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1
Vest, Emily Kate. „The war of positions : football in post-conflict Bosnia-Herzegovina“. Thesis, Brunel University, 2014. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/10250.
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Research on the role sport might or can play in a post-conflict environment has tended to focus upon sport’s ability to deliver wider development objectives through that known as Sport-for-Development and Peace (SDP) interventions. Such programmes are somewhat notorious for over-looking the wider influence of the pre-established domestic sporting milieus. An ethnographic study of the role sport – and in this case specifically football - plays in what is known as a ‘returnee’ village within the Bosnian Serb Entity of Bosnia-Herzegovina is herein presented in an attempt to understand the complex interplay of power between the village, their neighbours, the state and those who perform and deliver football. The relationships that are established across and within such entities and the negotiations required for co-existence are significant; in a variety of ways they influence the post-conflict processes. The interplay of the varied social and cultural groups that constitute post-conflict Bosnia requires a multi-disciplinary approach to elucidate the post-conflict processes. Utilising a neo-Gramscian approach what follows makes it possible to envisage the International Community, namely the supra-national institutions, international NGOs and funders, in the role of the dominant political group working to create its vision of a hegemony of peace. Concurrently the ethno-political indigenous elite are endeavouring to retain the status quo and have managed to create a period of permanent liminality, preventing Bosnia from creating a post-conflict hegemony. With historic links to nationalist impulses and intricate connections to the current political milieu, football provides a window through which the post-conflict processes of a community may be observed. As what we might best term the War of Position for the establishment of a post-conflict hegemony ensues, the research illustrates that whilst domestic football may be understood as a focal point for the promotion of civil society and carries many capabilities of political capital, there remains a tension between the ethno-political elite and the International Community. Both utilise the game for their own ambitions, but neither of their visions are accepted by the wider Bosnian population.
2
Roubini, Sonia. „Education, Citizenship, Political Participation: Defining Variables for Post-Conflict Reconstruction in Bosnia-Herzegovina“. Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1345736678.
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3
Gillingham, Snježana. „The dynamics of statebuilding in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1995-2005“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.551279.
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This thesis analyses the discrepancy between the objectives and outcomes of internationally-led state-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1995 and 2005. It centres on the phenomenon of ethnic territorialisation: the construction and/or consolidation of one ethnic group's demographic and political predominance in a given territory. This phenomenon was the product of complex interactions between international and domestic actors, and the analysis consequently stretches from the structures and policies of the international intervention to the responses and initiatives of Bosnians. Particular attention is paid to the hitherto undervalued inputs of Bosnians at the lowest level of the state, the municipality. To do so a typology of municipalities according to pre-war ethnic composition and entity location was established, and six research sites were selected: Bosanski Petrovac, Pale, Prijedor; Tesan], Travnik and Visegrad. A structured and focused comparative study of the four principle areas of statebuilding, namely security, elections, municipal politics and refugee return, was then conducted. This drew on international, national and municipal archives and a comprehensive interview program. On this basis it is argued that the Dayton Peace Agreement's inherent flaws were not the sole variable in statebuilding, and that the agreement ceded international and Bosnian actors substantial agency to shape the post-war state. The dynamics of their interaction centred on a powerful yet strategically uncertain international administration meeting systematic covert resistance from nationalist politicians at all levels. Consequently police reform was halting and incomplete, elections favoured nationalists over moderates, and international aims were thwarted by lacunae in their cognitive capacity, particularly in complex local political ecologies. The thesis revises official estimates of refugee return to demonstrate the intensity of the resulting ethnic territorialisation. The deep heterogeneity of pre-war Bosnia was not restored; instead, persistent ethnic territorialisation made the post-war state unviable and cemented its dependence on a continued international presence.
4
Palmberger, Monika. „How generations remember : an ethnographic study of post-war Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.540171.
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5
Djolai, Marija. „When the rooftops became red again : post-war community dynamics in Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/65086/.
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My thesis explores post-war community formation following the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995), the deadliest European violent conflict since WWII. The study draws on 18 months of fieldwork and mixed methods data collection in two small towns, Stolac in Southern Herzegovina and Kotor Varoš in Northern Bosnia, which were exposed to intense violence. The thesis uses the concept of community as analytical optic to avoid ethnic "groupism" perspective, which so often obscures the complexity of social relations and the dynamics of communal life in Bosnia-Herzegovina. It understands community as a place and social relations, and also the psychological sense of community. The thesis argues that while these combined forms of violence lead to community loss, a psychological sense of community among the members is maintained, and plays an important role in post-war community formation. The thesis shows that post-war community formation is not a linear process but a dynamic one, which occurs at different levels of the communal social organization. By exploring daily life and historical narratives of the violence in two different post-war communities, the thesis makes a case that community formation is primarily a localized process, which has a way of bypassing ethnonationalist hegemonies. It makes and original contribution by focusing both on the social interactions and creating a space through interactions between the place and the social in the new community emerges through everyday life.
6
Andréasson, Olle. „The Good, the Bad and the Ugly : Post-war privatization in Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Economic History, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-8204.
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7
Gultekin, Volkan. „Neoliberal Recipies To The Post- Conflict Bosnia- Herzegovina: The Case Of Privatizations“. Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613084/index.pdf.
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The thesis analyzes the effects of post-war reconstruction on Bosnian politics, economy and society by focusing on the privatization process. To this end, the strategies followed by local and international actors are examined critically within the context of the globally dominant neoliberal paradigm. This thesis argues that the privatization process has made the realization of the Dayton vision for Bosnian peace- and state-building difficult by strengthening nationalist-extremist local elites, contributing to the creation of pseudo-feudal structures at the local level, and helping accelerate ethnic homogenization on territorial basis. For the international actors, these have been considered to be acceptable risks as long as privatization of strategic sectors is kept insulated and the non-interrupted implementation of the neoliberal programme is ensured.
8
Andjelic, Neven. „Bosnia-Herzegovina : politics at the end of Yugoslavia“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.311330.
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9
Szkil, Andrea Michelle. „"Here everything is possible" : forensic specialists' work with human remains in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/45169/.
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This thesis explores the work carried out by forensic specialists employed by the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP). Headquartered in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), ICMP assists the work of local governments around the world in addressing the issue of missing persons following armed conflict, atrocities, and natural disasters. This thesis focuses on ICMP's efforts to aid the Bosnian government in locating, exhuming, and identifying the remains of the individuals who went missing during the country's recent war (1992-1995). Utilising data obtained via interviews with and observations of ICMP staff members, it primarily represents a study of the management of professional identity in emotionally charged situations, examining the experiences of the forensic specialists who work in the organisation's three mortuary facilities throughout BiH. It explores forensic specialists' work with human remains, their interactions with victims' family members, and their attendance at events in which victims are commemorated and/or buried. Discussion of forensic specialists' experiences with the deceased brings into consideration their varying responses to the remains, emphasising the prevalence and perceived importance of emotional detachment. Situations in which emotional detachment from the remains may prove challenging are considered, as are the varying techniques forensic specialists utilise in managing emotional responses to their work. Examination of forensic specialists' interactions with the living suggests their general dislike of these encounters, although the positive aspects of these interactions are also examined. Exploration of forensic specialists' opinions of attending burials and/or commemorations brings into further consideration the balance between emotional attachment and detachment. While respondents noted the importance of maintaining an emotional connection to their work, they nevertheless emphasised the importance of avoiding such responses while in the mortuary. Commemorations and/or burials become ‘safe spaces' for forensic specialists to express and experience emotional responses to their work that are not overtly professional.
10
Markovic, Martina. „Mental health consequences of war and post-conflict development: A case study on Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28220.
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This study reviews contemporary literature on the overall state of mental health in the context of international development. It identifies the need to prioritize mental health in the field of international development and to create informed policies and programs through the use of case-study examples of countries that have witnessed much involvement in this domain. Societies undergoing or recovering from a conflict are identified as especially vulnerable to a range of mental health problems such as high levels of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), post-conflict anxiety and depression. The psychological effects of the 1992∼1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the various ways in which these have manifested themselves in a ten-year post-conflict period are examined. The mental health consequences of the war affect the whole society, with women and children, rural populations, refugees, internally displaced persons and war veterans being the most vulnerable population sub-groups. An analysis of the post-conflict psychosocial programs and subsequently health and mental health reforms ensues. Psychosocial programs are identified as overall effective in addressing post-war mental health problems and critiqued in terms of their cultural adaptability and success at achieving desired sustainable results. Mental health reform is a complex process dependent on a range of contextual political, social and economic factors. Recommendations for further research and action include establishing countrywide evaluation measures, improving research facilities and addressing political fragmentation at the national level and lack of international coordination at the global level.
Keywords: mental health, psychological consequences of conflict, international development, Bosnia and Herzegovina, post-conflict society, psychosocial
11
Tošić, Mladen. „State-building processes in post-1995 Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609479.
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Kochenderfer, Mary Anne. „Music after war : therapeutic music programmes in Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/1956.
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This thesis is a study of therapeutic music programmes in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. This study focuses on how different participant groups perceive programme aims and benefits and what these different perceptions reveal about the programmes as well as ways in which the local context impacts the programmes. Analysis is based on data gathered through interviews, observation, participant observation, and questionnaires obtained during five fieldwork visits undertaken between November 2003 and November 2004. While all participant groups agree that the programmes are beneficial, there are important differences in the ways different participant groups perceive programme benefits and the different ways in which the programmes approach sessions. Constructions of therapy appear to differ both between programmes and between international and local staff. All participant groups identified improved client communication and social skills as primary session outcomes. Clients appear to be largely unaware of the therapeutic aims of their sessions. Parents appear to have little influence and are not always notified that their children are involved with the programmes. International staff members appear to be intolerant of parents who do not heed their advice or reinforce progress made during sessions. In addition to running therapeutic sessions, these programmes work to increase inter-ethnic tolerance and to improve the skills of other local professionals. Programme success appears to be hindered by uncertainties inherent in working in a post-war environment. Developed and largely influenced by internationals, the programmes also face uncertainty as to whether they possess the necessary local leadership and ownership for long-term sustainability. There is evidence that tensions within, between, and outwith the programmes limit programme potential. Many of these tensions appear to be tied to local-international relations within programmes, which are exacerbated by national local-international tensions. A funding shortage has contributed to a competitive rather than a cooperative relationship between programmes. As the first detailed study of post-war therapeutic music programmes, this study has the potential to impact similar work in other regions and provides a more informed backdrop against which judgements can be made regarding the role and appropriateness of music as a form of therapy in post-war regions.
13
Günen, Berna. „The European press coverage of the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina“. Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0023.
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La thèse porte sur la guerre en Bosnie (avril 1992-décembre 1995) et la diffusion de cette guerre par la presse européenne. Le travail consiste à analyser les commentaires et les éditoriaux publiés dans les presses britannique, française et allemande entre 1991 et 1995. Les journaux consultés sont les suivants: The Guardian, The Times, Le Figaro, Le Monde, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung et Süddeutsche Zeitung. L’ambition est de prouver que l’intense couverture de la guerre en Bosnie ne montre pas nécessairement une bonne compréhension de celle-ci par les commentateurs. Au contraire, ces derniers se furent montrés arrogants sinon ignorants. La presse européenne réagit aux symptômes de la guerre tandis qu’elle ignora et/ou déforma ses causes et ses dynamiques. Les vieux préjugés sur les Balkans firent que les commentaires soient pleins d’erreurs factuelles et d’incohérences. Cette approche eurocentrique initiale des commentateurs les mena à se réfugier dans une interprétation eurocentrique de la guerre en Bosnie (cercle vicieux). Puisque la Bosnie était ethniquement trop hétérogène pour survivre à la désintégration yougoslave et qu’elle était donc vouée à la guerre civile, ce qui était en jeu n’était plus d’assurer une paix juste et durable en Bosnie, mais d’arrêter la guerre de sorte que les organisations occidentales et internationales puissent sauver la face. En dernière analyse, la couverture intense mais confuse de la presse européenne aboutirent à la caricaturisation du conflit, ce qui renforça les vieux préjugés parmi les lecteurs. La thèse ainsi confirme que le danger ne réside pas dans la médiatisation des événements, mais dans la caricaturisation de ceux-ciThe dissertation focuses on the war in Bosnia (April 1992-December 1995) and its coverage by the European press. Its scope has been limited to the commentaries and the editorials published in the British, French and German press between 1991 and 1995. The newspapers which have been analysed are The Guardian, The Times, Le Figaro, Le Monde, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Süddeutsche Zeitung. The aim of this dissertation is to prove that the European press’ intense coverage of the Bosnian war did not necessarily mean that it fully understood this conflict. On the contrary, the commentators’ approach was arrogant, if not ignorant. The European press responded to the symptoms of the war while it ignored and/or distorted its causes and dynamics. The commentaries written under the influence of old prejudices on the Balkans included many factual errors and inconsistencies. The commentators’ initial Eurocentric approach led them to adopt an equally Eurocentric interpretation of the Bosnian war as a defence mechanism (vicious circle). Since Bosnia was ethnically too heterogeneous to survive the disintegration of Yugoslavia and therefore doomed to civil war, so the argument went, what was at stake was not to broker a just and durable peace in Bosnia, but to stop the war somehow so that Western/international organisations could save face. In the final analysis, the press’ intense yet chaotic coverage led to the caricaturisation of the Bosnian war, which in turn reinforced the existing prejudices among the readers. The dissertation thus confirms that the real danger lies not in mediatisation as such, but in caricaturisation of world events
14
Pietz, Tobias. „Demobilization and reintegration of former soldiers in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina : an assessment of external assistance /“. Hamburg : Inst. für Friedensforschung und Sicherheitspolitik an der Univ. Hamburg, 2004. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/464479916.pdf.
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15
Ahonen, Sirkka. „Post-Conflict History Education in Finland, South Africa and Bosnia-Herzegovina“. University of Helsinki, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-27402.
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A post-conflict society tends to get locked in a history war. As the practice of history in its broad sense is a moral craft, representations of guilt and victimhood prevail in social memory. The representations are often bolstered by mythical references, wherefore deconstruction of myths is expected from history education for the purposes of post-conflict reconciliation. This article deals with the post-conflict uses of history in Finland, South Africa and Bosnia-Herzegovina. The three cases constitute examples of a class war, a race conflict and an ethno-religious armed clash. The memory politics and history curricula differ between the cases. Their comparison indicates, how far an imposition of one ´truth´, a dialogue of two ´truths´ and segregation of different memory communities are feasible strategies of post-conflict history education. The article suggests that history lessons can be an asset instead of a liability in the pursuit of reconciliation.
16
Pilavdzija, Haris. „International State-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina : A case study of a post-war country under International supervision“. Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-23667.
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This essay investigates the post-war international intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Dayton Peace Treaty was welcomed as the first multilateral agreement amongst countries since the end of the cold war, including Russia. The treaty sought not only to end a war but wrote the Bosnian constitution. We see examples of state-building through international intervention in other parts of the world post-9/11 (Afghanistan, Iraq). The state-building actions in Bosnia was the first multilateral action after the cold-war it is therefore interesting to research the measures that were taken and to follow-up and investigate if it was a success or a failure. Bosnia today is falling behind other neighboring countries, economically and democratically speaking. Neighboring Croatia has just recently become a new member state of the EU, many scholars along with member states of EU and the International Community agree that Bosnia should aim to reach the same goal as Croatia in order to ensure political and economical stability. However there seems to be conflicting agendas between the International Community and the local politicians. The essay will focus on the effects of the international intervention through state-building operations in Bosnia and how the international community took upon itself a major responsibility and the results of those efforts till today.
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Elzarka, Mohamed. „Mental Health in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Situational Assessment and Policy Recommendations“. University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1554214413881192.
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18
Bilski, Artur O. „War and peacekeeping mission of the Nordic-Polish Brigade in Bosnia-Herzegovina“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA389550.
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19
Powell, Stephen. „The psychosocial consequences of the 1992-5 war in Bosnia & Herzegovina“. Thesis, Middlesex University, 2012. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/8402/.
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a) The research carried out: eight different samples of citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina were assessed in 1998 and 1999, two to four years after the end of the 1992-5 war, covering a wide range of variables including traumatic and stressful experiences and various measures of psychosocial adaptation including PTSD. b) Main results and conclusion: the results were published in nine papers which are described in this Context Statement, and which are also included as Appendices. Taken together, the specific (and sometimes tragic) features of the conflict in B&H, and some strengths of the research design, enabled the papers to make a significant contribution to three key psychological themes. The first theme was PTSD concept and measurement. The psychometric performance of measures of PTSD in B&H were found to be similar to other published results, suggesting that the construct is as valid for the B&H population as for the comparison populations on which the instrument was developed. The case is also made for dropping Criterion A from the DSM PTSD diagnosis altogether, on the grounds of overwhelming practical and conceptual problems with assessing it using populations with multiple stressors. The second theme was epidemiology and aetiology of PTSD and other symptom groups. Quite apart from PTSD, the war had a very significant impact on general mental health across the population. Current PTSD prevalences in the non-treatment samples ranged from 11% amongst returned refugees to 36% amongst internally displaced persons (IDPs) in camps, which are in line with the literature. Beyond PTSD, impact was concentrated in particularly high levels of somatisation, paranoid ideation, and aggression. PTSD prevalences amongst returned refugees are clearly lower than those of their peers who stayed in host countries, and much lower than all known reports in refugee samples abroad. Analysis of persons in treatment suggests that those who seek treatment for PTSD (as opposed to other medical problems) do have high levels of PTSD symptoms specifically, but not necessarily because they experienced a larger number of traumatic events. The third theme looked beyond psychopathology. Findings suggest that the concept of post-traumatic growth can be validly extended to this population, but levels were considerably lower than reported in most other studies on other kinds of traumatic event. Finally PTSD and the PTSD diagnosis are discussed in a broader social context and it is concluded that while the war had many different kinds of consequences beyond the purely clinical, this should not divert attention from the fact that individual, clinically-relevant suffering was prevalent in the population at levels warranting urgent attention from public health care.
20
Sobo, Medina. „The perpetual, neglected conflicts : A comparative study of ethnic tolerance in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda post civil war and genocide“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104219.
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This study aims to examine Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda's tolerance and reconciliation processes after the conflicts by answering the research question 'How can we explain the similarities and differences between Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda’s reconciliation processes in terms of ethnic tolerance among its inhabitants post civil war and genocide?'. An explanatory theory based on Brounéus’ perspectives and recommendations on reconciliation is used throughout the study. The main findings are that both countries have had diverse approaches and have not fulfilled the requirements for achieving ethnic tolerance and reconciliation.
21
Evans-Kent, Bronwyn. „Transformative peacebuilding in post-conflict reconstruction : the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina /“. St. Lucia, Qld, 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17381.pdf.
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Parker, Sarah F. „Post-conflict social-civil rehabilitation in Bosnia Herzegovina, current trends and practices“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape3/PQDD_0018/MQ57318.pdf.
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23
Babiaková, Zuzana. „The Role of OSCE in Post-Conflict Reconstruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192506.
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The thesis focuses on the post-conflict reconstruction of a small Balkan state, Bosnia and Herzegovina, with the emphasis on a wide-range mandate assigned by the Dayton Peace Accords to the regional security organization OSCE. The second part of the thesis takes a closer look at the main causes of the current political, economic and social crisis hindering the development of the country. Although Bosnia is a unitary country, it is strongly decentralized in most of its public life as well as political and social sectors, including the political parties, media or education system.
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Jungić, Ozren. „Ideology and war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1992-95 : evidence from the tribunal“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8bdd4a0a-12c4-4c32-a716-e9b7da51320d.
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This thesis relies on evidence from the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to argue that systematic ethnic violence occurred during the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina because of the implementation of extreme ideological visions promoted by top political leaders. The first section demonstrates how Serb and Croat nationalist politicians in Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia determined to create expanded monoethnic states as Yugoslavia collapsed in 1991-92. The second section illustrates how institutions dominated by Serbian President Slobodan Milos̆evic and the Croatian government led by Franjo Tudman sponsored the military campaigns conducted by Bosnian Serb and Croat forces, which attempted to realise the visions imagined in 1991-92. The final section reveals how in 1994-95, leaders from Croatia and Serbia shifted their short term strategies towards Bosnia for pragmatic reasons, and while the Croatian leadership succeeded in forcing Bosnian Croat nationalists to abate their separatist campaign, Milos̆evic's efforts to pacify the Bosnian Serb leadership failed and Radovan Karadz̆ic's regime continued to pursue its state-building programme until its defeat in summer 1995. Although both Milos̆evic and Tudman yielded their pre-war ambitions in the face of battlefield outcomes and international pressure, this thesis argues that both leaders regarded the peace agreements they signed as temporary compromises on their long-term ambitions. The words of top political decision-makers reveal the ideas and reasoning that inspired programmes to homogenise multi-ethnic Bosnia and divide it between Serbia and Croatia.
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Osmanovic, Sheila. „Muslim identity, 'Neo-Islam' and the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Thesis, University of East London, 2015. http://roar.uel.ac.uk/4295/.
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Following the fall of the Berlin Wall, Yugoslavia was entangled in a fratricidal break-up. In none of the other former Yugoslav republics did the conflict turn as violent as in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which suffered genocide, the greatest number of victims and the highest percentage of infrastructural destruction. Although its three ethnic communities – Muslims, Serbs and Croats – were previously well integrated, the break-up of Yugoslavia exposed Bosnia’s unique Islamic component, which both Serbs and Croats perceived to be the major impediment to the continuation of a pluralistic society. Islam, however, only turned into a divisive and decisive factor in the conflict when combined with ethnic nationalism. Previous research into the causes of the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the break-up of Yugoslavia has identified Bosnia’s long Islamic heritage and large Muslim population on the doorstep of Europe as specific features influencing both its rationale and resolution. Yet there has been no analysis of the role and impact of ‘neo-Islam’ (a term I explained below) in the conflict – an omission this thesis seeks to redress. The thesis uses historical analysis to demonstrate that Bosnia and Herzegovina was frequently subject to international intervention during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it explores whether the unique Islamic component was the reason behind this phenomenon, and seeks to comprehend why Bosnia and Herzegovina has always appeared to pose a problem for the international community, from the papal persecutions of the medieval Bogumils through to the present day.
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Sheftel, Anna. „The construction of formal and informal historical narratives of violence in north-western Bosnia, World War II until present“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669877.
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Spajić, Zdenko. „Intervention and war in a post-cold war world the view of Pope John Paul II on the conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina (1991-1995) /“. Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.
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Causevic, Senija. „Post-conflict tourism development in Bosnia and Herzegovina : the concept of phoenix tourism“. Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2008. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21950.
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Political conflicts, and their influence on tourism, get vast academic attention. In tourism research these have typically been dominated by a positivist philosophy, with a pre-conceptualised hypothesis and a researcher who is trying to be neutral. Constant conceptualisation of the research in this manner has resulted in theory saturated with technical extradisciplinary knowledge, which is difficult to employ both academically and pragmatically. This field study was conducted in Northern Ireland (long-term conflict) and Bosnia and Herzegovina (major conflict), employing unstructured and semi-structured interviews as a main research method, and overt participant observation as an auxiliary research method. The researcher carried out a thematic analysis of the data, adopting a critical theory perspective. The aim of this research was to explore the processes, and to identify the significant issues, affecting) tourism following a long-term, major political conflict. Further, the methodological aim of this research was to create an emancipatory knowledge in such a way as to make a contribution to existing theoretical concepts. In order to create this emancipatory knowledge, the researcher employs a critical theory approach, whose main postulates are interdisciplinarity, reflexivity and audiencing, dialectism and criticality of the Orthodox theories. In the context of this research, tourism is marginalised in a generic social science discourse. Furthermore, the research addresses the marginalisation of the peripheries, i. e. Bosnia is marginalised both in tourism discourses and in a generic context. A psychology of periphery has been developed throughout the centuries; e.g. Bosnia was peripheral to the Ottomans, Habsburgs, Fascists, Communists and nowadays the EU. Furthermore, in the context of Northern Ireland, this research considers the perspective of communities which historically have been socially and politically excluded. This research addresses aspects of tourism in a generic post-conflict society, resulting in the development of the phoenix tourism concept, through which the research data has been analysed. The phoenix tourism concept helps to explain that the process of post-conflict tourism development goes far beyond economic enhancement and technical knowledge, putting it in the context of rising, re-building and reconciliation. Therefore, this part of the research quest resulted in the deconstruction of "dark tourism" theories, by conceptualising war inherited sites, taking them out of the imaginary tourism context and putting them back into their real contexts and, thus, giving them their real meanings. The main characteristic of phoenix tourism is that it is not a permanent label, but one stage in the process by which a conflict becomes a genuine tourism heritage.
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Cole, Lydia. „The subject of wartime sexual violence : post-conflict recognition in Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/4bc6565f-445c-44b5-a4c5-8c0ca59b1d80.
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Over the past decades, there has been a growing consensus that rape is a weapon of war. Placing issues of gendered violence into international focus, feminists have registered an unease with the way in which the narrative ‘reproduces a limited register through which we can hear, feel, and attend to the voices and suffering of ... those who are raped’ (Baaz and Stern, 2013, p. 2). Building upon this insight, and tracing its implications in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), I ask after the ways in which the subject of wartime sexual violence is rendered visible, produced, and recognised through post-conflict justice processes in BiH. I begin with an examination of the visibility lent to the subject of wartime sexual violence from the 1990s to the contemporary context, arguing that the dominant subject has been the Muslim-female-victim. Seeking to move beyond this limited register, I examine the multiplicity of subjects that are produced through sites of post-conflict governance in BiH, including sites of legal-bureaucratic recognition, psychological intervention, and witnessing. Examining each site, I engage with the production of the subject of wartime sexual violence, asking which forms of recognition are made possible. I argue that while the subject of wartime sexual violence is often rendered visible through these processes, this does not equate to the subject’s social recognition in any straightforward sense. I conclude with an examination of the conditions of possibility for social recognition in post-conflict BiH. Drawing together feminist methodological approaches with the concept of witnessing, I develop a notion of the feminist researcher as witness, enabling an examination of questions of intersubjectivity as a basis for forms of social recognition. In developing this concept, I make a broader, feminist critique of post-conflict justice practices to the extent that they actively limit the possibilities for social recognition.
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Hasic, Tigran. „Reconstruction planning in post-conflict zones : Bosnia and Herzegovina and the international community“. Doctoral thesis, KTH, Infrastruktur, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-51.
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The history of mankind has been plagued by an almost continuous chain of various armed conflicts - local, regional, national and global - that have caused horrendous damage to the social and physical fabric of cities. The tragedy of millions deprived by war still continues. This study sets out to understand the nature of reconstruction after war in the light of recent armed conflicts. It attempts to catalogue and discuss the tasks involved in the process of reconstruction planning by establishing a conceptual framework of the main issues in the reconstruction process. The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina is examined in detail and on the whole acts as the leit-motif of the whole dissertation and positions reconstruction in the broader context of sustainable development. The study is organized into two parts that constitute the doctoral aggregate dissertation – a combining of papers with an introductory monograph. In this case the introductory monograph is an extended one and there are six papers that follow. Both sections can be read on their own merits but also constitute one entity. The rebuilding of war-devastated countries and communities can be seen as a series of nonintegrated activities carried out (and often imposed) by international agencies and governments, serving political and other agendas. The result is that calamities of war are often accompanied by the calamities of reconstruction without any regard to sustainable development. The body of knowledge related to post-conflict reconstruction lacks a strong and cohesive theory. In order to better understand the process of reconstruction we present a qualitative inquiry based on the Grounded Theory Method developed originally by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss (1967). This approach utilizes a complex conceptualization with empirical evidence to produce theoretical structure. The results of process have evolved into the development of a conceptual model, called SCOPE (Sustainable Communities in Post-conflict Environments). This study proposes both a structure within which to examine post-conflict reconstruction and provides an implementation method. We propose to use the SCOPE model as a set of strategy, policy and program recommendations to assist the international community and all relevant decision-makers to ensure that the destruction and carnage of war does not have to be followed by a disaster of post-conflict reconstruction. We also offer to provide a new foundation and paradigm on post-conflict reconstruction, which incorporates and integrates a number of approaches into a multidisciplinary and systems thinking manner in order to better understand the complexity and dependencies of issues at hand. We believe that such a systems approach could better be able to incorporate the complexities involved and would offer much better results than the approaches currently in use. The final section of this study returns to the fact that although it is probably impossible to produce universal answers, we desperately need to find commonalities amongst different postconflict reconstruction settings in order to better deal with the reconstruction planning in a more dynamic, proactive, and sustainable manner.QC 20111014
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Hronesova, Jessie. „Salience, authority, and resources : explaining victims' compensation in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:dd26cfd4-9887-4ebf-9831-98c0fdd324d5.
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The aim of this thesis is to probe subnational varieties in compensation enacted for war victims in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. The current literature in transitional justice posits that mainly the nature of previous conflicts, democratic and economic development, international normative pressures, and the regional clustering of justice explain why only some post-war countries award material assistance to victims (Olsen et al. 2010; Kim 2012; Risse and Sikkink 2013; Powers and Proctor 2015). While these explanations provide critical insights into the processes behind compensation adoption across states, they do not explain why only some victim categories within a state secure compensation. Drawing on a large database of qualitative data ranging from interviews to newspaper articles collected during fieldwork in Bosnia, this thesis explores compensation for military and civilian war victims, victims of torture and sexual violence, and families of missing people. By zooming in on these victim categories in the Bosnian context, this thesis advances a new understanding of compensation for victims as an outcome of complex political, external, and economic influences exerted on the main domestic policymakers. This thesis uses a new analytical framework about the inter-category varieties in compensation that draws upon arguments about bounded agency of war victims who are constrained by the parameters of post-war political structures that to a large degree shape their strategies. I show that the different compensation outcomes can primarily be explained by the varying effectiveness of victims in convincing domestic political authorities that compensation is in their political interest by using framing and advocacy strategies at the domestic and international level. While such strategies are limited by the political and socioeconomic characteristics of the state, victim categories that are able to strategically frame their demands and access resources to mobilize are more likely to secure compensation adoption. Therefore, this thesis introduces three tools that victims can leverage - international salience, moral authority, and mobilization resources - that are shaped by both structural conditions and the victims' agency.
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Pupavac, Vanessa. „From statehood to childhood : a study of self-determination and conflict resolution in Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav States“. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342112.
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Yordanova, K. G. „Intergenerational transmission of traumatic experience in the families of war survivors from Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2014. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1449257/.
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This thesis examines the transmission of traumatic war experiences from parents to their children in present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina. By interdisciplinary welding of psychoanalysis and anthropology, the thesis demonstrates that the experiences of the Bosnian-Herzegovina war (1992-1995) are recalled incoherently and are unsymbolized by the survivor parents. As such they are transmitted to the second generation as ungraspable fragments. The thesis suggests in detail how this transmission operates. It argues that in daily interaction between parents and children, children translate the ungraspable fragments coming in the form of bodily symptoms, acts of speech and artefacts into a comprehensive version of their parents’ biography. Ultimately, children reconstruct their family’s past in order to locate themselves in time and relationships, thus gaining the identity of a descendant of a particular family at a particular moment. The thesis uses data collected through family and individual semi-structured interviews, participant observation and informed interpretation of children’s drawings in 26 families of war survivors from Bosnia and Herzegovina. The overall goal of the thesis is to construct from the broken accounts of the survivor parents (Part I) a narrative of the war. The thesis also seeks to encourage further interdisciplinary examination of the dynamic interplay between the private and the social levels of transmission in order to connect what is transmitted within the family to what comes from outside of it.
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Deiana, M. A. „Gender, citizenship and the promises of peace : the case of post-Dayton Bosnia-Herzegovina“. Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.557402.
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This thesis seeks to interrogate, from a feminist perspective, the question of citizenship in the transition from ethno-national conflict to peace. By focusing on the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina, this study investigates the dynamics, local and international, shaping women's citizenship in the current political context achieved with the Day ton Peace Agreement (DPA) which put an end to the Bosnian war in 1995. Drawing on the feminist scholarship which examines the gender dynamics embedded in post-conflict transformation, this thesis seeks to re-asses the promises of change encapsulated in the achievement of (relative) peace. This naturally entails bringing into sharp focus the problematic assumptions underlying the dominant definitions of citizenship in Post-Day ton Bosnia-Herzegovina. This study demonstrates that the official discourse, disguised under the cloak of ethno-national belonging, produces a notion of citizenship which is intrinsically exclusionary and gendered. Accordingly, this thesis argues that, since the post-conflict transformation has generally retained and reproduced elements of the gender order embedded in the ethno-nationalist discourses and in the consequent phase of conflict, the promises of achieving a more equitable society through the consolidation of peace have not been fulfilled. This study reveals a complex picture in which certain dynamic9 embedded in the current political arrangements of Bosnia-Herzegovina and in the international agenda hinder collective efforts to re-imagine and re-enact citizenship outside the dominant ethno-national logic. At the same time, the research illuminates new instances and locales for women's citizenship discourses and practices.
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Finnen, Alexander John. „The international community's management of 'post-conflict' with particular reference to Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2011. https://radar.brookes.ac.uk/radar/items/3eda2f51-b83a-f3e0-e43f-517733542856/1/.
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The purpose of the thesis is to examine the International Community’s (IC) responses to post-conflict at the turn of the twenty-first century and in a period of transition. The thesis will establish whether there are any standard models for the IC’s engagement in post-conflict and if so whether these models are gradually ‘evolutionary’ or subject to radical change. The thesis will situate the IC’s response within the existing academic models and will encompass a review of these models so as to establish whether recent post-conflict interventions can be adequately defined by them. The thesis will also define a typology of post-conflict so as to establish whether the existing definitions are ‘fit for purpose’. The thesis will make use of a substantial body of empirical evidence which was gathered by the author during a period of fourteen years spent in the Western Balkans. It will in consequence address the issue of ‘observation’ in the research design and conclusion. The thesis will use this corpus of evidence gathered to illuminate the points raised during the thesis and to establish whether the changes in the typology of the IC’s response to post-conflict in the Western Balkans were specific to those particular missions or whether they represented a longer-term change in approach by the IC. As part of this changing approach to post-conflict, the thesis will also examine the role of the European Union (EU) and question the role which the EU, only one amongst many regional and sub-regional organisations, has ascribed to itself in the IC’s management of post-conflict.
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Woodward, Alpha M. „Tapestry of Tears: An Autoethnography of Leadership, Personal Transformation, and Music Therapy in Humanitarian Aid in Bosnia Herzegovina“. Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1425584421.
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Hammer, Thomas. „Nation-Building in Memory and Space : A Case Study of Memorial Sites in the Municipality of Prijedor, Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-44066.
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Ethnic nationalism produces conflicts through constructing identities that include certain groups and exclude or marginalize others. This process often continues in post-war periods and hinders inter-ethnic reconciliation. Political actors proceed with constructing ethno-national identities and (re-)writing national narratives in the realm of remembering. This thesis seeks to understand how memorial sites are used for nation-building processes in post-war contexts, based on the municipality of Prijedor, Bosnia and Herzegovina. This single instrumental case study analyzes two memorial sites through fieldwork, newspaper articles, and archival records. The theoretical framework builds on concepts from nationalism studies, memory studies, as well as cultural and political geography. The analysis demonstrates that the studied memorial sites are used as follows: 1) to depict the nation's objects of identification for demarcating the national Self from the Other; 2) to promote myths of victimization for unifying the group and justifying atrocities; 3) to silence narratives and memories that contradict or challenge those of the own group; and 4) to mark territory as an integral part of the spatial narrative in which public places are transformed into “owned” places. All four practices are closely interrelated and give the memorial sites meaning and authority to convey the Bosnian-Serbian nation-building project.
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Gosztonyi, Kristóf. „Negotiating in humanitarian interventions the case of the international intervention into the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina /“. [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2003. http://www.diss.fu-berlin.de/2004/118/index.html.
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Sahovic, Dzenan. „Socio-cultural viability of international intervention in war-torn societies : a case study of Bosnia Herzegovina“. Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Political Science, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1001.
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This dissertation explores the ‘socio-cultural dilemma’ facing international peacebuilders in war-torn societies through a case study of the post-conflict process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is done with the help of a typological approach of the grid-group Cultural Theory framework, which defines four social solidarities – or ideal type cultures – of individualism, egalitarianism, fatalism and hierarchy. A central argument in the thesis is that international intervention is culturally individualistic and/or egalitarian, thus socio-culturally unviable in war-torn societies, which are usually dominated by hierarchical and fatalist social solidarities.
This underlying socio-cultural conflict is used to trace the Bosnian post-war process, where the relationship between the managing international institution – the Office of the High Representative of the International Community – and the local nationalist elites repeatedly changed in response to the failure of international policies to produce the desired result, namely broad socio-cultural change in the local politics and society. Four different periods in the process are identified: 1) ’economic conditionality’, 2) ‘Bonn Powers’, 3) ‘the concept of ownership’ and 4) ‘Euro-Atlantic integration’. Each period is defined by different culturally biased policies, supported by corresponding social relations and strategic behaviours.
The individualistic and egalitarian biased approaches usually resulted in failures, as they were not viable in the local socio-cultural context. After adapting to the local context, new viable approaches produced results in specific policy areas, but at the cost of unwanted side-effects in the form of reinforcement of dominant social solidarities. The result was therefore contrary to the broad goal of the process, which was to transform the local political culture.
In other words, the defining and re-defining of the OHR’s role in the Bosnian process was a consequence of the dilemma of having to make an unsatisfactory choice: either to adapt to the way the political game is played in the Bosnian socio-cultural context in order to achieve effectiveness in the policy process, or to stay true to the peacebuilders’ own cultural biases and attempt to change the local socio-cultural accordingly. In essence, it is argued, this is the socio-cultural viability dilemma that is inherent in international peacebuilding.
In unveiling of the socio-cultural viability dilemma, the dissertation explores central problems in the Bosnian post-conflict process. It provides a credible explanation to a number of hitherto unexplained difficulties and paradoxes experienced in Bosnia. It concludes that the international intervention in this particular case was neither a success story nor a failure per se, but one which failed to properly address the dilemma of socio-cultural viability. The key conclusions regarding peacebuilding in general are that there should be a greater under¬¬standing of socio-cultural issues in peacebuilding in order to better manage the socio-cultural viability dilemma. Practically, this means that international peacebuilders need to adapt to local context and strive towards the goal of local ownership of the process. The aim should be to make the intervention as viable as possible, as quickly as possible, to boldly implement policies that promote changes in the local socio-cultural context, and to withdraw only after the necessary conditions for local ownership are in place.
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Roberts, Julie Ann. „An anthropological study of war crimes against children in Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina in the 1990s“. Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2562/.
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Between 1991 and 1999 war broke out across Former Yugoslavia. Thousands of people are believed to have been killed and many more were internally displaced or forcibly expelled from their countries. In 1993 the United Nations established the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to investigate war crimes allegedly committed in the region. Its work is still ongoing. This research comprises an anthropological study of the children in Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina who were killed as a direct result of war crimes perpetrated during the conflicts of the 1990s. It is based on primary forensic data collected by investigators and scientists on behalf of ICTY between the dates of 1996 and 2000. From this data, a single integrated database was created which allowed the numbers of child deaths, causes of death, demographic profiles of the deceased, and post-mortem treatment of their remains to be analysed. As well as examining these factors within each country a significant aspect of the research included comparative analysis between the crimes committed against children in Kosovo and those in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Broad comparisons were also made between adult and child data in both countries. The findings from the research were analysed within their wider socio-political context and an assessment was made of how closely the forensic evidence supported accounts from other literary sources. In its current form, the research can be used as a historical and scientific resource by those wishing to study both the events surrounding the wars in Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina, and the scientific methods used by experts in the field to investigate the crimes. The methodology employed during the research, including the creation of the database, is described in detail and is directly transferrable to other studies of a similar nature. Solutions employed to address the considerable problems encountered during the construction of the database can be applied to other similarly large and unmanageable datasets. The database itself can be expanded to include the forensic evidence collected in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo since 2001, when ICTY handed over responsibility for the exhumations to local government agencies. It can also be used to examine other aspects of the wars, and adapted to analyse data from other countries. Ultimately it is hoped that this research will be of use in formulating pro-active strategies which might assist in protecting children involved in future conflicts.
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SUMMA, RENATA DE FIGUEIREDO. „ENACTING EVERYDAY BOUNDARIES IN POST-DAYTON BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA: DISCONNECTION, RE - APPROPRIATION AND DISPLACEMENT(S)“. PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2016. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=29849@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE DOUTORADO SANDUÍCHE NO EXTERIOR
Este trabalho examina lugares cotidianos para entender como demarcações são efetuadas, empregadas, alteradas e deslocadas na Bósnia-Herzegovina do pós-Dayton. Analisaremos aqui práticas de demarcação que podem ou não envolver delimitações geográficas e que foram reorganizadas pelo Acordo de Paz de Dayton de formas a lhes assegurarem um papel mais proeminente na vida sociopolítica da Bósnia e Herzegovina. Ao promover um esforço para conceituar fronteiras e demarcações, esta tese argumenta que estas são dependentes de práticas, o que lhes confere um status precário e indica que podem ser alteradas. Assim, elas podem ser reempregadas (no sentido de se desviar de um significado e receber um significado diferente); alteradas e deslocadas, mas também muito mais, como será exposto aqui: minimizadas, subvertidas, desdenhadas, mas também reforçadas, reafirmadas e celebradas. É, portanto, olhando para o cotidiano que este trabalho busca entender o(s) sentido(s) atribuído(s) a essas demarcações, sabendo, no entanto, que elas são permeadas de contradições e podem ser empregadas de maneiras diferentes por pessoas diferentes. O cotidiano, que geralmente recebe nossa desatenção diária, será considerado aqui uma categoria analítica relevante através da qual realizaremos essa pesquisa. Na verdade, o cotidiano não pode ser reduzido a práticas sem importância ou ao banal, como o mero resíduo do político. O cotidiano está, na verdade, profundamente relacionado com todas as atividades, e as engloba com todas as suas diferenças e conflito (Lefebvre, 1991:97) e, portanto, possibilita conexões e mediações entre categorias frequentemente apresentadas como dicotomias, como o público e o privado, o excepcional e a rotina (Lefebvre, 2008:16). É, portanto, no e através do cotidiano que essas tensões são negociadas, as disputas têm lugar e apropriações e até transformações são realizadas. Esta pesquisa foi realizada em Sarajevo e Mostar, duas das principais cidades da Bósnia-Herzegovina. Mais especificamente, esta pesquisa analisa lugares cotidianos dentro dessas cidades, como escolas, ruas, praças, cafés, estações de ônibus e shoppings, que muitas vezes atuam como a própria materialização dessas demarcações (etnonacionais, entre o local/internacionais) ou a arena na qual essas demarcações são reconfiguradas e deslocadas. Esta tese, portanto, proporciona um relato alternativo em relação a narrativas mais oficiais sobre divisões etnonacionais, bem como questiona as categorias local e internacional na Bósnia do pós-Dayton.
This work looks at everyday places in order to understand how boundaries are enacted and re-employed, shifted and displaced in post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina. Post-Dayton boundaries correspond to practices of demarcation that may or may not entail geographic delimitations and that have been reorganized by the Dayton Peace Agreement in ways that have assured them a more prominent role in sociopolitical life in BiH. While engaging in an effort to conceptualize borders and boundaries, this thesis argues that boundaries are dependent on practices, which confers upon them a precarious status and indicates that they might be changed. Boundaries may thus be re-employed (in the sense of diverting its original meaning and employing a different one); shifted and displaced, but also much more, as it will be exposed here: crossed, minimized, subverted, dismissed, disdained, but also reinforced, reaffirmed and celebrated. It is thus looking at the everyday that this work makes sense of those boundaries, knowing, however, that they are permeated with contradictions and may be enacted in different ways by different people. The everyday, which usually receives our daily inattention, will be considered here a relevant analytical category through which undertake this research. Indeed, the everyday cannot be reduced to the unimportant or the banal, as mere residual or the remnants of the political. Rather, it is profoundly related to all activities, and encompasses them with all their differences and their conflicts; it is their meeting place, their bond, their common ground (Lefebvre, 1991: 97), and it thus provides for connection and mediation between categories often presented as dichotomies such as public and private, the exceptional and the routine (Lefebvre, 2008: 16). It is in and through the everyday that those tensions are played, the disputes are fought and appropriations and even transformation take place. The research was undertaken in Sarajevo and Mostar, two of the main cities in BiH. More specifically, this research looks at everyday places within these cities, such as schools, streets, squares, cafés, coach station and shopping malls, which might be enacted as the very (ethnonational, local/international) boundaries or the arena in which those boundaries are diverted and displaced. This thesis, therefore, provides for an alternative account to more official narratives about ethnonational divisions, as well as questions clear-cut distinctions between the local and the international in post-Dayton BiH.
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Melia, Jan. „Masculinity, post-conflict police reform & gender-based violence in Northern Ireland & Bosnia Herzegovina“. Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2018. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=239033.
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This dissertation aims to examine masculinities and transitional police reform, considering policy and processes, and investigating the policing of gender-based violence in post-war societies. Drawing upon current feminist theory in the field of transitional justice, it focuses on masculinities in formal post-conflict police reform processes, an area that has been much under-researched in the academic literature. More specifically, the dissertation examines international processes focused on police reform advocacy relating to gender-sensitive reform, and local level police reform relating to gender-based violence (GBV). To examine local level reforms, two post-conflict case sites, Bosnia Herzegovina (BiH), and Northern Ireland (NI) were selected for investigation. My research understands gender as a discursive construct and investigates the gendered conceptions built into police reform policy, process, and practice. How these conceptions come to be part of police reform texts and how they manifest in post-conflict policing responses to gender-based violence (GBV) is the focus of the dissertation. Overall, my research identifies masculinity as an unstated norm in police reform, and case study findings indicate that hegemonic masculinities shape police reform policy and practice relating to GBV in particular ways, reiterating conventional gender norms, and limiting the potential for transformative change. Findings suggest that current reforms in post-conflict transitions contribute to, and constitute a process of remasculinisation.
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Latif, Dilek. „Peace Building After Humanitarian Intervention: The Case Of Bosnia And Herzegovina“. Phd thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606504/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
PEACE BUILDING AFTER HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION: THE CASE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
Latif, Dilek
Ph.D., Department of International Relations
Supervisor: Prof. Dr. ihsan D. Dagi
August 2005, 379 pages.
This dissertation analyzes peace building process after humanitarian intervention. It conceptualizes peace building through questioning the feasibility of peace building following a humanitarian intervention. Addressing the deficiency of contemporary peace building approach, this thesis indicates the shortcomings of the various instruments of peace building in contributing peace and reconciliation on the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Besides, it shows the drawbacks of the current practice that peace building is a learning process, which employs the lessons learnt to advance the efficiency of peace building process.
There is a lack of comprehensive approach to peace building, based on case studies, evaluating the shortcomings and merits of all the instruments of peace building that provides a general strategy. Despite abundancy of policy oriented research to contribute policy making, academic work to analyze such a complicated phenomena has been frail. Within this context, contribution of the dissertation is to demonstrate the entire picture and question viability of the peace building process in war-torn societies. Therefore, it is enriching the study on the peace building operations.
Failure of institutionalization of peace in BiH after almost a decade of rigorous peace building efforts of the international community shows the fault of the mainstream understanding of peace building. The dissertation also unveils that engagement in Kosovo is the product of a similar strategy, which in practice either repeated the same fruitless methods or tried to build on the experience obtained in Bosnia but failed to heal up the troubles and challenges faced in Kosovo. Overall, the study points out the inevitability of a novel approach and an alternative peace building strategy beyond the policy-related focus.
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Starčević-Srkalović, Lejla. „The democratization process in post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina and the role of the European Union“. Baden-Baden Nomos, 2009. http://d-nb.info/1001213955/04.
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Huh, Jae-Seok. „Rethinking the practices of UN peacekeeping operations in the early post-Cold War era : the implications of the cases of Somalia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Kosovo“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2008. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6107/.
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This thesis examines the practice of UN peacekeeping operations during the first decade of the post-Cold War era, focusing on three cases: Somalia, Bosnia- Herzegovina, and Kosovo. During the early 1990s, the international community escalated its expectations of and demands upon the UN and its peacekeepers for massive and expanded interventions to deal with increased intra-state conflicts. In this sense, the interventions in Somalia and Bosnia-Herzegovina were the test cases of the UN's capabilities and the political willingness of the international community. Many believe that the peacekeeping experiences in both regions were one of the most important developments for the evolution of UN peacekeeping operations in the 1990s. This thesis argues that the operations in Somalia and Bosnia were not evidence of the evolution of peacekeeping, but were cases of the misuse of peacekeeping techniques, and furthermore that this misuse was the key reason for the failures of the operations. In other words, the deployment of UN peacekeepers to places where there was no peace to keep deeply affected the outbreak of the Black Hawk Down incident in Somalia and the Srebrenica massacre in Bosnia. The decision-makers of the UN and member states of the Security Council employed an inappropriate measure to tackle the crises that required well-prepared military enforcement actions in terms of planning and capabilities including structured command and control systems. As an agential factor of the failures in Somalia and Bosnia, the misuse of peacekeeping techniques was deeply affected by the structural features of the post-Cold War order: the increase of intra-state or regional armed conflicts with intense hostility on an unprecedented scale and the construction of an identity by Western governments to tackle conflicts stemming from the widespread belief of the `liberal triumph' in the early post-Cold War era. For the better performance of future peacekeeping operations, the Kosovo intervention has taught two useful lessons: the major involvement of regional military organization and use of air power.
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Eralp, Ulas Doga. „The effectiveness of the EU as a peace actor in post-conflict Bosnia Herzegovina an evaluative study /“. Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/4577.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2009.Vita: p. 340. Thesis director: Dennis J.D. Sandole. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Oct. 12, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 327-339). Also issued in print.
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Sasso, Alfredo. „Just a few years left for us”. non-nationalist political actors in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1989-1991)“. Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/328422.
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El objetivo de esta tesis es explorar el papel de los actores políticos no nacionalistas en la República Socialista de Bosnia y Herzegovina entre 1989 y 1991, periodo que coincide con las fases cruciales de la transición multipartidista en Bosnia y en la Federación yugoslava. Se dedica especial atención a los dos principales partidos no nacionalistas, la Liga de los Comunistas (SKBiH) y la Alianza de Fuerzas Reformistas de Yugoslavia (SRSJ), aunque otras organizaciones cívicas, juveniles y social-liberales, también son objeto de análisis. Estos movimientos pretendían representar los intereses de todos los ciudadanos independientemente de su pertenencia nacional, y defendían un concepto secular y culturalmente no exclusivista para Bosnia-Herzegovina. El trabajo examina los discursos, prácticas, estrategias e interconexiones mutuas entre estos actores, para llegar a explicar los factores que les llevaron a una aplastante derrota en términos de estrategia política, apoyo popular, y votos en las elecciones de noviembre de 1990, las cuales representan el punto de inflexión de la transición en Bosnia. Los tres partidos nacionalistas (el musulmán SDA, el serbio SDS y el croata HDZ) obtuvieron una inesperada y aplastante victoria. La “etnificación” de la esfera social y política que comenzó en el año 1990, y el completo fracaso del reparto de poder entre partidos nacionalistas después del voto, son factores determinantes en el camino hacia la guerra de Bosnia-Herzegovina en el marco de la disolución de Yugoslavia. Sin embargo, cabe resaltar que, en aquel momento histórico, este resultado estaba lejos de ser previsible. Se estimaba que la SKBiH aún tenía un respaldo social, además de mantener una sólida organización territorial; por otro lado, la SRSJ contaba con un proyecto político innovador, basado en un yugoslavismo liberal y en el amplio carisma generado por su líder, el primer ministro Ante Marković, que gozaba de una reputación como “salvador de la patria” por su papel en las reformas políticas y sociales. El potencial aparentemente muy alto de una opción no nacionalista en Bosnia-Herzegovina, comúnmente definida como la “pequeña Yugoslavia” (donde las estimaciones positivas de las relaciones interétnicas y el apoyo a la unidad del país no eran solo un lugar común sino que eran confirmadas por estudios sociales y encuestas) requiere re-examinar el contexto bosnio de 1989-1991. ¿Cómo abordaron los comunistas bosnios la oleada de eventos globales y estatales de 1989-90 y los consecuentes dilemas del proceso de democratización? ¿Cómo se desarrolló en Bosnia la opción liberal y reformista personificada por Marković? ¿Cuál es el papel de los movimientos cívicos que se formaron fuera del marco del régimen? ¿Qué soluciones para la crisis yugoslava, en sus diferentes etapas, plantearon estos actores? ¿Ocurrieron realmente unas “polarizaciones en clave étnica” en la sociedad bosnia, y si fue así, afectaron al declive de una opción no-nacionalista, o bien ocurrió lo contrario? ¿En qué medida eventos y actores fuera de Bosnia influyeron en la transición republicana? Estas son algunas de las preguntas que esta investigación quiere abordar, buscando nuevas perspectivas sobre dos grandes temas que han quedado al margen de la literatura, no obstante muy extensa, sobre la disolución de Yugoslavia: las alternativas al etno-nacionalismo en el conjunto de Yugoslavia, y la transición tardo- y post-comunista en Bosnia. Para este trabajo se utilizaron una variedad de fuentes locales (fuentes hemerográficas, documentos políticos de los movimientos no-nacionalistas, entrevistas con líderes, activistas y observadores que vivieron aquel contexto político) que hasta el momento no han sido utilizadas o bien no han sido tenidas en cuenta. Estas fuentes se han recogido durante largas estancias de investigación en Sarajevo y estancias más breves en otras ciudades de la antigua Yugoslavia.This thesis aims to explore the role of non-nationalist political actors in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina between 1989 and 1991, a period which coincides with the multi-party transition in Bosnia and in the Yugoslav federation. The research pays particular attention to the two main non-nationalist parties, the League of Communists (SKBiH-SDP) and the Alliance of Reformist Forces of Yugoslavia (SRSJ), although other civic, youth and social-liberal organisations will be also analysed. All these movements claimed to represent the interests of all the citizens, regardless of their national belonging, and defended a secular and non-exclusivist concept for Bosnia-Herzegovina. The research aims, on the one hand, to examine the discourses, practices, and mutual interconnections of the non-nationalist actors; on the other hand, to explain the factors that led these actors to suffer such a heavy defeat in the Bosnian-Herzegovinian transition, in terms of political strategy, of popular support and of votes in the 1990 elections, which are the turning point of the whole process. The three nationalist parties (the Muslim SDA, the Serb SDS and the Croat HDZ) obtained an unexpectedly large triumph, securing 84% of seats in Parliament. The ethnification of political and social sphere that began in 1990, and the complete failure of power-sharing agreements between national parties after the vote, are among the leading factors that led to the Bosnian war within the context of the Yugoslav dissolution. However, at that time, such outcome was far from predictable. The SKBiH was believed to enjoy a certain social consensus and still had a considerable organisational structure; the SRSJ counted on an innovative political project based on liberal Yugoslavism, as well as on the huge charisma as the “saviour of the country” of its leader, the Federal Prime Minister Ante Marković, for his role in introducing economic reforms in the country. The apparently high potential of a non-national option in Bosnia-Herzegovina, commonly depicted as “little Yugoslavia” (where positive assessments of inter-ethnic relations and support for the country’s unity, beyond the commonplaces, were revealed by social studies and polls) calls for a re-examination of the 1989-1991 Bosnian context. How did the Bosnian Communists tackle the 1989-90 wave of global and state-wide events, and the consequent dilemmas of democratisation? How did the liberal-reformist option embodied by Marković operate in the Bosnian scenario? What is the role of the civic, non-regime alternatives: what kind of relationship did they establish with the Communist rule, and how did they face the increasing ethnification? What solutions for the Yugoslav crisis, in its various stages, did these actors envision? Did some alleged “polarisation along ethnic lines” occur in Bosnian society and, if so, did it affect the decline of non-nationalist actors, or was it rather the opposite? To what extent did the events and the actors out of Bosnia-Herzegovina influence the path of the transition in the republic? These are some key questions raised by this research, which aims to offer a fresh perspective on two fields which have been understudied in the (yet very extensive) literature about the dissolution of Yugoslavia: the alternatives to ethno-nationalism, and the late- and post- Communist transition in Bosnia-Herzegovina. This work uses a variety of local sources (press reports; political documents issued by non-nationalist actors; selected interviews with former politicians, activists and observers of that political context – journalists, academics - ) which have been either unused or overlooked by scholars until now. These sources have been collected during several long research stays in Sarajevo and shorter stays in other cities of former Yugoslavia.
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Hasic, Tigran. „Reconstruction planning in post-conflict zones : Bosnia and Herzegovinia and the International Community /“. Stockhlm, Sweden : Royal Institute of Technology, 2004. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0710/2005530592.html.
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Lauzzana, Silvia. „Does relief aid prolong wars? : explaining the interaction between humanitarian assistance and conflict during the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614061.
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Šejdová, Kateřina. „Postkonfliktní rekonstrukce Bosny a Herzegoviny (pohledem institucionální ekonomie)“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197083.
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This theses evaluates the postconflict reconstruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the perspective of institutional economy. The purpose od this theses is to answer the question whether it is possible to achieve the desired change in the reconstructed society by transplanting the institutional model. First chapter focuses on the studying of institutions, their importance for further development of the society and the possibilities of the institutional changes. Second chapter deals with the major moments in the development in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. Third chapter analyzes the success of postconflict reconstruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina and identifies the obstacles preventing the consociacional democracy from being succesfully transferred, provided that such model was supposed to be guarantee of the peaceful living in the multiethnical society in Bosnia and Herzegovina.