Zeitschriftenartikel: „Post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina“

1

Laco, Tina. „Relation Towards Domestic Plays Through the Prism of Theatrological Experience Totality in Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 6, Nr. 3(16) (27.07.2021): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2021.6.3.25.

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As M. Marković claims „there is dark over each of our histories, as well as over the cultural one“, the aim of this paper is: a) to show unexplored or forgotten facts related to the history of our plays, to prove that the history of plays in Bosnia and Herzegovina can be observed from the Medieval times; b) to position and analyze Bosnian and Herzegovinian plays in a social, cultural and artistic context. Overviews of repertoires of professional theatrical institutions and audience habits, especially in the post-World War II period, can help in the understanding of the specific contemporary position of domestic plays on theatre stages in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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2

Van Houtte, Hans. „Mass Property Claim Resolution in a Post-War Society: The Commission for Real Property Claims in Bosnia and Herzegovina“. International and Comparative Law Quarterly 48, Nr. 3 (Juli 1999): 625–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300063466.

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The restoration of the pre-war property fights of displaced persons and refugees is critical to restore the peace.This is particularly true for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The devastating impact of the war which ravaged Bosnia from 1992 until 1995 has left a third of the housing stock destroyed or otherwise uninhabitable. The systematic practice of ethnic cleansing forced Bosniacs, Croats and Serbs to seek shelter in areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina where their ethnic group was in the majority or to seek refuge abroad.1 More than half the 4.5 million the pre-war population of Bosnia and Herzegovina fled their homes in search of safety during the course of the war. According to recent estimates from the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, over 800,000 refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina are still abroad today.2 Within Bosnia and Herzegovina, more than 800,000 people remain displaced from their pre-conflict homes.3

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3

Baranovicé, Branislava. „History Textbooks in Post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Intercultural Education 12, Nr. 1 (April 2001): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14675980120033939.

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4

Baranovic´, Branislava. „History Textbooks in Post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Intercultural Education 12, Nr. 1 (01.04.2001): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14675980123184.

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5

O'Loughlin, John. „Inter-ethnic friendships in post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina“. Ethnicities 10, Nr. 1 (09.02.2010): 26–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796809354153.

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6

Heijman, W. J. M., H. A. J. Moll und A. E. J. Wals. „Agriculture and Public Information in Post-War Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Acta Agraria Debreceniensis, Nr. 8 (05.09.2002): 58–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.34101/actaagrar/8/3552.

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Since the Dayton Agreement on Bosnia of 1995 there is peace between Croats, Bosnians and Serbs. Whether this is a lasting situation remains to be seen (de Rossanet, 1997). Pessimists refer to Huntington’s “Clash of Civilizations” and argue that because Bosnia is situated on the fault line of the Western and Orthodox civilizations and on top of that has a large muslim minority a new war can not be avoided (Huntington, 1997). Others don’t accept this and are of the opinion that rational governance will overcome the problems of the multicultural society. In this view the restoration of the country’s economy is a major priority. However, on the long run, a peaceful outcome is not to be taken for granted.At present, the international community represented by the Office of the High Representative (OHR) in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) controls the political situation and the three ethnic groupes are forced to cooperate. To sustain a lasting peace in the future without the guidance of the OHR the reconstruction of the Bosnian economy starting with the agricultural sector is a precondition. This paper reports on a quick scan carried out in the period 15-19 April, 2002, in order to evaluate the possibilities of the agricultural sector as an economic booster in the post war situation. The quick scan was necessary to evaluate and give advise with respect to the plans of the OHR to engage in a public information campaign in order to stimulate the transformation of subsistence farming into commercial agriculture, and to encourage young urban Displaced Persons (DP’s) to consider life as a farmer as an option for their future. The campaign will include a number of sub-regional radio and television series, and a booklet and videos for distribution among the target groups.

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7

Basta, Karlo. „Imagined Institutions: The Symbolic Power of Formal Rules in Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Slavic Review 75, Nr. 4 (2016): 944–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.75.4.0944.

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Through a detailed examination of institutional discourses in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina, this article demonstrates that formal political institutions may play a more layered role than is allowed by existing theories of nationalist and ethnic conflict. Competing institutional preferences of Bosniak, Serb, and Croat elites are not simply instruments for the achievement of collective or individual goals. They are symbolically salient expressions of collective identity as well. For Bosniak elites, the stated preference for a non-ethnicized territorial framework and majoritarian central government suggest the vision of a multiethnic, but not institutionally multinational,Bosnianpolitical community. Their Serb and Croat counterparts, by contrast, insist on the continued “ethnicization” of the territorial architecture and the central government apparatus. These preferences express an understanding of Bosnia as a state of three discrete political communities. Any attempts at comprehensive institutional reform must thus reckon with the opposing and deeply embedded visions of institutions-as-symbols. The theoretical implications of this work go well beyond the Bosnian case.

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Jacobs, Janet. „The memorial at Srebrenica: Gender and the social meanings of collective memory in Bosnia-Herzegovina“. Memory Studies 10, Nr. 4 (05.06.2016): 423–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698016650485.

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This research examines the way in which the collective memory of the 1990s conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina has been established and preserved at the memorial to genocide at Srebrenica. Based on extensive fieldwork at the site and in other regions of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the study explores the ways in which gender is represented at Srebrenica in the narratives and texts that commemorate Serbian aggression against Bosnian Muslim populations. Within the structures of memory that Srebrenica represents, the findings reveal the ways in which fathers and sons are recalled as victims of Serbian genocide and the importance of maternal tropes of memory for post-war nation building. Furthermore, the study reveals the absence of a rape discourse in the memorialization of war and genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the challenges of commemorating sexual atrocities in the aftermath of mass trauma. The work that is presented here contributes to the emerging literature on gender and collective memory and the ways in which women’s experiences are represented in structures of memorialization.

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Wasiak, Katarzyna. „Pamięć i trauma“. Politeja 16, Nr. 1(58) (31.10.2019): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.58.07.

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Memory and Trauma: Contemporary Interpretations of the 1992‑1995 War among the Youth of Bosnian‑Muslim For Bosnia and Herzegovina, the 1990s were a period of changes due to war. Transformations occurred not only in the political area, but also in the social one. A multicultural region, Bosnia and Herzegovina was suddenly transformed into isolated enclaves. In fact, this separation is maintained by war trauma, which remains in the social consciousness and regulates ethnic relations in the state.

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Lindvall, Daniel. „Post-war Identification: Everyday Muslim Counterdiscourse in Bosnia Herzegovina“. Nordisk Østforum 24, Nr. 01 (14.04.2010): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1891-1773-2010-01-11.

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11

Dzihic, Vedran. „Comments on Gerard Toal's ‘“Republika Srpska will have a referendum': The rhetorical politics of Milorad Dodik”“. Nationalities Papers 41, Nr. 1 (Januar 2013): 205–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.754746.

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The history of modern Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) is a history of referenda. The referendum as a tool to shape the political fate and future of a particular society has seemingly always been an integral part of the Bosnian past. The first two referenda in Bosnia-Herzegovina at the beginning of the so-called “democratic era” following the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia marked the beginning of a period of war and violence in the country. The referendum in November 1991, organized by the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) and asking participants about the status of BiH within the Yugoslav federation, was the first step toward the formation of Republika Srpska (RS). On the other side, the referendum in March 1992 about the question of independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina from Yugoslavia, which was attended by Bosnian Muslims and Croats and boycotted by the Serbs, plunged Bosnia into war.

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Božić, Gordana. „Diversity in ethnicization: War memory landscape in Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Memory Studies 12, Nr. 4 (10.07.2017): 412–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017714834.

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The article analyzes public commemorations of the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina with regard to the naming of the war, the causes and the character of the war, and collective sentiments. My main argument is that the Bosnia and Herzegovina’s memory landscape is discursively simplified and that its diversity remains peripheral in our analysis of war memory sites.

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Moll, Nicolas. „Fragmented memories in a fragmented country: memory competition and political identity-building in today's Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Nationalities Papers 41, Nr. 6 (November 2013): 910–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.768220.

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Bosnia and Herzegovina is politically fragmented, and so is the memory landscape within the country. Narratives of the 1992–1995 war, the Second World War, Tito's Yugoslavia, and earlier historical periods form highly disputed patterns in a memory competition involving representatives of the three “constituent peoples” of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks – but also non-nationalist actors within BiH, as well as the international community. By looking especially at political declarations and the practices of commemoration and monument building, the article gives an overview of the fragmented memory landscape in Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointing out the different existing memory narratives and policies and the competition between them in the public sphere, and analyzing the conflicting memory narratives as a central part of the highly disputed political identity construction processes in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper also discusses the question whether an “Europeanization” of Bosnian memory cultures could be an alternative to the current fragmentation and nationalist domination of the memory landscape in BiH.

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Sutovic, A. „Bosnia and Herzegovina - Country in Transition with No Forensic-psychiatric Facilities“. European Psychiatry 24, S1 (Januar 2009): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(09)71077-6.

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The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995), the post-war period and the period of transition had significant consequences on the structure of the population, economic and social status, on the mental health and general health of the population, and the organization of medical institutions and mental health services.On the area of forensic psychiatry, the biggest problem in Bosnia-Herzegovina after the war is the issue of complete lack of capacity for treatment and keeping mentally ill crime committers. Before the war, there existed special institutions (a combination of psychiatry and prison facilities) in the framework of former Yugoslavia. One of such hospital, something like “maximum security hospital” existed in Bosnia-Herzegovina, in territory that belongs to Republic of Srpska after Dayton Agreement. Unfortunately, even 13 years after the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, such institution simply does not exist. This results in formidable fact that crime committers who are mentally ill can not be processed or convicted of classical imprisonment. They are placed in the jurisdiction of Social Services, which is neither organized nor capable of adequate acceptance, follow up and treat these people. In practice, this means that these patients are free out of institution, often without any treatment.

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15

Sinanovic, Osman, Esmina Avdibegovic, Mevludin Hasanovic, Izet Pajevic, Alija Sutovic, Slobodan Loga und Ismet Ceric. „The organisation of mental health services in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina“. International Psychiatry 6, Nr. 1 (Januar 2009): 10–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600000229.

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Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH) is located on the western part of the Balkan Peninsula. It has an area of 51 210 km2 and a population of 3 972 000. According to the Dayton Agreement of November 1995, which ended the 1992-95 war, BH comprises two ‘entities’ - the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBH) and the Republic of Srpska (RS) - and the District of Brcko. The administrative arrangements for the management and financing of mental health services reflect this. The FBH, with 2 325 018 residents, is a federation of 10 cantons, which have equal rights and responsibilities. The RS has 1 487 785 residents and, in contrast, a centralised administration. Brcko District has just under 80 000 residents.

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16

Manning, Carrie. „Elections and political change in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Democratization 11, Nr. 2 (April 2004): 60–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340412331294212.

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17

Grodach, Carl. „Reconstituting identity and history in post-war Mostar, Bosnia-Herzegovina“. City 6, Nr. 1 (April 2002): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13604810220142844.

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18

Simmons, Cynthia. „A Multicultural, Multiethnic, and Multiconfessional Bosnia and Herzegovina: Myth and Reality“. Nationalities Papers 30, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2002): 623–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2002.10540510.

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In early 1992, the “three m's” (tri m), which denoted a multicultural, multiethnic, and multiconfessional Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), became the rallying cry against the forces of disintegration, or more accurately, of partition. These identifying characteristics or national ideals could not avert catastrophe. Indeed, BiH's liminal position at the crossroads of cultures, religions, and history rendered it the most vulnerable of republics in the Yugoslav wars of succession. However “three m” Bosnia and Herzegovina was in 1992, it was less so by 1995. Yet, despite the bloodshed, forced expulsions, migrations, and the inevitable rise in nationalism, citizens of BiH have no choice, in the aftermath, but to examine what their country was before the war and the potential for a new “multi-multi” Bosnia and Herzegovina. Such an investigation must begin with the past, as a Sarajevan colleague implied when I asked her how she envisioned the future in Bosnia. She replied that Bosnians could hardly conceive a future when in 1998 they still had no idea what had happened, and why. This work addresses the reality behind the epithets that gained currency during and after the war, of a “three-m,” “multi-multi,” and multi-kulti (multicultural) Bosnia and Herzegovina. Within the framework of a particular understanding of multiculturalism, it will suggest why, despite its multiethnic and multiconfessional reality, BiH proved in many instances vulnerable to nationalistic rhetoric. This analysis proceeds from the conviction that multiculturalism must be both studied and encouraged in the international community's efforts to support the growth of democratic institutions and practices in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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GILBERT, ANDREW. „The past in parenthesis: (Non)post-socialism in post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina“. Anthropology Today 22, Nr. 4 (August 2006): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8322.2006.00449.x.

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20

Bell, Jared O’Neil. „Reconciling after Transitional Justice: When Prosecutions are not Enough, the Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Croatian International Relations Review 25, Nr. 84 (01.04.2019): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2019-0003.

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Abstract The concept and study of transitional justice has grown exponentially over the last decades. Since the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials after the end of the Second World War, there have been a number of attempts made across the globe to achieve justice for human rights violations (International Peace Institute 2013: 10). How these attempts at achieving justice impact whether or not societies reconcile, continues to be one of the key discussions taking place in a transitional justice discourse. One particular context where this debate continues to rage on is in Bosnia and Herzegovina, many scholars argue that the transitional justice process and mechanism employed in Bosnia and Herzegovina have not fostered inter-group reconciliation, but in fact caused more divisions. To this end, this article explores the context of transitional justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina from a unique perspective that focuses on the need for reconciliation and healing after transitional justice processes like war crime prosecutions. This article explores why the prosecuting of war criminals has not fostered reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and how the processes have divided Bosnian society further. Additionally, this article presents the idea of state-sponsored dialog sessions as a way of dealing with the past and moving beyond the divisions of retributive justice.

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Meernik, James, und Josue Barron. „Fairness in National Courts Prosecuting International Crimes: The Case of the War Crimes Chamber of Bosnia-Herzegovina“. International Criminal Law Review 18, Nr. 4 (10.11.2018): 712–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01804009.

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The Bosnian War Crimes Chamber was established to adjudicate cases of violations of international law by lower-ranking individuals in Bosnia-Herzegovina, who were not prosecuted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). One of the most critical issues facing this Court, however, is whether its justice is unbiased by the ethnic divisions that characterized the Bosnian War (1992–1995) and the politics of Bosnia-Herzegovina ever since. Using a new database of first instance verdicts from the War Crimes Chamber (WCC), we test for the impact of ethnic bias on verdicts and sentences. While initial analyses seem to suggest such bias may exist, our multivariate model of sentencing indicates that other factors such as the gravity of the crimes and individual circumstances play a more powerful role than ethnicity.

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22

GEKIC, Haris, Aida BIDZAN-GEKIC, Ranko MIRIC und Peter REMENYI. „Hidden geographies of population implosion in Bosnia and Herzegovina“. European Journal of Geography 11, Nr. 2 (12.12.2020): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.48088/ejg.h.gek.11.2.47.64.

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Bosnia and Herzegovina has witnessed continuous depopulation since 1991. Depopulation was foreseen even without the emergence of war, but not nearly to that extent or that early. Bosnia and Herzegovina is in a worse demographic position than the European Union countries that show similar demographic trends. Very low birth rates, low fertility and low natural population growth have been recorded in the time of weaker economic development, which increasingly accelerates the emigration of the educated population in particular, and permanently adversely affects the reproductive potential of the country. This paper considers a hidden mutual relationship between the demographic situation (natural change, population ageing) in Bosnia and Herzegovina and its citizens' system of values. According to the survey conducted on 614 respondents, Bosnia and Herzegovina's citizens have fewer children than they would like.

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Medić, Jasmin. „The influence of war in Croatia to events in Bosanska krajina during 1991.“ Historijski pogledi 2, Nr. 2 (28.10.2019): 364–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.364.

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The author analyzes the impact of war events in Croatia on national relations in the Bosnian Krajina in 1991. The Serbian autonomous region of Krajina (later the Republic of Srpska Krajina) in Croatia and the Autonomous Region of Krajina (ARK) in the northwestern part of Bosnia and Herzegovina were the first to form autonomous areas according to the ethnic principle in the process of the dissolution of Yugoslavia as formal-legal successors of the communities of municipalities. The narrow military and political cooperation, the issue of mobilizing the population of the Bosnian Krajina in the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) and the problem of refugees, significantly influenced national relations in this part of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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Sokolić, Ivor. „Denying the Unknown. Everyday Narratives about Croatian Involvement in the 1992-1995 Bosnian Conflict“. Südosteuropa 65, Nr. 4 (26.01.2018): 632–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2017-0042.

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Abstract This article, based on the results of focus-group discussions, dyads, and interviews in Croatia, examines how Croatians construct their narrative of the 1992-1995 conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia’s role in it. Despite judgements at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) concluding that the Croatian state intervened in the Bosnian conflict, respondents in this study claimed to be ignorant of any such intervention. What was discussed worked in concert with the dominant Croatian war narrative of Croatian defence, victimhood, and sacrifice in the face of a larger, Serbian aggressor. By portraying the Bosnian conflict as chaotic and savage, respondents differentiated it from the Croatian one and relativised any illicit actions within a framework of nesting orientalism. Croatian involvement in Bosnia-Herzegovina was generally seen as positive: it was viewed in terms of Croatia welcoming Bosniak refugees and providing military assistance, which enabled moral licensing with regard to the rarely mentioned and marginalised negative aspects of Croatia’s involvement in the conflict.

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Walasek, Helen. „Cultural heritage and memory after ethnic cleansing in post-conflict Bosnia-Herzegovina“. International Review of the Red Cross 101, Nr. 910 (April 2019): 273–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383119000237.

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AbstractThis article draws on my book Bosnia and the Destruction of Cultural Heritage,1 which incorporates ground-breaking fieldwork in Bosnia-Herzegovina and extensive research, and on my subsequent research and fieldwork in the post-conflict country. In the article, I explore the meaning that restoration and reconstruction of cultural heritage intentionally destroyed during conflict can have, particularly to the forcibly displaced. With the protection of cultural heritage increasingly being treated as an important human right and with the impact that forcible displacement during armed conflict has on cultural identity now in the spotlight, the importance of cultural heritage for those ethnically cleansed in Bosnia-Herzegovina during the 1992–95 war (both those who returned and those who did not) has relevance for considerations of contemporary post-conflict populations.

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Bell, Jeanne E., und Denis Rutovitz. „War and peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina“. Lancet 354, Nr. 9196 (Dezember 1999): 2170. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)77079-3.

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Riding, James, und Jack Wake-Walker. „Towards a cultural geopolitics: on the making of a documentary-poetry film about a post-conflict place“. Fennia - International Journal of Geography 195, Nr. 1 (15.06.2017): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.11143/fennia.60213.

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Made in collaboration with an independent filmmaker and two poets, the documentary-poetry film Bridges <Bosnia 20> presents life in post-conflict Bosnia-Herzegovina, and delivers a clear message: the war in Bosnia is not yet firmly located in the past. Shot through a computer screen, Bridges <Bosnia 20> forces the viewer to witness the war in Bosnia and its aftermath via-the-gaze of an unknown spectator, sitting on an Apple Mac laptop. Through this modern technological distancing, we re-present here images of war in a digital age, question how war is usually packaged and represented on television, and in turn interrogate, through poetry, how war is traditionally remembered and memorialised. In so doing, Bridges <Bosnia 20> leads us to a conclusion, in Srebrenica, in 2015: in order to invest in the possibility of a just future after conflict, it is necessary to acknowledge the unthinkable realities to which traumatic experience bears witness. Watch the film Bridges <Bosnia 20> here and visit the Bridges <Bosnia 20> website for more information

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Kovacevic, Miladin. „The weak points of statistical and demographic analyses in estimations of war victims in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1992-1995“. Stanovnistvo 43, Nr. 1-4 (2005): 13–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv0504013k.

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In the political and war crisis which embraced Bosnia and Herzegovina in the spring of 1992 with an end of war hostilities in the autumn of 1995 when the "Dayton Peace Agreement" emerged (November 1995), a media war occurred. From the very beginning, this war had an international character. The question on the number of war victims (killed and missing) "exploded" in June of 1993 when Haris Silajdzic stated that there had been 200000 dead among the Muslims. This figure uncritically became the basis for all later media and local "empirical truths" on the number of victims. All statistical and demographic disciplines were exploited to support, if not prove, the propaganda standpoints. Objectivity was oppressed by an ugly "face of the war". Having in mind the experience of the Second World War in Yugoslavia the question on the number of victims does not cease to be topical for decades after the end of the war. Bosnia and Herzegovina is more than a confirmation. This question seems to intervene (and in a way "feed of") with the most difficult political and international questions and court trials. ("International Court of Justice", indictment of Bosnia and Herzegovina against The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, namely Serbia). The methodological analysis of the most important works which deal with the question of the number of victims in the Bosnian war (above all, those done by Bosnian institutes and authors) indicate the "mistakes" made by the character of these works (propaganda). The manipulation with statistical methods and numbers is not new. Methodological and numerical traps can slip even to the most informed. The use of statistics and social science in court trials seems to show Janus's face of science: on one side the authentic "moral passion" of researchers finds great sense, and on the other side special interests strive to impose themselves through the (most refined) instrumentation of science and knowledge. (The example of Mr. Patrick Ball's testification in the trials in the Hague Tribunal is edifying as regards the question of the reasons for the Albanian exodus in the war crisis on Kosovo and Metohia in 1999).This analysis points out to the crucial defects of every statistical (and demographic) procedure of deriving the number of war victims in the absence of a comparable population census after the war (which did not take place in Bosnia and Herzegovina). The qualification of the quality of the 1991 Census in Bosnia and Herzegovina is briefly given (the author was an expert and organizational leader of all operations of last censuses in former Yugoslavia, 1991). Probably the most distinctive point, in the continuous course of deriving numbers and analysis on the number of victims in the Bosnian war so far, is the text of George Kenney published in the NY Times Magazine, April 23rd 1995.

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Cockburn, Cynthia. „Against the odds: Sustaining feminist momentum in post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina“. Women's Studies International Forum 37 (März 2013): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2013.01.003.

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30

Bougarel, Xavier. „The shadow of heroes: former combatants in post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina“. International Social Science Journal 58, Nr. 189 (16.01.2008): 479–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2451.2007.00646.x.

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31

Bedrudin, Brljavac. „Leviathization or Democracy? The Case of Post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Central European political science review (CEPSR) 12, Nr. 44, Summer (2011): 46–77.

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32

Alić, Dijana, und Maryam Gusheh. „Reconciling National Narratives in Socialist Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Baščaršija Project, 1948-1953“. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 58, Nr. 1 (01.03.1999): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991434.

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The emergence of modernism in post-World War II Bosnia was simultaneous with the development of the Yugoslav socialist regime and the desire to redefine the role of religion and ethnicity in the construction of a new national identity. The debate as to the relevance of the Serbian, Croatian, and Muslim national narratives to the broader universalist and secular Yugoslav agenda brought into question the cultural significance of the Bosnian built heritage. How was the existing built fabric to inform the architecture of the revolution? In this context, the work of Juraj Neidhardt, a former employee of Le Corbusier's, is significant since his seminal text, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Toward Modernity (1957), articulates a critical link between the existing built fabric and "modern socialist" architecture. In discussing his work within the broader political context of socialist Bosnia, this paper focuses on an architectural and textual analysis of Neidhardt's proposal to turn Baščaršija, the Ottoman-established urban core of Sarajevo, into a cultural center for socialist Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is argued that the specific urban and architectural strategies Neidhardt employed were reflective of his desire to secularize the Ottoman built fabric and thereby allow a distinctly Bosnian narrative to coexist and contribute to the architecture of the socialist regime.

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Janíčko, Michal. „Misunderstanding the Other and Shy Signs of Openness: Discourse on the 1992-1995 War in the Current Bosniak and Bosnian Serb Media“. Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 17, Nr. 1 (01.04.2015): 28–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2015.1.28.

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The article deals with how the 1990s civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was represented in the media that currently remain influential among Bosniaks and Bosnian Serbs. Critical discourse analysis is used both as a theoretical approach to discourse and as a methodological tool for its study. In the analysis, the civil war discourse in Bosniak and Bosnian Serb media is represented by two daily newspapers on each side. The analysis reveals mutually incompatible representations of the causes and nature of the war, the prevailing absence of dialogue, and the unwillingness of each side to consider the other side’s war victims. Looking at more specific topics, a number of discourses are identified on both sides, among which some present the potential for dialogue with alternative representations. The discourses are interpreted through Bosniak and Bosnian Serb nationalist ideologies. The findings might support further research on the relation between the media and nationalism and on the ongoing Bosnian political dispute concerning the desired nature of the state.

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Mrduljas, Sasa. „Possibilities for a peaceful settlement of disputes in Bosnia and Herzegovina: September 1991 - April 1992“. Medjunarodni problemi 60, Nr. 4 (2008): 456–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0804456m.

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It had undoubtedly been the inadequate political and legal structure of the ethnic status and relations in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well the unwillingness of the political elites to make a compromise that created a rather favorable potential for destructive shaping of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian social conditions. Immediately before the outbreak of war in BH (1992-1995) the preconditions had been created for a comparatively peaceful settlement of the unresolved political issues within the republic. Taking into consideration that the international community had assumed to act as a mediator its role could have been very important. However, with its 'pre-war' position to BH it did not take advantage of the opportunities that were offered to settle or simplify the internal Bosnian and Herzegovinian political disputes, but, on the contrary, it contributed to the outbreak of war, its destructiveness and long duration, getting itself into a rather awkward position. .

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Riding, James. „Representing a divided place: the artistic-military practice of Mladen Miljanović“. cultural geographies 24, Nr. 1 (22.06.2016): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474016647372.

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This essay on the work of the Bosnian artist Mladen Miljanović, born in Zenica, Yugoslavia, in 1981, is wrought around an account of the divided place in which his art is mobilised. Following a short military term, Miljanović enrolled at the Academy of Arts, in Banja Luka, where he still lives. A potent opposition to a divisive ethno-nationalist politics ever-present in the post-conflict, post-socialist, transition era of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Miljanović deploys what he calls an artistic-military practice. Incorporating cartographic and military surveying techniques learnt at a reserve officer military school, Miljanović deconstructs his own soldierly past and interrogates, through his artistic-military practice, an ethno-nationalist militarised Bosnia-Herzegovina. I focus in the main here on the artist’s recent attempt to represent post-conflict Bosnia-Herzegovina at the 55th Biennale di Venezia, a granite triptych entitled, The Garden of Delights.

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Jansen, Stef. „Refuchess : locating Bosniac repatriates after the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina“. Population, Space and Place 17, Nr. 2 (März 2011): 140–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/psp.607.

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Lovrenović, Dubravko. „Bosnia and Herzegovina as the Stage of Three Parallel and Conflicted Historical Memories“. European Review 24, Nr. 4 (15.09.2016): 481–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279871600003x.

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Among Bosnian and Herzegovinian ethno-confessional nations there exist three parallel and conflicted historical memories. The dominance of patriarchal social forms without democratic tradition is the most profoundly rooted cause of this condition of mutual alienation and forms a major obstacle on the path towards the creation of a democratic political culture. The Dayton Peace Agreement, which ended the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina (henceforth BiH) in 1995, also contributes to this situation by cementing the status of ethnic divisions in the country, thus leading to its disintegration.

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Keranen, Outi. „International Statebuilding as contentious politics: the case of post conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Nationalities Papers 41, Nr. 3 (Mai 2013): 354–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.743516.

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The post-conflict space in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been marked by a multiplicity of statebuilding projects: in addition to the much-analyzed internationally-led statebuilding process, parallel Bosniak, Bosnian Serb and Bosnian Croat statebuilding trajectories exist. They seek to undermine and challenge the international statebuilding venture by appropriating and adapting the liberal statebuilding processes. This is carried out through the institutions and processes of governance put in place by international statebuilders to subvert the statebuilding trajectory. Focusing on the local appropriation of processes and institutions of governance, the paper maps out the repertoires of contention entailing boycotts, walk-outs, protests and refusals to co-operate in an attempt to explain and understand how local contention vis-à-vis the international statebuilding trajectory is carried out.

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Kreso, Adila Pašalić. „The War and Post-War Impact on the Educational System of Bosnia and Herzegovina“. International Review of Education 54, Nr. 3-4 (17.05.2008): 353–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11159-008-9087-y.

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Milatovic-Ovadia, Maja. „Shakespeare's Fools“. Critical Survey 31, Nr. 4 (01.12.2019): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2019.310404.

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In November 2017, Ratko Mladic, a war-time leader and a commander of the Bosnian Serb Army, was sentenced by the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal to life imprisonment for the genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the region the verdict was received with conflicting reactions, emphasising yet again how extensive the ethnic division is within the society. Through close analysis of the theatre project Shakespeare’s Comedies performed by ethnically segregated youth in Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article aims to understand how Shakespeare’s work functions as a vehicle to address the consequences of war and to support the complex process of reconciliation under circumstances in which the issues of war crimes cannot be tackled in a straightforward and direct manner. The study takes a cross-disciplinary approach to research, drawing from theory of reconciliation, applied theatre practice and comedy studies.

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Efendic, Adnan. „The post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina: Social capital and pro-social behaviour“. Acta Oeconomica 70, Nr. 1 (März 2020): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2020.00004.

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AbstractThis paper investigates how social capital contributes to the pro-social behaviour of individuals in a post-conflict environment. I simultaneously investigate the pro-social behaviours in the periods of crisis (floods) and normality and observe whether (structural and relational) social capital has important influences in these two different times. The main novelty of this approach is that I model individuals' pro-social behaviours jointly for both the periods in focus and treat them as systematic outcomes of observed and unobserved (endogenous) influences. I find that more pro-social activities in the normal times are positively associated with such activities in the crisis period. Additionally, the results reveal the importance of (structural) social capital on pro-social behaviour – namely, group membership, size and ethnic structure of individual networks matter. Of particular interest for this post-conflict society and related literature is that greater ethnic diversity of individual networks is supportive for pro-social engagement of citizens. Finally, among the observed economic influences, I find that the respondents working in the informal economy report more pro-social activities while formal employment works more as financial intermediary for these engagements.

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BONFIGLIOLI, CHIARA. „Post-war identification. Everyday Muslim counterdiscourse in Bosnia Herzegovina. by Kolind, Torsten“. Social Anthropology 18, Nr. 1 (25.01.2010): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8676.2009.00093_11.x.

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Gasser, Patrick K., und Anders Levinsen. „Breaking Post-War Ice: Open Fun Football Schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Sport in Society 7, Nr. 3 (September 2004): 457–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1743043042000291730.

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Khan, Mujeeb R. „Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Crisis of the Post-cold War International System“. East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 9, Nr. 3 (September 1995): 459–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325495009003004.

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Kondylis, Florence. „Conflict displacement and labor market outcomes in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Journal of Development Economics 93, Nr. 2 (November 2010): 235–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdeveco.2009.10.004.

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González-Villa, Carlos. „Socioeconomic Justice. International Intervention and Transition in Post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Europe-Asia Studies 73, Nr. 4 (21.04.2021): 778–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2021.1912927.

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Hadžimusić, Semir. „Literarcy of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s population in the period of People’s liberation war (1941-1945)“. Historijski pogledi 2, Nr. 2 (28.10.2019): 250–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.250.

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The author of the paper presents the state of literacy of the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina until the Second World War, and in particular explains the activities that are conducted with regard to the literacy of the population in the period of the National Liberation War (NOR). Certainly, a special review was given to the presentation of the literacy process of the population, which is an outgrowth for regular primary school education, and on the activities that took place on the occasion of the NOR on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition, the literacy of children through attending elementary school, as well as literacy in Bosnia and Herzegovina under the fascist occupation and administration of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), were partly given in order to review the framework state. Bosnia and Herzegovina had a very high percentage of the illiterate population before the Second World War. How fascist occupation, warfare, human and material losses have compounded this picture, and whether during the war, in the liberated areas, adequate methods of working for the literacy of the population were found, the author explains on the pages of this paper.

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Kutnjak Ivković, Sanja, und John Hagan. „The legitimacy of international courts: Victims’ evaluations of the ICTY and local courts in Bosnia and Herzegovina“. European Journal of Criminology 14, Nr. 2 (24.07.2016): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370816649625.

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This paper presents the results of a 2007 survey of victims of war crimes and crimes against humanity from Bosnia and Herzegovina. We study the level of diffuse and specific support for the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) among its constituency by exploring the respondents’ views about the ICTY and the local courts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and Serbia. Our results show that, whereas the ICTY was the preferred decision-maker for war crimes and crimes against humanity for the majority of the respondents, ethnicity plays a strong role in the perceptions of the ICTY’s legitimacy. Compared with Croat and Serb respondents, who typically expressed little confidence in the ICTY, the Bosniak/Muslim respondents seemed to show the greatest degree of support for the ICTY. Although the majority of the respondents evaluated the ICTY as fair, the level of support for the ICTY was sharply divided across ethnic lines as well and was related to evaluations of the ICTY’s distributive fairness and procedural fairness, and to perceptions about the judges’ (lack of) political independence. The majority of the respondents evaluated only one domestic court – the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina – as fair.

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Dougherty, Beth K. „Letting Nature Swallow the Past: Politics, Memory, and Abandoned Monuments in Postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Nationalities Papers 47, Nr. 2 (März 2019): 248–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.14.

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AbstractDuring the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the built physical landscape and places of cultural heritage were deliberately targeted and destroyed as part of the strategy of ethnic cleansing. The 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement recognized the potential for cultural heritage to contribute to postwar reconciliation and rebuilding; Annex 8 established a commission to preserve national monuments. This paper examines the politics of cultural heritage in post-Dayton Bosnia and the ways in which it has been (ab)used to propagate a narrow, exclusivist identity. It focuses on the struggles to control the Commission to Preserve National Monuments as well as the fates of two monuments in particular—Vraca Memorial Park and the Partisans’ Memorial Cemetery—whose abandonment signifies the wider struggles over memory and identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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Hronešová, Jessie. „Bones and Recognition: Compensating families of Missing Persons in Post-War Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 13, Nr. 2 (August 2018): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2018.1467784.

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A growing trend in post-war transitional justice posits that structural conditions explain why only some post-war countries award material assistance to survivors of war atrocities. While these explanations provide critical insights into the processes behind compensation adoption across post-war states, they do not explain the great variance in which victims obtain compensation within post-war countries. Using the case of missing persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a victim category that secured compensation in 2004, I present a new model to explain compensation using a rationalist approach. The paper shows that compensation adoption is primarily driven by an opportune combination of three factors: international salience (defined as the international attention given to the victim category and/or prioritisation of its demands), moral authority (defined as the level of perceived domestic deservingness for compensation) and mobilisation resources (defined as the victim category's capacities to mobilise and the quality of its networks). Drawing on fieldwork, this article shows that the prominence of the Srebrenica genocide propelled the issue of missing persons on to domestic and external agendas, affording the surviving families an opportunity to demand special compensation.

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