported emerging claims for a democratic politics in which antagonism is transformed into agonism - a space of reciprocity and mutual respect in which contestations over meanings can be articulated. In the cases, the participatory space allowed participants to challenge the hegemonic nature of the dominant discourses. Therefore, the thesis argues for two important ways to rethink power in both theory and in practice. First, there must be a willingness to engage with conflict and power. Second, there must be an interrogation of claims to unity or collectivity. Understanding the public sphere as inherently antagonistic, heterogeneous, and criss-crossed with complex power relations potentially provides conditions in which hegemonic forces can be contested. An agonistic politics has the potential to facilitate the open contestation of different knowledges and transform the dominant power relations such that an enhanced democracy can ensue.
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Moleko, Teboho Banele. „A critical analysis of the role of coltan in the Eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s second war (1998-2003)“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017864.
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The role of natural resources in African conflicts has been subject to extensive scholarly analysis. However, much of this analysis has taken a narrow economic reductionist bias. As such, it is imperative that the dominant assumptions and accepted concepts and theories about the role of natural resources in African conflicts be re-examined. The aim of this thesis is to offer a revaluation of the role of coltan during the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) Second War (1998-2003) through a critical engagement with the resource wars literature. The purpose is to offer a re-reading of the role of coltan in the DRC Second War and the broader regional and global economic context in which this conflict took place. It rejects the commonly cited assumption that the presence of coltan in the DRC means it is an initiator of conflict. Rather, this thesis argues that the central role of coltan in the DRC Second War was as an aggravator of conflict in that its exploitation was used by different parties to fund their military and political ambitions. This thesis also argues that the DRC’s weak state structures and pivotal role within the Great Lakes region, as well as the international trade of coltan and the nature of the DRC coltan mining industry are all key factors in understanding coltan exploitation in the country’s Eastern Region during the Second War.
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Pinto, Pablo Martín. „Domestic coalitions and the political economy of foreign direct investment /“. Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3130413.
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Conlon, Jane-Louise. „Technology and power : a case study of the meanings of technology in an organisation and their relationship with structures of power“. Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1999. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36325/1/36325_Conlon_1999.pdf.
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This thesis used Giddens' (1984) theory of structuration and MacKenzie and Wacjman's
(1985) notion of "social shaping", as the basis for exploring the ways in which social
actors create meanings of technology to develop and reinforce structures of power within
an organisational setting. Using the organisation in which the researcher worked as a
casestudy, this thesis employed an ethnographic approach to interpreting how
organisational actors created meanings of technology and then used these meanings as the
basis for their actions. While this thesis focussed on issues relating to technology, power,
and organisations, it also contributed to the broader social science debate about the role
structure and agency have in determining social action.
17
Goodyear-Grant, Elizabeth. „Politicians, journalists, and their audiences: gendered aspects of televised election news in Canada“. Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18410.
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This dissertation is an analysis of the gendered aspects of televised election news in Canada. My theoretical framework is the 'gendered mediation thesis', and its central claim is that news is a predominantly masculine narrative that privileges men and masculinity in politics. The theory relies primarily on two causal factors to account for this pattern. First, news is a reflection of our gendered society. Thus, the frames used to report politics are replete with masculine symbols and metaphors and give primacy to masculine traits. Second, the structure and operation of the news system itself – particularly the political economic constraints imposed by competition for audience share and advertising revenues – encourage news formats that enforce, rather than challenge, established gender norms in the society.My empirical analyses focus on four components of the news media system: 1) news content, 2) news production, 3) media effects, and 4) elites' approaches to media. The first two themes analyze production and content, and the latter two themes focus on the consequences of gendered news. I use a combination of quantitative and qualitative data to demonstrate that aspects of televised news coverage present men and women candidates differently, and I find evidence that women are seriously underrepresented in Canadian newsrooms, particularly in positions of power. I also present evidence that gendered news has harmful effects on both audience perceptions of women candidates, as well as women politicians' own perceptions of their treatment by newsworkers as well as in news coverage. My analyses suggest that gendered news coverage can present distorted information about women politicians, harm women politicans' electoral prospects, and also possibly discourage women from entering politics as a profession, thereby contributing to a serious problem in the supply of women candidates.Cette dissertation analyse la représentation biaisée des femmes dans les nouvelles télévisées des élections au Canada. J'emploie le cadre théorique de la « gendered mediation thesis », selon lequel les nouvelles constituent un narratif essentiellement masculin qui privilégie les hommes et la masculinité dans la politique. Cette théorie s'appuie sur deux facteurs causaux pour expliquer ce phénomène. Premièrement, les nouvelles reflètent les préjugés contre les femmes dans notre société. Ainsi, les cadres employés pour reporter les événements politiques regorgent de symboles et de métaphores masculins et accordent la primauté aux traits masculins. Deuxièmement, la structure et l'opération du système de nouvelles lui-même —particulièrement les contraintes politico-économiques imposées par la compétition pour capturer leur part du public et les revenus générés par la publicité— encouragent des formats de nouvelles qui renforcent plutôt que de défier les normes sociales établies biaisées contre les femmes.Mon analyse empirique porte sur quatre composantes du système médiatique de nouvelles : 1) le contenu des nouvelles, 2) la production de nouvelles, 3) les effets médiatiques, et 4) l'approche des élites aux médias. Les premiers deux thèmes analysent la production et le contenu, tandis que les deux autres se concentrent sur les conséquences de la représentation biaisée des femmes dans les nouvelles. J'emploie une combinaison de données quantitatives et qualitatives pour démontrer que les nouvelles télévisées présentent les femmes et les hommes différemment, et ma recherche démontre que les femmes sont sérieusement sous-représentées dans les salles de nouvelles canadiennes, particulièrement dans les positions de pouvoir. Je présente aussi des preuves empiriques que les nouvelles biaisées contre les femmes ont des effets néfastes sur la perception des femmes candidates par le public, ainsi que sur la
18
Zhou, Hengyu, und 周恒宇. „Cyber micropower: a new perspective of computer-mediated communication research“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B47752749.
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The relationship between Internet technology and human beings has been the main focus in the realm of Internet study. Those studies, generally speaking, either paid attention to the political, economical and social influences of the burgeoning Internet technology on human society, or focusing on the changing of human behavior, attitudes and psychological conditions in the Internet technological environment. Lacking of considering the core nature of Internet technology, most of studies, though proposed many insightful arguments, cannot explain why and in what way the Internet has such great influences on human beings.
Since the Internet technology constructed the cyberspace, its relationship with human beings has been undoubtedly influenced by the inherent nature of the Internet. Examining the intrinsic nature and the bias of Internet technology, this study proposes the concept of cyber-micropower to describe the power relationships in the Internet field, and explores the origins of cyber-micropower. By investigating the formation and operational mechanism of the three kinds of cyber-micropower – information micropower, context micropower and subject micropower, this study provides a new analytical framework to the Internet study as well as understanding various cyberspace phenomena.
The qualitative methods, especially critical literature research, online participant observation, and oral history are adopted to make thick description of various online phenomena, get empirical online data and develop the key concept of cyber-micropower. Particularly, the formation of information micropower is examined through the phenomenon of online free. Based on the analysis of online virtual identity, the formation process of context micropower and subject micropower can be developed. Then, the operational mechanism of cyber-micropower was mainly investigated through human flesh searching phenomenon.
Briefly, this study argues that the bias of Internet technology is liquidity. As the core features of the Internet, both digitalization and networking of information directly reflect the widespread requiring for liquidity. This liquid Internet plays the role by empowering cyber subjects. Cyber-micropower, then, is the liquid networking relations among cyber subjects. During online interactions and the Internet use, cyber subjects always tend to make surveillance and self-surveillance, restriction and self-restriction, group participating and other ways, through which cyber subjects adapted to the new liquid cyber contexts and relations, as well as positioning their own locations in the liquid network. This new liquid disciplinary model in the “many watch the many” kind of cyberspace is the operational mechanism of cyber-micropower. Accordingly, disciplined cyber subjects and cyber conditions are like numerous panopticons superimposed together.
Then, this study further argues that with the development of Internet technology, the liquid may be faster, and a larger scale of digitalization and intensive networking will follow. Such trends, though may liberate human beings initially, will go beyond humans’ ultimate state in the end. The liquid nature of information restricts cyber subjects’ ability of self-reflexive and understanding. And the liquid cyberspace may promote multiple and unstable virtual identities. As a result, cyber subjects’ cyber-micropower will become more fragile and sensitive. And the human nature may also be networked and liquefied gradually. Yet, when human beings become numerous nodes in the liquid network, not only their traditional ethics and morality are in the danger of reversing, but also the meaning of humans’ existence may be challenged.published_or_final_version
Linguistics
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
19
Wong, Hou-wai Mimi. „Power dynamics in project organisations“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31251638.
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20
Hendricks, Christina. „Prophets in exile : a diagnosis of Michel Foucault's political intellectual /“. Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p9992813.
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Tian, Xiao. „Content analysis of the Beijing Summer Olympic Games' effects in the New York Times“. Scholarly Commons, 2012. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/838.
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Relying on framing theory, this study used The New York Times to explore how Chinese news was depicted before, during and after the Beijing Summer Olympics. The research regarding how the Chinese government tried to leverage the Olympics to enhance its image is often deliberated. However, there have only been a 3 few studies on the evaluation of the effects the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympic Games had on the image of China, as depicted by The New York Times. This study generated an understanding of the impact the presentations of The New York Times had on the soft power used by China through the Beijing Summer Olympic Games. The study examined how the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics were associated with the depiction of Chinese news in The New York Times during the pre-, mid-, and post-Olympics years. Specifically, world and business sections within The New York Times were mainly influenced by the effects of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics. In addition, there were no direct associations found between the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics and how China was depicted photographically in The New York Times. In terms of the above factors; this study showed that China's national image did not improve in the New York Times after the 2008 Bejing Summer Olympic Games.
22
Sell, T. M. „The wings of power : Boeing and politics in Washington State : a study in political ecology /“. Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10699.
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Ruus, Anton. „Collaboration or Polarisation : The Effects of Political Power Sharing on Democratisation“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384858.
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Does political power sharing foster or inhibit democratisation in post-civil war states? Previous research dedicated to the study of power sharing and democratisation has been limited to the early post-conflict period and used minimalistic definitions of democracy. This thesis uses a wider definition of democracy and hypothesise that the empowerment of elite actors from relevant communities would strengthen democratisation in the short-term, as these groups would gain a patron that could protect their democratic liberties. Meanwhile, a digression was expected in the longer term as power sharing would equip these elite patrons to avoid accountability and suppress opposition. Democracy score changes were analysed using an OLS regression on 127 cases of civil war settlement between 1945-2006. Findings suggest that political power sharing promotes democratisation in the short term. Moreover, no negative long-term effects were found. Practitioners should therefore host no hesitations against introducing political power sharing when resolving conflicts. The absence of negative long-term effects could be attributed to criticisms not recognising the different setups that power-sharing institutions can take which promote accountability. Possibly, there are also other mechanisms which facilitates interaction between elite actors and their communities at play, counterbalancing the negative effects that power sharing would otherwise entail.
24
Farrar, Margaret Ellen. „Power and resistance in the age of informationalization“. Thesis, This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-11242009-020310/.
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Meade, Rosemary Raphael. „Analysing collective action : intersections of power, government and resistance“. Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2018. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/2980/.
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This research takes the form of ten journal articles and book chapters that were published between June 2008 and February 2018. This body of work encompasses outputs that are focused on community development, community arts, youth work and social movement praxis. These fields of praxis are understood as constituting a vital part of a variegated and differentiated Irish civil society and, while acknowledging their specificities, the body of work situates them together within the contested terrain of collective action. The Covering Document elucidates how, across the ten outputs, collective action is theorised: as the site of and target for complex and dynamic power relationships; as imbricated with various governmental projects through which multiple societal actors seek to mobilise citizens; as a potential site of and resource for resistance to particular expressions of government, ideology and power; and as developing alternative social relationships, organisational forms and modes of communication. The boundaries between the state and civil society are imprecise and fluid: civil society and state actors seek to induce desired forms of conduct and relationships from each other. This research exposes and critically interrogates associated power dynamics, overlaps, and contestations, and how they in turn shape expectations of collective action. Drawing together findings from youth work, community development, social movement, and community arts praxis, the research illuminates; how and by whom collective action is rationalised and (de)legitimised; the changing role of the state in governing civil society; and the potential for collective action to prefigure alternative forms of relationships and to resist particular forms of government. Therefore, the body of work analyses how the meanings, forms and purposes of collective action are constantly reworked, just as they give expression to important societal struggles. The Covering Document details the theory, methodology and methods that have underpinned the research. It offers an integrated thematic overview of the ten research outputs, highlighting their coherence, originality, and relevance for a critical analysis of the dynamics of collective action in contemporary Ireland. The research analyses the discourses of collective action as they have been expressed in key policy documents, in newspapers such as the Irish Independent and in the documents of protest of social movement organisations. It highlights and interrogates the political, economic and cultural context for collective action in 21st Century Ireland, paying particular attention to the ways though which the recent regime of austerity has impacted on civil society, the state and on relations between these spheres. The research is critical in orientation, but it draws upon and articulates diverse critical traditions as it analyses the power dynamics associated with collective action. Gramscian style, cultural materialist and Foucauldian governmentality perspectives are variously adopted and adapted within specific outputs. The Covering Document also outlines how and why the body of work troubles the boundaries between community development, community arts, youth work and social movement research and praxis. It calls for an articulated and dialogical theory and practice that challenge the assumed estrangement of these fields. As the Covering Document outlines, the research records how state policy now seeks to govern youth work, community development and community arts organisations through an increasingly intrusive and prescriptive set of policy ordinances, self-reporting techniques, and accountability measures. Against that, it also points to the potential for collective action to re-politicise issues otherwise framed as non-political by policy-makers and media, to build and be based upon reflexive forms of solidarity, and to reclaim the arts and tactics of protest.
26
Williamson, Rosco. „Frontiers and borders sources of transcendent credibility and the boundaries between political units /“. Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3258206.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed May 25, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 417-456).
27
Noury, Abdul Ghafar. „Essays on Economics of political Behavior“. Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211488.
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Boivin, Isabelle. „Rendre effectifs les droits économiques et sociaux par le droit“. Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82654.
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This thesis asks the following fundamental question: to what extent can economic and social rights be made effective through law? Because this question touches at once upon the effectiveness of these rights and on their status as norms of positive law, attempting to answer it requires first, an openness to other disciplines, and subsequently, to the question of the respect and control of these norms, namely that of sanction. From the outset, a preliminary and multidisciplinary analysis of the issue of contemporary poverty hints at an undeniable deviation with "pure legal theory". Moreover, economic and social rights are becoming more and more tangible in national legislation and more frequently invoked before the court (who is turn are showing a growing openness). 'Hard law' does have a place in this implementation, notably a symbolic one. Thus, the first part is dedicated to the determination of the role of 'hard law' as well as to the relevance of judicial activism. Given the limitations of 'hard law', the second part examines the issue of alternate courses of State action as opposed to any other demands for rights. Two forms of 'soft' and 'reflexive' law will then be examined in the interest of rendering economic and social rights effective: respectively from within the State, and from outside its framework. First, strategic planning (accompanied by outcome-based management) may serve to coordinate the State apparatus in the struggle against poverty. In what concerns the role of law at a societal level and in the context of a complex society, societal guidance will be preferred to impose strategic planning. In this way, it will be possible to shed light on other forms of sanction, which may be complimentary to legal ones. Finally, it is necessary to establish certain control and follow-up mechanisms of this category of rights, more relevant and innovative in order to garner a greater effectiveness of economic and social rights.
29
Ellam, Angela. „The power of the Labour Party in local government : a case study of Kirklees Council“. Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2015. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/26222/.
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Political power has been much contested and debated, culminating in the development and measurement of many distinct and narrow facets of power. This thesis makes an original contribution to knowledge by providing a conceptual and operational framework for researching power in a political system in a relevant, observable, comprehensive and meaningful way. Using this framework to consider the power of the Labour Party in local government, as perceived by practitioners, has provided new insights into existing understandings of power in both theory and practice. Many different facets of power are relevant to researching the power of the Labour Party in local government. These were brought together using an abstract model of a political system to provide a comprehensive and meaningful framework for researching power. The framework makes it possible to operationalise power by identifying three principal dimensions that are observable - capacity, decision making and power – and connect the different facets together. This framework makes clear the distinction between conceptions of power at micro-level, which concern the capacity to influence others, and macro-level, which concern the capacity to influence outcomes; and the significance of applying the appropriate conception to the research context. The conceptual and operational framework was used to research the power of the Labour Party in local government through a case study of Kirklees Council. The research was conducted between October 2012 and August 2013 and used a mixed methods approach incorporating a survey of Labour Party councillors, interviews with Labour Party members, and observation of various meetings, this research explores each facet of power. This case study shows that central government controls the capacity of Kirklees Council, but the Labour Party has the potential to influence local political outcomes well beyond the sphere of the Council. In terms of decision making, the Leader dominates the Labour Party, but due to the professional expertise of officers and bargaining power of other political parties has less control over Kirklees Council. Regarding outcomes, the activities of the Labour Party in local government makes marginal differences to the electorate and policies of Kirklees Council, but a significant difference to the Labour Party itself. So, even though political parties dominate the governance of local authorities, this case study shows that local party politics in practice makes only marginald differences in the locality.
30
O'Shaughnessy, Kate Elizabeth. „Divorce, gender, and state and social power : an investigation of the impact of the 1974 Indonesian marriage law“. University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0186.
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[Truncated abstract] The 1974 Indonesian Marriage Law required all divorces to be ratified by courts and vested household leadership with husbands. This thesis examines the impact of this law upon the negotiation of divorce, and its implications for the constitution of state and social power. I argue that the New Order state used this law to attempt to control gender relations and reinforce political legitimacy, but that women and men resisted this project in a variety of ways. Divorce may entail the contestation of state ideological prescriptions on gender. It also reveals gender relations operating independently of the state. As such, it is a particularly fruitful site for an analysis of the location and constitution of state and social power. In order to analyse the complex relationship between marriage, divorce, and power, I have adopted several original strategies. I expand the definition of property to encompass
31
Thiers, Paul Robert. „Green food : the political economy of organic agriculture in China /“. view abstract or download file of text, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9948031.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 1999.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 303-318). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users. Address: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9948031.
32
Fletcher, S. M. G. „'It's not a protest, it's a process' : a critical analysis of state power, class struggle, and the Occupy movement“. Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2018. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/9695/.
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In September 2011, over 2000 people set up a protest camp in Zuccotti Park, New York, to contest the increasing inequality and social injustices, they argued to have been brought about by the few, at the expense of the many. This camp along with thousands of other camps worldwide, that would emerge thereafter, would come to be known as the Occupy movement. This thesis offers an examination of the Occupy movement by way of considering this phenomenon through a neo-Marxist framework, concerning, in particular the matter of class struggle. The research contained within, offers a series of elucidations regarding key theoretical and conceptual concerns, pertaining to matters of state power, in the context of the war of position in the advanced capitalist state and the neoliberal conjuncture. Presented within this specific depiction of the convoluted process that is class struggle, there is also a consideration of potential strategies for alliance. These strategies for alliance are by way of seeking to realise the making of a social class force of 'the people', on the terms of the exploited classes, that would bring with it, a material change within the state, and to that end, greater forms of equality and social justice.
33
Prata, Adriana. „Government domination, consensus or chaos? a study of party discipline and agenda control in national legislatures /“. Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3237560.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed December 12, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 134-143).
34
Palmer, Aaron J. „"All matters and things shall center there" a study of elite political power in South Carolina, 1763-1776 /“. Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/475493716/viewonline.
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35
Figueras, Julen. „Political Parties and Grassroots Participation: digital media practices in the Spanish Podemos“. Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23420.
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The creation and rapid growth of the Spanish political party Podemos has created high expectations among citizens who want to participate in politics beyond voting. With a strategy that combines analogue and digital media, the party has emerged as the third biggest party in the last general elections, June 2016. Podemos has been conceived as a hybrid between a political party and a social movement, striving for wining the elections while relaying on grassroots activism through decentralised groups called “circles”, which operate locally and interact with the party via digital media. Although the potential of digital media for participation has been many times stressed, how the circles use these media depends highly on ongoing power relations and struggles within the party. Through semi-structured interviews and participant observation, this research analyses the perceptions of seven participants in two Podemos circles from the perspective of media practices, and looks into the potential of digital tools for political participation and the way ongoing power relations affect this participation. The results show that media practices within the circles are limited by the position of power of the leaders, who make use of analogue media to convey unidirectional messages that can hardly be countered via digital media. Furthermore, the research analyses the existence of relevant tensions in Podemos as a party that promotes citizen participation within a hierarchical, top-down organisation.
36
Morelos, Ronaldo. „Symbols and power in the theatre of the oppressed“. Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1999.
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Augusto Boal developed Theatre of the Oppressed as a way of using the symbolic language of the dramatic arts in the examination of power relations in both the personal and
social contexts. Boal understood that symbolic realities directly influence empirical reality and that drama, as an art form that employs the narrative and the event, serves as a powerful interface between symbols and actuality. In the dramatic process, the creation and the environment from which it emerges are inevitably transformed in the process of enactment. These transformations manifest in the context of power relations - in the context of the receptor's ability to make decisions and to engage in actions, and the communicator's ability to influence the receptor's opinions and behaviour. This thesis will examine two different
practices in which symbolic realities have been utilised in the context of human relations of power. Primarily, this thesis examines the theory and practice of Theatre of the Oppressed as it has developed. Additional(v, Theatre of the Oppressed will be examined in comparison with another body of theory and practice - one grounded in the martial and political fields. The similarities and differences between the two practices will be used as a way of elaborating
upon the objectives and methods of Theatre of the Oppressed, and as a way of examining the overall practice of 'cultural activism'. This thesis will look at the work of Augusto Boal from 1965 to 1998, and the body of his work known as Theatre of the Oppressed. Also examined will be the work of Edward Geary Lansdale from 1950 to 1983, chiefly his work in the Philippines and Vietnam. One is a theatre worker, a writer, director, theorist and politician.
The other retired as a major general in the US Air Force, a renowned intelligence operative and expert. This thesis will argue that they are working in the same field, albeit at different points in spectrums of material resources and ideology. They are both cultural activists. This
thesis will examine the way these two practitioners have used the narrative and the event, the myth and the ritual, to colour the canvas of cultures. Cultural activism is the orchestration of narratives and events. Cultural activists work with the symbolic in order to influence the actual.
37
Mileji, Gift. „‘Power-sharing government mechanisms' : are they a solution or an obstacle to democratisation in Africa? A focus on South Africa and Zimbabwe“. Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18628.
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After the Cold war, most African countries have strived to be democratic States by accommodating the idea of liberal democracy. Although these countries adopt this kind of system of governance, most of them do not adhere to the tenets which this type of democracy ascribes. The political systems in most African countries are organised and based on what is referred to as politics of identity. This is where the set up of political institutions is based on interest groups with an ethnic, religious or any peculiar identity configuration. The practice of identity politics based on ethnic, religious or merely any identity, leads to exclusion of some segmental groups from the governance system in most African countries.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
38
Gunay, Mehmet Zeki. „Parties Of Power In Post-soviet Russia (1991-2008)“. Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610281/index.pdf.
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This thesis seeks to examine the &lsquoparties of power&rsquo
in the Russian Federation between 1991 and 2008. The thesis also discusses the political party system and political party development in post-Soviet Russia. The thesis focuses mainly on the United Russia party and compares it with the former &lsquo
parties of power&rsquo
in the Russian Federation. The main argument of the thesis is that as compared to the previous &lsquo
parties of power&rsquo
, which were affiliated mainly with the prime ministers without achieving party consolidation, the United Russia party has been successful in consolidating its party development and achieved a central status in the Russian political system. The thesis has seven chapters. The introductory first chapter is followed by the second chapter that examines &lsquo
parties of power&rsquo
in post-Soviet Russia, along with the political party system and the stages of political party development in the Russian Federation. The third chapter explores Russia&rsquo
s Choice party. The fourth chapter deals with Our Home Is Russia party. The fifth chapter focuses on the United Russia party. The sixth chapter discusses the new role of the United Russia in Russian political system after 2007 State Duma elections. The last chapter is the conclusion of the thesis.
39
Webb, P. Taylor. „Teacher power : the exercise of professional autonomy in political school cultures monitored by policies of accountability and surveillance /“. Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/7654.
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Whittall, Jonathan. „A crisis of legitimacy for humanitarianism : in conflict situations how does the close relationship between Western power and humanitarian aid affect emergency response capacity and access for aid organisations?“ Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2015. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/2010939/.
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Humanitarian aid faces a crisis of legitimacy in many conflicts as a result of a close relationship with Western power, which can result in both its failure and rejection. The rise of institutional humanitarian aid has been a part of the rise of Western power. Humanitarian aid has been used as a tool to advance hegemonic power and as rhetoric to justify intervention. However, power is changing. Western norms and institutions are being contested in an emerging global multi-polarity and diffusion of power, often misconceived as shrinking humanitarian space. Institutional humanitarian aid has been so intertwined with Western power that as the West declines humanitarian organisations are either retreating with the tide or being left exposed. The relationship between humanitarian aid and Western power means humanitarian space is actually a Western space. In the places where aid can be deployed – within the realms of the West's influence - its effectiveness is in question due to its incorporation into longer-term processes of liberal democratic state-building that overlooks the basics of emergency response. This is demonstrated in the findings of this qualitative doctoral thesis. Case-study research took place in South Sudan and Syria. In South Sudan, a breakdown of emergency-response capacity as a result of the incorporation of aid into a state-building agenda is demonstrated. In Syria, the relationship between humanitarian aid and Western power is a key justification for the Syrian government to limit emergency-response access. However, changing global power is challenging the conceptualisation and practice of humanitarian aid. If liberal democracy underpins current approaches to humanitarian aid, in emerging states like Brazil and South Africa – where interviews were conducted – the politics of aid are linked more to counter-hegemony, both from the state and diffused forms of power. Changes in global power may not present solutions to the challenges of humanitarian effectiveness and access, but the ongoing affiliation between humanitarian aid and Western power hampers its ability to negotiate a dynamic landscape. This research demonstrates that institutional humanitarianism must disentangle itself from Western power to remain effective and to access the most vulnerable.
41
Ernst, Timothy C. „Toward a grounded normative theory of strategies of political communication used in politics disadvantages in policy debate“. Scholarly Commons, 2011. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/768.
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This study examines politics disadvantages used in competitive policy debate. Specifically, this research examines politics disadvantages for their role and relevance in deliberation, an important form of political communication. Deliberation is the means by which citizens can engage in discussions of salient policy issues, and make political judgments about policies.
This study developed a grounded theory about the type of deliberation manifest in politics disadvantages. Pre-constructed politics disadvantages from websites such as PlanetDebate.com, Cross-X.com, as well as from summer policy debate workshops were analyzed to develop a grounded theory. Through the process of coding and theoretical memoing, categories of political communication emerged from the disadvantage shells. The theory indicated that politics disadvantages develop an acontextual, narrowly adversarial view of deliberation. This theory was juxtaposed against already established theories of deliberation to reveal that politics disadvantages show serious deficiencies in the ways in which deliberation is taught to policy debaters.
42
Yumurtaci, Egemen Nilufer. „Social Political Discourse Of The Surveillance Society A Thesis Submitted To The Graduate School Of Social Sciences Of Middle East Technical University By Egemen Nilufer Yumurtaci In Partial Fulfillment Of The Re“. Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/1001312/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to discuss the Surveillance Society discourse, especially in relation with political analysis in a historical framework by means of new technologies. This study also analyzes the use of so-called revolutionary information and telecommunication technologies for data recording and tracking is analyzed, which is used to regulate the order of the system by the power holders. The limits of thought are traced to Foucault and Lyon. To this context an attempt is made to show that surveillance/ monitoring is growing as a result of the developments in information and communication technologies. Dataveillance is being carried out by Internet, ID cards, and bank credit cards. Focus is on awareness as a midway between paranoia and utopic futurism against surveillance suppression.
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Chen, Ping-Kuei. „Menace of Power: Russia-NATO Relations in the Post-Cold War Era“. Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1204826768.
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Lohmann, Michael. „Medienorientierung und innerparteiliche Machtkämpfe : Gründe und Verläufe innerparteilicher Machtkämpfe am Beispiel der unerwarteten Kampfkandidatur um den Parteivorsitz auf dem Mannheimer SPD-Parteitag 1995“. Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2014/7124/.
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Üblicherweise vermeiden deutsche Parteien Kampfkandidaturen um den Vorsitz. Dennoch kam es auf dem Mannheimer SPD-Parteitag 1995 zu einer unerwarteten offenen Konkurrenz um das Spitzenamt. Das unbeabsichtigte Scheitern der Inszenierung der „Geschlossenheit“ der Partei führte zum Ausbruch der bis dahin unterdrückten Kämpfe um den Parteivorsitz. Der Mannheimer Parteitag steht exemplarisch für den Zusammenhang zwischen Inszenierung, Disziplin und den informellen Regeln innerparteilicher Machtkonstruktion. Am Beispiel dieses Parteitages zeigt die vorliegende Arbeit, wie umstrittenen Parteivorsitzenden sich gegen Widerstände im Amt behaupten können bzw. woran diese Strategie scheitern kann. Aus figurationstheoretischer Perspektive wird die Inszenierung als Notwendigkeit medienvermittelter Parteienkonkurrenz um Wählerstimmen gefasst. Inszenierung erfordert Selbstdisziplin und das koordinierte Handeln der Parteimitglieder. Innerparteilich wird so wechselseitige Abhängigkeit erzeugt. Diese wird gesteigert durch die Medien-Konzentration auf wenige Spitzenpolitiker. Die Mehrheit der Mandatsträger und Funktionäre ist angewiesen auf das medienwirksame Auftreten der Führung. Für den Medienerfolg braucht die Führung ihrerseits die Unterstützung der Mitglieder. Diese wechselseitige Abhängigkeit erzeugt sowohl typische Relevanzen als auch Möglichkeiten, die jeweils andere Interessengruppe unter Zugzwang zu setzen. Imageprobleme des Vorsitzenden sind als verletzte Erwartungen Anlass für innerparteiliche Machtkämpfe, in denen die Parteiführung insbesondere die Inszenierung der „Geschlossenheit“ nutzen kann, um offene Personaldiskussionen zu verhindern. Da Handlungsoptionen und -grenzen durch das Handeln der Akteure immer wieder neu geschaffen werden, besteht stets das Risiko des Scheiterns innerparteilicher Disziplinierung. Mit dem Nachvollzug von Disziplinierung und den Gründen ihrer Kontingenz versteht sich die vorliegende Arbeit als Beitrag zu einer Theorie informeller Machtregeln in Organisationen mit schwach ausgeprägten Herrschaftsstrukturen. Im ersten Teil der Arbeit wird der Zusammenhang zwischen Inszenierung und Macht durch die Konzepte Theatralität und Figuration entwickelt. Im zweiten Teil werden typische Konstellationen der gegenwärtigen parlamentarischen Demokratie auf typische beziehungsvermittelte Situationsdeutungen, Handlungsmöglichkeiten und -grenzen untersucht. Im dritten Teil wird der kontingente Prozess des innerparteilichen Machtkampfes am Beispiel des Mannheimer Parteitages 1995 nachvollzogen.Usually german parties avoid crucial votes for chairmanship. Nevertheless 1995 on the Mannheim SPD party convention an unexpected open competition for leading position has happened. Because of unintended failure of the staging “cohesion” and “harmony” of the party repressed fights for the party leadership broke out suddenly. The Mannheim party convention is an example for the connection of staging, discipline and unexpressed rules of construction of power within the party. On the example of this party convention this doctoral thesis shows how contested party leaders maintain their position against the resistance of critics. This thesis also shows why this strategy could fail. In the perspective of figurational sociology staging is necessary for political parties because parties compete with others for electors votes and their campaigns depend from the media. Staging needs self-discipline and a coordinated acting of party members. This causes a mutual dependence of party members which increases through the concentration of media on a few top-ranking politicians. So the majority of members of parliament and officials depends on the public acting of these small group of leaders and their reception in the media. On the other hands side for a successful medial self staging leaders need support of their members. This mutual dependence generates typical relevance as well as posibilities to force the respective opponents hand. Problems of public image of the chairman cause internal power struggles, in this struggles the party leadership uses the staging of “cohesion” and “harmony” to avoid open personnel discussions.This strategy of keeping discipline of members acting can fail because in relations of mutual dependence protagonists create options and restrictions of acting for each other. By comprehending the disciplinary action and the reasons of their contingency this doctoral thesis is a contribution to a theory of informal rules of power in organisations with weak distinct structures of authority.The first part of this work developes the connection of staging and power through concepts of theatricality and figuration.The second part analyzes the typical constellations of present parliamentary democracy and the way these relations cause specific perceptions of situation, options and restriction of acting. The third part comprehends the kontingental prozess of the party infighting using the example of the 1995 Mannheim party convention.
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Dennihy, Melissa Ann. „The American grand narrative constructions and consequences /“. Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2007.
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Yegenoglu, Metin. „Gendering The Individual And The Population: Patriarchal Production Of Gendered Subjectivities In Political Thought In Early Republican Turkey“. Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608300/index.pdf.
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The main aim in this study is to understand how gendered subjectivities are constructed in political thought in early republican Turkey. In this respect, problematizations on gender, the main themes utilized in these problematizations and the operation of patriarchy in these intellectual activities are analyzed in the study. In doing so, the texts published in eight journals between 1929-1946 are examined employing a post-structuralist feminist theoretical framework, to which clarifications are proposed drawing on the works of Michel Foucault and Hannah Arendt to make it befit the particular aims of the study. It is argued in the study that the political discourses prevalent in early republican era utilized gender in producing utility and docility from individuals and in advancing the population quantitatively and qualitatively. At the heart of the problematizations and discourses on gender differences was the aim of structuring the public and private lives of the individual men and women in such a way that they become politically, socially, economically, culturally and, most importantly, biologically productive. This led to a transformation in the models governing theforms of patriarchal production of and control on gendered individuals and patriarchal power relations began to be modeled after disciplinary power, instead of sovereign power, that is (re)public(an) patriarchy began to become the dominant form, instead of private patriarchy. As a result, new forms of social control and new frameworks for organizing the roles of individual women and men in public, social and private realms emerged.
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Coplen, Amy Katherine Rose. „"Poverty Wages Are Not Fresh, Local, or Sustainable": Building Worker Power by Organizing Around (Re)production in Portland's "Sustainable" Food Industry“. PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5092.
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Although conscious consumers flock to sustainability-branded restaurants and grocery stores to "vote with their forks" for environmental sustainability and vibrant local economies, workers in these industries face the same poverty wages, discrimination, and exploitative labor practices that plague the food service and retail industries at large. Despite rapid growth and labor degradation, low-wage workers in these industries have largely been left behind by the mainstream labor movement and the alternative food movement. Whereas in the past, progressive social movements worked to alter power relations between labor and capital through collective action, today's mainstream labor movement focuses on servicing its dwindling membership and winning minimum wage increases through local ballot box measures and legislation. For its part, the alternative food movement focuses narrowly on achieving environmental sustainability through market-based mechanisms and consumption politics that do not adequately attend to the struggles of food chain workers. Through research conducted in partnership with the Burgerville Workers Union (BVWU) and the Industrial Workers of the World, I investigate three empirical research questions: 1) How do sustainability-branded institutions deploy values-based discourse and how does this relate to labor practices?, 2) How do worker-organizers understand and expose the contradictions of sustainability branding?, and 3) How do worker-organizers engage with social reproduction as a terrain of political struggle, and to what ends? I attend to these questions through activist scholarship aimed at informing my broad theoretical question: How might social reproduction "as discourse and practice" be marshaled to generate more inclusive organizing strategies, forge more just conceptions of sustainability, and build worker power? Drawing on over two years of ethnographic research, content analysis, and interviews with 48 worker-organizers involved in four labor organizing campaigns, I examine their efforts to build worker power through mutual aid programs, political education, and coalition politics. My analysis reveals that these strategies embody an inclusionary intersectional politics that prioritizes the needs of women, parents, and people of color, but that worker-organizers also face significant challenges. I demonstrate that organizing against neoliberal policies and practices requires moving beyond consumption politics and single-issue campaigns and deploying what I term (re)production politics which are fundamentally about how work is organized and how we care for society and the planet. Politicizing the labor, locations, and practices of social reproduction as landscapes of struggle, I conclude, offers an opportunity to build a broad class consciousness across interconnected issues and envision more liberatory ways of organizing social reproduction based on solidarity, mutuality, and interdependence.
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King, Gabriel. „An ideological analysis of filter blogs : how Daily Kos and Powerline construct biased news : a thesis“. Scholarly Commons, 2001. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/857.
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This thesis analyzes how the news blogs Daily Kos and Power line construct news presented from an ideological viewpoint. Specifically the types of evidence used by the blogs to assert their viewpoints and their intended audiences were analyzed. This thesis utilized theory from Jean Francois Lyotard to explain how images and text were used by the blogs to legitimate their ideological narrative. Edwin Black's theory of second . ' persona was used to analyze the intended audience of the blogs. The ideology of the two blogs was described by the political spectrum developed by Barry Clark.
The analysis of the two blogs found that both blogs utilized various sources to legitimize their narratives. The two blogs constructed news stories in stylistically similar manners. News constructed in this manner reinforces ideological viewpoints and manifests itself in a partisan electorate and partisan politicians unwilling to be flexible with their political positions. This inflexibility is not beneficial in a democracy that needs compromise in order to function.
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King, Gabriel. „An ideological analysis of filter blogs : how Daily Kos and Powerline construct biased news“. Scholarly Commons, 2013. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/857.
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This thesis analyzes how the news blogs Daily Kos and Power line construct news presented from an ideological viewpoint. Specifically the types of evidence used by the blogs to assert their viewpoints and their intended audiences were analyzed. This thesis utilized theory from Jean Francois Lyotard to explain how images and text were used by the blogs to legitimate their ideological narrative. Edwin Black's theory of second . ' persona was used to analyze the intended audience of the blogs. The ideology of the two blogs was described by the political spectrum developed by Barry Clark.
The analysis of the two blogs found that both blogs utilized various sources to legitimize their narratives. The two blogs constructed news stories in stylistically similar manners. News constructed in this manner reinforces ideological viewpoints and manifests itself in a partisan electorate and partisan politicians unwilling to be flexible with their political positions. This inflexibility is not beneficial in a democracy that needs compromise in order to function.
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曾宇新 und Y. S. Tsang. „Ideology and curriculum: a critical analysis of school administrators' discourse“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31679353.
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