Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Post-Disaster Temporary Housing“

On Aug. 29, 2005, Hurricane Katrina struck the southern coast of the United States, causing the most damage of any disaster in the country’s history. Faced with a need for housing relief that overwhelmed all expectations, and failures and criticisms surrounding FEMA’s use of trailers as temporary housing, the Alternative Housing Pilot Project (AHPP) was created to explore better options. Designed as a temporary-topermanent post disaster housing solution, the Mississippi Cottages were created though theMississippi Alternative Housing Project (MAHP), 1 of the 5 AHPP projects, as replacement temporary housing for residents of FEMA trailers several years after Katrina. Due to strong local resistance to the Cottages, along with issues of affordability, few temporary Cottage residents were able to keep them for permanent housing, and the implementation of the program failed to provide long term affordable housing to a large group of disaster survivors who most needed it. However, the Mississippi Cottages have high levels of resident satisfaction, represent significant potential as a temporaryto-permanent housing form and demonstrate flexibility in the way they have been reused as affordable housing by a number of different organizations and individuals.

With many natural disasters such as earthquakes, cyclones, bushfires and tsunamis destroying human habitats around the world, post-disaster housing reconstruction has become a critical topic. The current practice of post-disaster reconstruction consists of various approaches that carry affected homeowners from temporary shelters to permanent housing. While temporary shelters may be provided within a matter of days as immediate disaster relief, permanent housing can take years to complete. However, time is critical, as affected communities will need to restore their livelihoods as soon as possible. Prefabricated modular construction has the potential to drastically improve the time taken to provide permanent housing. Due to this time-efficiency, which is an inherent characteristic of modular construction, it can be a desirable strategy for post-disaster housing reconstruction. This paper discusses how prefabricated modular structures can provide a more time-efficient solution by analysing several present-day examples taken from published post-disaster housing reconstruction processes that have been carried out in different parts of the world. It also evaluates how other features of modular construction, such as ease of decommissioning and reusability, can add value to post-disaster reconstruction processes and organisations that contribute to the planning, design and construction stages of the reconstruction process. The suitability of modular construction will also be discussed in the context of the guidelines and best practice guides for post-disaster housing reconstruction published by international organisations. Through this analysis and discussion, it is concluded that prefabricated modular structures are a highly desirable time-efficient solution to post-disaster housing reconstruction.

Purpose Natural disasters not only cause dilapidated buildings and damaged infrastructure but also delay crucial aid for those affected in the event of a disaster and post-disaster recovery. An institutionally well-managed post-disaster housing strategy provides opportunities for physical and mental healing of its occupant. The time requires occupiers to remain in the temporary housing varies with circumstances. This paper aims to review post-disaster housing scenarios in India in comparison to two Asian cases from Indonesia and Japan. The study focuses on understanding Indian post-disaster housing strategies through a comparative review. Design/methodology/approach The research selects coastal cities of Tamil Nadu state, where the post-disaster temporary shelter and rehabilitation was planned and implemented after the Tsunami in 2004. The Tsunami created havoc in Nagapattinam and Kanyakumari district of Tamil Nadu. Nagapattinam district reported 6,051 fatalities and many more homeless people. After the Tsunami, the government took measures to supply safe, secured and on-site shelter provisions. Surprisingly, many such shelters were never occupied. In many instances, people actually preferred to spend years in a temporary shelter rather occupying government housing. This paper evaluates such events and investigates India’s post-disaster shelter strategy against the derived best practices. This study is based on the sequential/logical reasoning and understanding of the facts. Discussions and findings from this study can be further generalised into a comprehensive policy discussion. Findings The paper finds that the manner of planning and design of post-disaster housing programmes influence medium- to long-term recovery of its occupant. A certain element of trade-off between implementation and quality of habitation results into compromises to achieving the desired outcome. When faced with socio-political, economic and financial constraints, the decision-makers are required to make trade-offs in deciding the manner and quantum of allocating resources. Coordination among these agencies is troublesome. It is true for all countries and there is no distinct answer to it. Public consultation and community participation in long-term rehabilitation are crucial to meet the aspiration of the local people. Originality/value The paper contributes in discussing a comparison of post-disaster housing rehabilitation between India and the two cases from Indonesia and Japan. As a review paper, the objective is to highlight the synthesis and overall understanding of post-disaster housing strategies from two cases and compare it with India.

Temporary housing plays a critical role in disaster response and recovery by providing a temporary home for displaced people before they return to their permanent residence. In recent years, temporary housing has faced three primary dilemmas related to design type, site selection, and cost. Significant contributions have been made in research and in practice to improve temporary housing management. However, gaps still exist in resolving the dilemmas, and a critical review and evaluation of current methods is needed to determine the path forward and identify priorities of future research. This paper presents a comprehensive overview of prior methods developed and applied towards temporary housing management and identifies future pathways for success in temporary housing research and implementation. The literature review reveals that temporary housing requires further research in proactive management, storage, sustainability, and community resilience to effectively enhance post-disaster temporary housing. This study finds that programs such as the Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) and the Sheltering and Temporary Essential Power (STEP) program provide methodologies which can benefit temporary housing implementation, designs, and modeling. In addition, circular economy thinking can enable the recyclability of temporary housing to reduce economic and environmental impacts.

AbstractThe increasing risk and exposure of people and assets to natural hazards and disasters suggests an increasing need for temporary housing following disasters. Resilience to natural hazards is dependent on the resources available to families or communities to prepare for and mitigate risk, influenced by social vulnerability. This study seeks to quantify the total environmental impact of temporary housing deployment in New Orleans, using the catastrophic impact of Hurricane Katrina in southern Louisiana in August 2005 as a case example. We employ a novel approach to estimate displacement period and take into account social vulnerability across New Orleans neighborhoods to better understand the scale of post-disaster relief and its global warming potential. The methodology implemented in this study comprises three steps: a risk assessment, a life cycle assessment, and a resulting total impact assessment. We demonstrate the considerable risk of greenhouse gas emissions and energy impacts from temporary housing deployment linked to hurricane hazard. Furthermore, we show that environmental impact is highly sensitive to displacement period and find the current methodology of anticipating temporary housing use by hazard alone to be inadequate. Additionally, the approach presented in this article provides tools to politicians and disaster risk professionals that allow for resource investment planning to decrease social vulnerability, thus enhancing resilience and adaptive capacity in a more homogeneous way at the urban scale.

The adverse social and financial impacts of catastrophic disasters are increasing as population centers grow. In recent years, destroying homes and infrastructures has resulted in a major loss of life and created countless refugees. For example, Hurricane Katrina in August 2005 damaged over 214,700 homes in New Orleans and forced over 800,000 citizens to live outside of their homes due to flooding. After disastrous events, the government agencies have to respond to post-disaster housing issues quickly and efficiently and provide sufficient resources for temporary housing for short-term disaster relief and reconstruction of destroyed and damaged housing for full rehabilitation. Modular construction is a promising solution for improving the process of post-disaster housing reconstruction because of its inherent characteristic of time-efficiency. This study aimed to evaluate the potentials and feasibility of the prefabricated/modular construction approach that can be adapted to facilitate the post-disaster recovery process. An extensive literature review has been carried out to identify the features of modular construction, which can add value to the post-disaster recovery process. To investigate the suitability and practicability of implementing modular construction for post-disaster reconstruction and to identify major barriers of its implementation, a survey has been conducted among Architecture, Engineering, and Construction (AEC) experts who have experience in prefabrication/modularization, and/or involved in post-disaster reconstruction projects. The results of the study indicate that prefabricated/modular construction is a promising approach to improve time-efficiency of post-disaster reconstruction and tackle challenges of current practices by its unique benefits such as reduced demand for on-site labor (overcome local labor pool constraints impacted by the disaster) and resources (overcome the shortage of equipment and materials), shorter schedule (due to concurrent & non-seasonal), reduced site congestion, and improved labor productivity (due to assembly line-like and controlled environment).

Purpose This purpose of this paper is to promote the potential for utilizing interior designers as partners on multidisciplinary teams that deal with natural disaster recovery efforts. Interior design, an often-misunderstood profession, focuses on the health, safety and welfare of all who utilize interior spaces. Members of this profession bring a unique and relevant perspective to design and problem-solving. Design/methodology/approach A self-selecting international student design call supplied the data for illustrating how interior designers’ training prepares these multifaceted professionals to practice within diverse cultural contexts to create region-specific temporary housing units. Findings The designs submitted indeed, demonstrated an understanding of the holistic process necessary for creating effective temporary shelters. Research limitations/implications A limitation of the research is that the design call involved interior design students only. A broader invitation might also solicit entries from practicing interior design professionals. Originality/value The acknowledgement traditionally accorded interior designers as essential contributors to multidisciplinary disaster relief teams is tenuous at best. This paper suggests that interior designers have the potential to assume an important role in disaster relief planning and shelter creation. Attention must now be directed toward promoting a universal appreciation of the relevant skills training, and holistic perspectives of interior designers.

After the catastrophic 2009 bushfires in the state of Victoria, Australia, the State Government provided information and advice, short-term and temporary accommodation as well as financial assistance to bushfire-affected communities. A tension developed between quickly rebuilding housing and re-establishing known social and economic networks versus a slower and more deliberative process that focuses on long-term community outcomes. Whilst there was a widespread assumption that quick rebuilding would be beneficial, resulting in immediate pressure to do so, it became evident that many people were not prepared to, or even did not want to rebuild. Thus it became important to provide time and support for people to consider their options away from the immediate pressures to rebuild that are often inherent in post-disaster recovery processes. This became known as “holding the space” and included the introduction of interim supports such as building temporary villages and other supports which enable people to achieve appropriate interim accommodation without having to rebuild immediately. However, even two years after the bushfires a significant proportion of people remained undecided whether they wanted to rebuild or not. The post-bushfire experience pointed to a number of lessons including the importance of appropriate timing of post-disaster activities, careful targeting of financial assistance, need for developing better and lower cost interim housing options and pre-impact planning. Given the complex nature of rebuilding following a disaster, design professionals should focus not just on the final house, but also look at housing options that blur the distinction between temporary and permanent. Their designs should be quick to build, offer a good quality of life, be affordable for most and be flexible in design for future use.

What happens when temporary shelters become permanent homes? What are the psychosocial impacts of prolonged dislocation, and how might these effects be mitigated through grassroots community activities? Based on fieldwork and interviews with residents in temporary housing and volunteer support groups in northeastern Japan conducted from 2014–2018, this article analyzes the ongoing challenges of delayed recovery, chronic dislocation, and social isolation among survivors of the March 11, 2011 disaster in Japan, with a particular focus on the residents of temporary facilities in Natori City, Miyagi Prefecture. I examine how the complexity of the disaster-recovery process within the local politics of the region has produced new tensions, creating a particular “zoned liminality” for displaced residents while undermining the social nexus of community relations. Then I reflect on certain challenges in treating the psychosocial trauma among survivors, and how their particular needs are addressed through new citizen-based volunteer movements offering holistic activities. These grassroots activities do not necessarily solve the breakdown of social bonds nor improve residents’ prospects of returning home. However, by alleviating survivors’ sense of social isolation and loneliness, this “humanistic” approach highlights the possibilities of participatory-style psychosocial support that goes beyond conventional biomedical services and top-down, state-driven policies.

This paper investigates the role of the architect in post-disaster reconstruction and questions their ability to facilitate permanent building solutions. There is an ever-increasing population of refugees and internally displaced persons due to disasters and conflicts who have a basic need for shelter. To date, housing solutions for such people has tended to focus on short-term, temporary shelter solutions that have been largely unsuccessful. This increasing demand for shelter has led to an emerging group of architects skilled in post-disaster reconstruction. These architects acknowledge that shelter is critical to survival, but believe architects should focus on rebuilding in a manner that is quick, durable but permanent. They believe that an architect skilled in post-disaster reconstruction can produce solutions that meet the requirement of the emergency phase, through to semi-permanent and even permanent homes, without wasting time and money on interim shelters. Case Study Research was used to examine and evaluate the assistance provided by Emergency Architects Australia (EAA) to the Kei Gold community in the Solomon Islands after the 2007 earthquake and tsunami. The results indicate that an architect’s response to a disaster must go beyond providing temporary shelter; they must create permanent building solutions that respond to the site and the culture while servicing the needs of the community. The vernacular reconstruction methods implemented by EAA in Kei Gold Village have been successful in developing permanent housing solutions. Further research and development is required to gain a broader understanding of the role of the architect in disasters of varying scales and typologies.

The phenomenon named kodokushi, meaning death alone without the care or company of anyone inside temporary housing, appeared after the Kobe earthquake in Japan in 1995 with some 250 cases. This paper analyzes the evolution of Japanese temporary houses—to attempt to prevent the problem of kodokushi—from the point of view of management, how services and activities are organized, and design. We will use case studies as our methodological tool, analyzing the responses in 1995 Kobe (50,000 THs), 2004 Chūetsu (3000 THs), 2011 Tōhoku (50,000 THs), and 2016 Kumamoto (4000 THs). This article shows how the Japanese THAs follow a single design that has undergone very little variation in the last 25 years, a design which promotes the social isolation of their residents, making recovery—from the psychological perspective—and helping the most vulnerable members of society, more difficult. In small scale disasters (Chūetsu) applying organization and management measures was able to correct the problems caused by design and there were no cases of kodokushi: in large-scale disasters (Tōhoku), however, the difficulties to implement the same measures resulted in the reappearance of new cases at rates similar to Kobe’s. Our main conclusion is that the design of Japanese THAs must be reconsidered and changed to respond to the real needs of the most vulnerable groups.

This paper presents the post-disaster reconstruction of the Tōhoku region. Although Japan has always been one of the most prepared countries because of its long history with natural disasters, the 2011 Great East Japanese Earthquake and tsunami might be one of the most significant disasters recorded in the country’s modern history. This unprecedented disaster that has shaken Japan is a decisive turning point for the entire society as well as for architects and urban planners. Almost ten years later, reconstruction work is still ongoing. This paper introduces specifically Japanese architects’ involvement during the three phases of recovery: emergency shelter, temporary accommodation and permanent housing. After the first stage of perplexity and doubt, architects gradually stepped up and started initiatives to resolve the disaster victims’ precarious situation. This article outlines some of the architects’ actions through the three phases of recovery since the 3.11 disaster. Each of these temporalities has its issues and challenges which the urban planners, architects and designers tried to solve using their know-how to help rebuild devastated communities.

On the 26th of December 2004, the Tsunami damaged to five provinces in Sri Lanka and more than 40,000 people were displaced, lost, or killed within a short time. After the tsunami, the Government provided three types of houses for the victims (temporary shelters, transitional houses, and permanent houses). The authors conducted several field surveys and interviews in the damaged area to investigate the recovery conditions, and obtained dataset, which had been collected for 13 months since December 2004 by Rebuilding and Development Agency. It shows the construction status of transitional house and permanent house in the damaged areas. This paper demonstrates recovery curves for the transitional houses and the permanent houses. With the aim of constructing post-earthquake recovery curves for Sri Lanka, the factors of time (months) and completion ratio of building construction are used. The obtained curves quantitatively clarify the regional differences in the completion dates and processes of construction. The proposed quantitative methodology will be used for other damaged countries due to the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami. It means that this kind of analysis is essential for investigating post-disaster recovery process because it enables comparative studies of urban/rural planning among different types of post-disaster recovery processes throughout the world.

AbstractObjectiveThe Great East Japan Earthquake, which occurred on March 11, 2011, caused unprecedented damage. To address evacuees’ psychosocial issues, our disaster mental health team provided psychosocial support in the form of careful listening and providing information for reconstruction.MethodsTo summarize evacuees’ psychosocial issues, we reviewed records of our daily activities and analyzed factors related to continuation or termination of support. Terminated support was defined as the resolution or improvement of psychological issues relative to the time of initial support.ResultsBased on logistic regression analysis, living in prefabricated temporary housing (odds ratio [OR]: 0.37; 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.19-0.72), a high number of improved stress symptoms (0.81; 95% CI: 0.67-0.99), and higher support frequency (0.84; 95% CI: 0.78-0.90) were significantly associated with a lower likelihood of continuing support. Conversely, economic and resettlement issues (2.75; 95% CI: 1.63-4.64) and high numbers of stress symptoms (1.24; 95% CI: 1.06-1.45) were strongly and significantly associated with continuing support, particularly in the mid- to long-term phase following the earthquake (ie, after August 1, 2011). No significant association was found between support status and alcohol problems or disaster-related experiences (eg, loss of family or housing).ConclusionOur findings highlight the need to be aware of evacuees’ social issues such as resettlement in the mid- to long-term post-disaster phase. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2017;11:439–450)

Sanitation is an integral part of healthy living conditions. It is identified in various legal instruments in the form of right to adequate housing, health, water, etc. These rights are closely interlinked. The enforcement of these rights is dependent upon sanitation facilities. Sanitation remains one of the most neglected issues having serious implication on the lives and livelihoods of billions of people around the world. This paper contends that India being extremely disaster prone, sanitation is one of the crucial areas which require immediate attention in the aftermath of every disaster. Whether it is the Indian Ocean Tsunami (2004) or Aila (2009), the government failed to provide adequate sanitation facilities in most of the temporary shelters. The lack of inadequate drainage facilities, dysfunctional state of toilets, and absence of sufficient drinking water had resulted in unhygienic conditions. The paper cites various international instruments pertaining to the scope and importance of protection of right to water and sanitation during disasters. The Supreme Court of India has conceptualized ̳right to sanitation‘ within the meaning of ̳right to life‘ as guaranteed under our Constitution. Though sanitation has found mention in various domestic legislation including the Disaster Management Act, 2005, the scenario is far from encouraging. The paper identifies indifference of authorities towards the problem, unscientific construction of shelters and theory oriented policies as causes responsible for the failure to address the issue of adequate sanitation. The paper offers certain suggestions to ensure a comprehensive policy safeguarding right to adequate sanitation in post disaster situations.

Shipping Containers (SC) are a viable option as temporary or permanent housing for disaster victims due to their modularity, strength, and availability in large quantities around the world. While SCs as alternative housing has been extensively explored, few studies have focused on the structural and thermal performance of SCs in a tropical monsoon climate. This paper aims to contribute to a better knowledge of SC building construction by (1) investigating the SCs structural performance when subjected to a variety of loads, including gravity, earthquake, and very strong typhoon, and (2) assessing the thermal performance in a hot and humid climate. The case of Leyte, Philippines, a hot, humid, and typhoon-frequented region, is considered in this study. To meet the objectives, two SCs were combined to build a single-family house. First, the structural strength of the SCs, including the effect of cuts and openings, were investigated using finite element analysis. Second, the thermal condition of the SC was compared using four models with different insulation materials: no insulation, PE foam insulation (R-12), slightly higher insulation (R-13 fiberglass batt), and very high insulation (R-49 fiberglass batt) through building energy simulation. The paper concludes that SCs have inherently high strength and can withstand strong wind and earthquake. Stresses due to cuts and openings were minimized when the cuts/openings were placed far from the corner posts. On the other hand, increasing insulation R-value did not improve the indoor thermal condition of the SCs. More work needs to be done on making SCs thermally comfortable in hot and humid climates. Doi: 10.28991/cej-2021-03091735 Full Text: PDF

Purpose of the study: This study aims to explore the role of government and non-government actors and analyze the dynamics of the multi-actor's role in the phase of infrastructure development after the Sunda Strait tsunami disaster in South Lampung Regency, Indonesia. Methodology: The study was conducted in a qualitative approach that analyzes regulative, technical, and implementation aspects. Data is collected from the local government, parliament, community leaders, and private organizations—data collection through in-depth interviews with 20 informants, observation, and documentation. Meanwhile, data analysis was carried out using interactive analysis with the use of data type and data sources triangulation. Main Findings: The results of the study identified the involvement of government, community, and private organizations in the post-disaster phase, which had a positive impact on refugees. Dynamics occur at the stage of temporary and permanent housing development, where there is a change in the role of district, provincial and private governments and community institutions. Applications of this study: The results of this study can be a reference in managing the role and managing the dynamics that occur in the interaction between actors in disaster management in local governments. Novelty/Originality of this study: This research shows the dynamics of the role of actors in disaster management, which fluctuate but are not accommodated institutionally, even though the potential of this group can strengthen disaster management governance and build an active collaborative model in post-disaster management. The findings can be useful in strengthening government networks in disaster management in various regions and countries.

The 2013 flood resulted in devastating impacts for immigrant children, youth, and families in Alberta, Canada. This article presents the findings of the Alberta Resilient Communities (ARC) Project, a collaborative research initiative that aimed to better understand the social, economic, health, cultural, spiritual, and personal factors that contribute to resiliency among children and youth. The study findings indicate that immigrant children and youth resilience is tied to four main themes: 1) Constructive parental responses; 2) Effective school support; 3) Active involvement in/with community; and 4) Connections between disasters and the environment. Community influencer participants revealed flood recovery challenges experienced by immigrant families that affected their settlement and integration at the community level. Major themes include: (1) Loss of documentation; (2) Provision of temporary housing and accommodation; and (3) Rethinking diversity in disaster management. The study findings demonstrate that immigrants faced significant socio-economic impacts, trauma, job loss, and housing instability as a result of the flood and its aftermath. Challenges such as limited social ties within and beyond the immigrant community, limited official language fluency, and immigration status contributed to their vulnerability. Immigrant children and youth with positive support from their immigrant parents were found to be more resilient, integrated, and engaged in the community. Recommendations for disaster and emergency management agencies to address diversity factors such as immigration status, language, age, and culture that shape long-term disaster recovery experience are provided. Schools, immigrant parents, and community connections were found to play a key role in fostering immigrant child and youth resilience post-disaster.

Bamboo has been used for a long time as a material for simple to complex structures. Many advantages of bamboo as a building material makes it suitable for buildings in disaster-prone areas. Bamboo is however prone to humidity, which could cause fungi and moss to emerge and endanger the building structure. Pedestal foundation made of concrete or stone is often used to reduce this risk as for its action as a barrier of direct contact between soil and bamboo. Nevertheless, water from damp soil or rainwater can still penetrate the foundation by capillary transmission through the foundation’s pores. This research proposed a hollow pedestal foundation model with larger pores and compared its ability to reduce moisture on bamboo columns to an ordinary pedestal foundation. The case study is a temporary post-disaster housing project of 13 houses in Muntilan, Central Java, Indonesia, which was built on an active rice field. Visual examination showed that after 5 years of occupancy, bamboo houses built on hollow pedestal foundations still firmly stood without apparent attacks of fungi or overgrowing mold, whereas the moisture measurement showed that the usage of hollow pedestal foundation could reduce the humidity level in the bamboo column almost twice as fast compared to solid pedestal foundation.

In the year 2000, a team from Istanbul Technical University (ITU) developed the “Urban m3 - Respect for Life Project”, which was aimed at providing shelter for those people who were left homeless as a consequence of the earthquake in 1999, in the districts of Arizli-Kocaeli in Turkey. This earthquake had a catastrophic effect on one of the most densely populated and industrial regions of Turkey whose population accounts about 20 percent of Turkey's total population. In addition to providing shelter, the major objective of this project was to re-establish those humanistic and natural values that had been lost or obscured in respect of the traditional, Turkish life-style and culture, as a result of the rapid urban-isation which took place after the 1950s. In 2000, research was conducted to evaluate the prospective residents' preferences in respect of their future housing and its environment needs. For this purpose, 400 people, who had been living in temporary housing in the area affected by the earthquake, were the target group of an in-depth survey. The main objective of the study was to determine whether the prospective residents' perceptions and evaluations matched the project designed by the ITU's team. It was assumed within the project planning and design that people would prefer the socially, and physically rich environment offered by the project. Based on the research findings, the ideology, philosophy and concepts underlying the “Urban m3 - Respect for Life Project” could be evaluated as an altenative design approach, which provides not only environmental protection and disaster mitigation, but also a high level of socio-cultural satisfaction. Thus, the paper suggests strategies for improved post-disaster (re-)construction.

ABSTRACTBackground: In August 2005, New Orleans was hit by Hurricane Katrina, the costliest natural disaster in US history. Previous studies have shown an increase in acute myocardial infarction (AMI) in the immediate hours to weeks after natural disasters. The goals of our study were to detect any long-term increase in the incidence of AMI after Katrina and to investigate any pertinent contributing factors.Methods: This was a single-center retrospective cohort observational study. Patients admitted with AMI to Tulane Health Sciences Center hospital in the 2 years before Katrina and in the 2 years after the hospital reopened (5 months after Katrina) were identified from hospital records. The 2 groups (pre- and post-Katrina) were compared for prespecified demographic and clinical data.Results: In the post-Katrina group, there were 246 admissions for AMI, out of a total census of 11,282 patients (2.18%), as compared with 150 AMI admissions out of a total of 21,229 patients (0.71%) in the pre-Katrina group (P < 0.0001). The post-Katrina group had a significantly higher prevalence of unemployment (P = 0.0003), lack of medical insurance (P < 0.0001), medication noncompliance (P = 0.0001), smoking (P = 0.001), substance abuse (P = 0.03), first-time hospitalization (P < 0.001), local residents rather than visitors affected (P < 0.0001), and people living in temporary housing (P = 0.003).Discussion: The role of chronic stress in the pathogenesis of AMI is poorly understood, especially in the aftermath of natural disasters. Our data suggest that Katrina was associated with prolonged loss of employment and insurance, decreased access to preventive health services, and an increased incidence of AMI. In addition, it appears that chronic stress after a natural disaster can be associated with tobacco abuse and medication and therapeutic noncompliance.Conclusions: We found a 3-fold increased incidence of AMI more than 2 years after Hurricane Katrina. Even allowing for the loss of some local hospitals after the disaster, this represents a significant change in overall health of the study population and supports the need for further study into the health effects of chronic stress. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2009;3:144–150)

In this issue of Journal of Disaster Research, we introduce nine papers on societal responses to recent catastrophic disasters with special focus on long-term recovery processes in Japan and the United States. As disaster impacts increase, we also find that recovery times take longer and the processes for recovery become more complicated. On January 17th of 1995, a magnitude 7.2 earthquake hit the Hanshin and Awaji regions of Japan, resulting in the largest disaster in Japan in 50 years. In this disaster which we call the Kobe earthquake hereafter, over 6,000 people were killed and the damage and losses totaled more than 100 billion US dollars. The long-term recovery from the Kobe earthquake disaster took more than ten years to complete. One of the most important responsibilities of disaster researchers has been to scientifically monitor and record the long-term recovery process following this unprecedented disaster and discern the lessons that can be applied to future disasters. The first seven papers in this issue present some of the key lessons our research team learned from the studying the long-term recovery following the Kobe earthquake disaster. We have two additional papers that deal with two recent disasters in the United States – the terrorist attacks on World Trade Center in New York on September 11 of 2001 and the devastation of New Orleans by the 2005 Hurricane Katrina and subsequent levee failures. These disasters have raised a number of new research questions about long-term recovery that US researchers are studying because of the unprecedented size and nature of these disasters’ impacts. Mr. Mammen’s paper reviews the long-term recovery processes observed at and around the World Trade Center site over the last six years. Ms. Johnson’s paper provides a detailed account of the protracted reconstruction planning efforts in the city of New Orleans to illustrate a set of sufficient and necessary conditions for successful recovery. All nine papers in this issue share a theoretical framework for long-term recovery processes which we developed based first upon the lessons learned from the Kobe earthquake and later expanded through observations made following other recent disasters in the world. The following sections provide a brief description of each paper as an introduction to this special issue. 1. The Need for Multiple Recovery Goals After the 1995 Kobe earthquake, the long-term recovery process began with the formulation of disaster recovery plans by the City of Kobe – the most severely impacted municipality – and an overarching plan by Hyogo Prefecture which coordinated 20 impacted municipalities; this planning effort took six months. Before the Kobe earthquake, as indicated in Mr. Maki’s paper in this issue, Japanese theories about, and approaches to, recovery focused mainly on physical recovery, particularly: the redevelopment plans for destroyed areas; the location and standards for housing and building reconstruction; and, the repair and rehabilitation of utility systems. But the lingering problems of some of the recent catastrophes in Japan and elsewhere indicate that there are multiple dimensions of recovery that must be considered. We propose that two other key dimensions are economic recovery and life recovery. The goal of economic recovery is the revitalization of the local disaster impacted economy, including both major industries and small businesses. The goal of life recovery is the restoration of the livelihoods of disaster victims. The recovery plans formulated following the 1995 Kobe earthquake, including the City of Kobe’s and Hyogo Prefecture’s plans, all stressed these two dimensions in addition to physical recovery. The basic structure of both the City of Kobe’s and Hyogo Prefecture’s recovery plans are summarized in Fig. 1. Each plan has three elements that work simultaneously. The first and most basic element of recovery is the restoration of damaged infrastructure. This helps both physical recovery and economic recovery. Once homes and work places are recovered, Life recovery of the impacted people can be achieved as the final goal of recovery. Figure 2 provides a “recovery report card” of the progress made by 2006 – 11 years into Kobe’s recovery. Infrastructure was restored in two years, which was probably the fastest infrastructure restoration ever, after such a major disaster; it astonished the world. Within five years, more than 140,000 housing units were constructed using a variety of financial means and ownership patterns, and exceeding the number of demolished housing units. Governments at all levels – municipal, prefectural, and national – provided affordable public rental apartments. Private developers, both local and national, also built condominiums and apartments. Disaster victims themselves also invested a lot to reconstruct their homes. Eleven major redevelopment projects were undertaken and all were completed in 10 years. In sum, the physical recovery following the 1995 Kobe earthquake was extensive and has been viewed as a major success. In contrast, economic recovery and life recovery are still underway more than 13 years later. Before the Kobe earthquake, Japan’s policy approaches to recovery assumed that economic recovery and life recovery would be achieved by infusing ample amounts of public funding for physical recovery into the disaster area. Even though the City of Kobe’s and Hyogo Prefecture’s recovery plans set economic recovery and life recovery as key goals, there was not clear policy guidance to accomplish them. Without a clear articulation of the desired end-state, economic recovery programs for both large and small businesses were ill-timed and ill-matched to the needs of these businesses trying to recover amidst a prolonged slump in the overall Japanese economy that began in 1997. “Life recovery” programs implemented as part of Kobe’s recovery were essentially social welfare programs for low-income and/or senior citizens. 2. Requirements for Successful Physical Recovery Why was the physical recovery following the 1995 Kobe earthquake so successful in terms of infrastructure restoration, the replacement of damaged housing units, and completion of urban redevelopment projects? There are at least three key success factors that can be applied to other disaster recovery efforts: 1) citizen participation in recovery planning efforts, 2) strong local leadership, and 3) the establishment of numerical targets for recovery. Citizen participation As pointed out in the three papers on recovery planning processes by Mr. Maki, Mr. Mammen, and Ms. Johnson, citizen participation is one of the indispensable factors for successful recovery plans. Thousands of citizens participated in planning workshops organized by America Speaks as part of both the World Trade Center and City of New Orleans recovery planning efforts. Although no such workshops were held as part of the City of Kobe’s recovery planning process, citizen participation had been part of the City of Kobe’s general plan update that had occurred shortly before the earthquake. The City of Kobe’s recovery plan is, in large part, an adaptation of the 1995-2005 general plan. On January 13 of 1995, the City of Kobe formally approved its new, 1995-2005 general plan which had been developed over the course of three years with full of citizen participation. City officials, responsible for drafting the City of Kobe’s recovery plan, have later admitted that they were able to prepare the city’s recovery plan in six months because they had the preceding three years of planning for the new general plan with citizen participation. Based on this lesson, Odiya City compiled its recovery plan based on the recommendations obtained from a series of five stakeholder workshops after the 2004 Niigata Chuetsu earthquake. <strong>Fig. 1. </strong> Basic structure of recovery plans from the 1995 Kobe earthquake. <strong>Fig. 2. </strong> “Disaster recovery report card” of the progress made by 2006. Strong leadership In the aftermath of the Kobe earthquake, local leadership had a defining role in the recovery process. Kobe’s former Mayor, Mr. Yukitoshi Sasayama, was hired to work in Kobe City government as an urban planner, rebuilding Kobe following World War II. He knew the city intimately. When he saw damage in one area on his way to the City Hall right after the earthquake, he knew what levels of damage to expect in other parts of the city. It was he who called for the two-month moratorium on rebuilding in Kobe city on the day of the earthquake. The moratorium provided time for the city to formulate a vision and policies to guide the various levels of government, private investors, and residents in rebuilding. It was a quite unpopular policy when Mayor Sasayama announced it. Citizens expected the city to be focusing on shelters and mass care, not a ban on reconstruction. Based on his experience in rebuilding Kobe following WWII, he was determined not to allow haphazard reconstruction in the city. It took several years before Kobe citizens appreciated the moratorium. Numerical targets Former Governor Mr. Toshitami Kaihara provided some key numerical targets for recovery which were announced in the prefecture and municipal recovery plans. They were: 1) Hyogo Prefecture would rebuild all the damaged housing units in three years, 2) all the temporary housing would be removed within five years, and 3) physical recovery would be completed in ten years. All of these numerical targets were achieved. Having numerical targets was critical to directing and motivating all the stakeholders including the national government’s investment, and it proved to be the foundation for Japan’s fundamental approach to recovery following the 1995 earthquake. 3. Economic Recovery as the Prime Goal of Disaster Recovery In Japan, it is the responsibility of the national government to supply the financial support to restore damaged infrastructure and public facilities in the impacted area as soon as possible. The long-term recovery following the Kobe earthquake is the first time, in Japan’s modern history, that a major rebuilding effort occurred during a time when there was not also strong national economic growth. In contrast, between 1945 and 1990, Japan enjoyed a high level of national economic growth which helped facilitate the recoveries following WWII and other large fires. In the first year after the Kobe earthquake, Japan’s national government invested more than US$ 80 billion in recovery. These funds went mainly towards the repair and reconstruction of infrastructure and public facilities. Now, looking back, we can also see that these investments also nearly crushed the local economy. Too much money flowed into the local economy over too short a period of time and it also did not have the “trickle-down” effect that might have been intended. To accomplish numerical targets for physical recovery, the national government awarded contracts to large companies from Osaka and Tokyo. But, these large out-of-town contractors also tended to have their own labor and supply chains already intact, and did not use local resources and labor, as might have been expected. Essentially, ten years of housing supply was completed in less than three years, which led to a significant local economic slump. Large amounts of public investment for recovery are not necessarily a panacea for local businesses, and local economic recovery, as shown in the following two examples from the Kobe earthquake. A significant national investment was made to rebuild the Port of Kobe to a higher seismic standard, but both its foreign export and import trade never recovered to pre-disaster levels. While the Kobe Port was out of business, both the Yokohama Port and the Osaka Port increased their business, even though many economists initially predicted that the Kaohsiung Port in Chinese Taipei or the Pusan Port in Korea would capture this business. Business stayed at all of these ports even after the reopening of the Kobe Port. Similarly, the Hanshin Railway was severely damaged and it took half a year to resume its operation, but it never regained its pre-disaster readership. In this case, two other local railway services, the JR and Hankyu lines, maintained their increased readership even after the Hanshin railway resumed operation. As illustrated by these examples, pre-disaster customers who relied on previous economic output could not necessarily afford to wait for local industries to recover and may have had to take their business elsewhere. Our research suggests that the significant recovery investment made by Japan’s national government may have been a disincentive for new economic development in the impacted area. Government may have been the only significant financial risk-taker in the impacted area during the national economic slow-down. But, its focus was on restoring what had been lost rather than promoting new or emerging economic development. Thus, there may have been a missed opportunity to provide incentives or put pressure on major businesses and industries to develop new businesses and attract new customers in return for the public investment. The significant recovery investment by Japan’s national government may have also created an over-reliance of individuals on public spending and government support. As indicated in Ms. Karatani’s paper, individual savings of Kobe’s residents has continued to rise since the earthquake and the number of individuals on social welfare has also decreased below pre-disaster levels. Based on our research on economic recovery from the Kobe earthquake, at least two lessons emerge: 1) Successful economic recovery requires coordination among all three recovery goals – Economic, Physical and Life Recovery, and 2) “Recovery indices” are needed to better chart recovery progress in real-time and help ensure that the recovery investments are being used effectively. Economic recovery as the prime goal of recovery Physical recovery, especially the restoration of infrastructure and public facilities, may be the most direct and socially accepted provision of outside financial assistance into an impacted area. However, lessons learned from the Kobe earthquake suggest that the sheer amount of such assistance may not be effective as it should be. Thus, as shown in Fig. 3, economic recovery should be the top priority goal for recovery among the three goals and serve as a guiding force for physical recovery and life recovery. Physical recovery can be a powerful facilitator of post-disaster economic development by upgrading social infrastructure and public facilities in compliance with economic recovery plans. In this way, it is possible to turn a disaster into an opportunity for future sustainable development. Life recovery may also be achieved with a healthy economic recovery that increases tax revenue in the impacted area. In order to achieve this coordination among all three recovery goals, municipalities in the impacted areas should have access to flexible forms of post-disaster financing. The community development block grant program that has been used after several large disasters in the United States, provide impacted municipalities with a more flexible form of funding and the ability to better determine what to do and when. The participation of key stakeholders is also an indispensable element of success that enables block grant programs to transform local needs into concrete businesses. In sum, an effective economic recovery combines good coordination of national support to restore infrastructure and public facilities and local initiatives that promote community recovery. Developing Recovery Indices Long-term recovery takes time. As Mr. Tatsuki’s paper explains, periodical social survey data indicates that it took ten years before the initial impacts of the Kobe earthquake were no longer affecting the well-being of disaster victims and the recovery was completed. In order to manage this long-term recovery process effectively, it is important to have some indices to visualize the recovery processes. In this issue, three papers by Mr. Takashima, Ms. Karatani, and Mr. Kimura define three different kinds of recovery indices that can be used to continually monitor the progress of the recovery. Mr. Takashima focuses on electric power consumption in the impacted area as an index for impact and recovery. Chronological change in electric power consumption can be obtained from the monthly reports of power company branches. Daily estimates can also be made by tracking changes in city lights using a satellite called DMSP. Changes in city lights can be a very useful recovery measure especially at the early stages since it can be updated daily for anywhere in the world. Ms. Karatani focuses on the chronological patterns of monthly macro-statistics that prefecture and city governments collect as part of their routine monitoring of services and operations. For researchers, it is extremely costly and virtually impossible to launch post-disaster projects that collect recovery data continuously for ten years. It is more practical for researchers to utilize data that is already being collected by local governments or other agencies and use this data to create disaster impact and recovery indices. Ms. Karatani found three basic patterns of disaster impact and recovery in the local government data that she studied: 1) Some activities increased soon after the disaster event and then slumped, such as housing construction; 2) Some activities reduced sharply for a period of time after the disaster and then rebounded to previous levels, such as grocery consumption; and 3) Some activities reduced sharply for a while and never returned to previous levels, such as the Kobe Port and Hanshin Railway. Mr. Kimura focuses on the psychology of disaster victims. He developed a “recovery and reconstruction calendar” that clarifies the process that disaster victims undergo in rebuilding their shattered lives. His work is based on the results of random surveys. Despite differences in disaster size and locality, survey data from the 1995 Kobe earthquake and the 2004 Niigata-ken Chuetsu earthquake indicate that the recovery and reconstruction calendar is highly reliable and stable in clarifying the recovery and reconstruction process. <strong>Fig. 3.</strong> Integrated plan of disaster recovery. 4. Life Recovery as the Ultimate Goal of Disaster Recovery Life recovery starts with the identification of the disaster victims. In Japan, local governments in the impacted area issue a “damage certificate” to disaster victims by household, recording the extent of each victim’s housing damage. After the Kobe earthquake, a total of 500,000 certificates were issued. These certificates, in turn, were used by both public and private organizations to determine victim’s eligibility for individual assistance programs. However, about 30% of those victims who received certificates after the Kobe earthquake were dissatisfied with the results of assessment. This caused long and severe disputes for more than three years. Based on the lessons learned from the Kobe earthquake, Mr. Horie’s paper presents (1) a standardized procedure for building damage assessment and (2) an inspector training system. This system has been adopted as the official building damage assessment system for issuing damage certificates to victims of the 2004 Niigata-ken Chuetsu earthquake, the 2007 Noto-Peninsula earthquake, and the 2007 Niigata-ken Chuetsu Oki earthquake. Personal and family recovery, which we term life recovery, was one of the explicit goals of the recovery plan from the Kobe earthquake, but it was unclear in both recovery theory and practice as to how this would be measured and accomplished. Now, after studying the recovery in Kobe and other regions, Ms. Tamura’s paper proposes that there are seven elements that define the meaning of life recovery for disaster victims. She recently tested this model in a workshop with Kobe disaster victims. The seven elements and victims’ rankings are shown in Fig. 4. Regaining housing and restoring social networks were, by far, the top recovery indicators for victims. Restoration of neighborhood character ranked third. Demographic shifts and redevelopment plans implemented following the Kobe earthquake forced significant neighborhood changes upon many victims. Next in line were: having a sense of being better prepared and reducing their vulnerability to future disasters; regaining their physical and mental health; and restoration of their income, job, and the economy. The provision of government assistance also provided victims with a sense of life recovery. Mr. Tatsuki’s paper summarizes the results of four random-sample surveys of residents within the most severely impacted areas of Hyogo Prefecture. These surveys were conducted biannually since 1999,. Based on the results of survey data from 1999, 2001, 2003, and 2005, it is our conclusion that life recovery took ten years for victims in the area impacted significantly by the Kobe earthquake. Fig. 5 shows that by comparing the two structural equation models of disaster recovery (from 2003 and 2005), damage caused by the Kobe earthquake was no longer a determinant of life recovery in the 2005 model. It was still one of the major determinants in the 2003 model as it was in 1999 and 2001. This is the first time in the history of disaster research that the entire recovery process has been scientifically described. It can be utilized as a resource and provide benchmarks for monitoring the recovery from future disasters. <strong>Fig. 4.</strong> Ethnographical meaning of “life recovery” obtained from the 5th year review of the Kobe earthquake by the City of Kobe. <strong>Fig. 5.</strong> Life recovery models of 2003 and 2005. 6. The Need for an Integrated Recovery Plan The recovery lessons from Kobe and other regions suggest that we need more integrated recovery plans that use physical recovery as a tool for economic recovery, which in turn helps disaster victims. Furthermore, we believe that economic recovery should be the top priority for recovery, and physical recovery should be regarded as a tool for stimulating economic recovery and upgrading social infrastructure (as shown in Fig. 6). With this approach, disaster recovery can help build the foundation for a long-lasting and sustainable community. Figure 6 proposes a more detailed model for a more holistic recovery process. The ultimate goal of any recovery process should be achieving life recovery for all disaster victims. We believe that to get there, both direct and indirect approaches must be taken. Direct approaches include: the provision of funds and goods for victims, for physical and mental health care, and for housing reconstruction. Indirect approaches for life recovery are those which facilitate economic recovery, which also has both direct and indirect approaches. Direct approaches to economic recovery include: subsidies, loans, and tax exemptions. Indirect approaches to economic recovery include, most significantly, the direct projects to restore infrastructure and public buildings. More subtle approaches include: setting new regulations or deregulations, providing technical support, and creating new businesses. A holistic recovery process needs to strategically combine all of these approaches, and there must be collaborative implementation by all the key stakeholders, including local governments, non-profit and non-governmental organizations (NPOs and NGOs), community-based organizations (CBOs), and the private sector. Therefore, community and stakeholder participation in the planning process is essential to achieve buy-in for the vision and desired outcomes of the recovery plan. Securing the required financial resources is also critical to successful implementation. In thinking of stakeholders, it is important to differentiate between supporting entities and operating agencies. Supporting entities are those organizations that supply the necessary funding for recovery. Both Japan’s national government and the federal government in the U.S. are the prime supporting entities in the recovery from the 1995 Kobe earthquake and the 2001 World Trade Center recovery. In Taiwan, the Buddhist organization and the national government of Taiwan were major supporting entities in the recovery from the 1999 Chi-Chi earthquake. Operating agencies are those organizations that implement various recovery measures. In Japan, local governments in the impacted area are operating agencies, while the national government is a supporting entity. In the United States, community development block grants provide an opportunity for many operating agencies to implement various recovery measures. As Mr. Mammen’ paper describes, many NPOs, NGOs, and/or CBOs in addition to local governments have had major roles in implementing various kinds programs funded by block grants as part of the World Trade Center recovery. No one, single organization can provide effective help for all kinds of disaster victims individually or collectively. The needs of disaster victims may be conflicting with each other because of their diversity. Their divergent needs can be successfully met by the diversity of operating agencies that have responsibility for implementing recovery measures. In a similar context, block grants made to individual households, such as microfinance, has been a vital recovery mechanism for victims in Thailand who suffered from the 2004 Sumatra earthquake and tsunami disaster. Both disaster victims and government officers at all levels strongly supported the microfinance so that disaster victims themselves would become operating agencies for recovery. Empowering individuals in sustainable life recovery is indeed the ultimate goal of recovery. <strong>Fig. 6.</strong> A holistic recovery policy model.

Abstract- Java Island is one of many islands which has a lot of active volcanoes and also intersected by many active tectonic plates, which cause the locals of the island to be vulnerable and exposed to natural disaster. High population in the island causes the evacuation and post-disaster handling become difficult. One solution to answer the needs of livable housings is temporary shelter. But, many temporary shelters are designed and developed with too many modern features, which caused the shelters to be expensive and hard to be built with participatory methods. Therefore, the idea to adapt Joglo architecture capability of knock-down system as temporary shelter is developed. The research aims to: (1) know the strength and weakness of Joglo architecture as post-earthquake temporary shelter; and (2) develop design prototypes of temporary shelters which adapt Joglo architectureThe methods used in this research is experimental research, which focused on designs that adapt the ability of knock-down in Joglo architecture and later applied in temporary shelters. The data used to support the research are design guidelines and criteria of temporary shelters stated by UNHCR (2011) and the functionality and technical aspects of Joglo architecture composed by Frick (1997). After analyzing the data of Joglo architecture, then the result will be analyzed again with the design criteria of temporary shelters in effectivity and efficiency aspects. The next phase is stating the strengths and weaknesses of Joglo architecture as temporary shelter.These strengths will be developed, meanwhile the weakness will be handled without diminishing the existing potentials of Joglo architecture as temporary shelter. The final phase is developing 2 types of temporary shelters design prototypes, which have alternatives based on the construction material; coconut wood (type I) and wulung bamboo (type II). These materials are used in order to replace the authentic material of Joglo, teak wood, which is not efficient as temporary shelters structural material. These 2 types of temporary shelters are able to fulfil the design criteria of temporary shelter, because these prototypes are functional (effective) and able to fulfil technical requirements (efficient). Along with this research, the writer hoped that in the future there will be many traditional architectures which will be adapted as a solution to respond the issue of post-disaster architecture. Key Words: Joglo, knock-down, temporary shelter, post-earthquake

This study contributes to an in-depth examination of how Wenchuan earthquake disaster survivors utilize intensive built environment reconstruction outcomes (housing and infrastructural systems) to facilitate their long-term social and economic recovery and sustainable rural development. Post-disaster recovery administered via top-down disaster management systems usually consists of two phases: a short-term, government-led reconstruction (STGLR) of the built environment and a long-term, survivor-led recovery (LTSLR) of human and social settings. However, current studies have been inadequate in examining how rural disaster survivors have adapted to their new government-provided housing or how communities conducted their long-term recovery efforts. This qualitative case study invited sixty rural disaster survivors to examine their place-making activities utilizing government-delivered, urban-style residential communities to support their long-term recovery. This study discovered that rural residents’ recovery activities successfully perpetuated their original rural lives and rebuilt social connections and networks both individually and collectively. However, they were only able to manage their agriculture-based livelihood recovery temporarily. This research suggests that engaging rural inhabitants’ place-making expertise and providing opportunities to improve their housing and communities would advance the long-term grassroots recovery of lives and livelihoods, achieving sustainable development.

1. Introduction This Special Issue (Part 2) expands upon the theme “Building Local Capacity for Long-term Disaster Resilience” presented in Special Issue Part 1 (JDR Volume 5, Number 2, April 2010) by examining the evolving concept of disaster resilience and providing additional reflections upon various aspects of its meaning. Part 1 provided a mixed set of examples of resiliency efforts, ranging from administrative challenges of integrating resilience into recovery to the analysis of hazard mitigation plans directed toward guiding local capability for developing resiliency. Resilience was broadly defined in the opening editorial of Special Issue Part 1 as “the capacity of a community to: 1) survive a major disaster, 2) retain essential structure and functions, and 3) adapt to post-disaster opportunities for transforming community structure and functions to meet new challenges.” In this editorial essay we first explore in Section 2 the history of resilience and then locate it within current academic and policy debates. Section 3 presents summaries of the papers in this issue. 2. Why is Resilience a Contemporary Theme? There is growing scholarly and policy interest in disaster resilience. In recent years, engineers [1], sociologists [2], geographers [3], economists [4], public policy analysts [5, 6], urban planners [7], hazards researchers [8], governments [9], and international organizations [10] have all contributed to the literature about this concept. Some authors view resilience as a mechanism for mitigating disaster impacts, with framework objectives such as resistance, absorption, and restoration [5]. Others, who focus on resiliency indicators, see it as an early warning system to assess community resiliency status [3, 8]. Recently, it has emerged as a component of social risk management that seeks to minimize social welfare loss from catastrophic disasters [6]. Manyena [11] traces scholarly exploration of resilience as an operational concept back at least five decades. Interest in resilience began in the 1940s with studies of children and trauma in the family and in the 1970s in the ecology literature as a useful framework to examine and measure the impact of assault or trauma on a defined eco-system component [12]. This led to modeling resilience measures for a variety of components within a defined ecosystem, leading to the realization that the systems approach to resiliency is attractive as a cross-disciplinary construct. The ecosystem analogy however, has limits when applied to disaster studies in that, historically, all catastrophic events have changed the place in which they occurred and a “return to normalcy” does not occur. This is true for modern urban societies as well as traditional agrarian societies. The adoption of “The Hyogo Framework for Action 2005-2015” (also known as The Hyogo Declaration) provides a global linkage and follows the United Nations 1990s International Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction effort. The 2005 Hyogo Declaration’s definition of resilience is: “The capacity of a system, community or society potentially exposed to hazards to adapt by resisting or changing in order to reach and maintain an acceptable level of functioning and structure.” The proposed measurement of resilience in the Hyogo Declaration is determined by “the degree to which the social system is capable of organizing itself to increase this capacity for learning from past disasters for better future protection and to improve risk reduction measures.” While very broad, this definition contains two key concepts: 1) adaptation, and 2) maintaining acceptable levels of functioning and structure. While adaptation requires certain capacities, maintaining acceptable levels of functioning and structure requires resources, forethought, and normative action. Some of these attributes are now reflected in the 2010 National Disaster Recovery Framework published by the U.S. Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) [13]. With the emergence of this new thinking on resilience related to disasters, it is now a good time to reflect on the concept and assess what has recently been said in the literature. Bruneau et al. [1] offer an engineering sciences definition for community seismic resilience: “The ability of social units (e.g., organizations, communities) to mitigate hazards, contain the effects of disasters when they occur, and carry out recovery activities in ways that minimize social disruption and mitigate the effects of future earthquakes.” Rose [4] writes that resiliency is the ability of a system to recover from a severe shock. He distinguishes two types of resilience: (1) inherent – ability under normal circumstances and (2) adaptive – ability in crisis situations due to ingenuity or extra effort. By opening up resilience to categorization he provides a pathway to establish multi-disciplinary approaches, something that is presently lacking in practice. Rose is most concerned with business disruption which can take extensive periods of time to correct. In order to make resource decisions that lower overall societal costs (economic, social, governmental and physical), Rose calls for the establishment of measurements that function as resource decision allocation guides. This has been done in part through risk transfer tools such as private insurance. However, it has not been well-adopted by governments in deciding how to allocate mitigation resources. We need to ask why the interest in resilience has grown? Manyena [11] argues that the concept of resilience has gained currency without obtaining clarity of understanding, definition, substance, philosophical dimensions, or applicability to disaster management and sustainable development theory and practice. It is evident that the “emergency management model” does not itself provide sufficient guidance for policymakers since it is too command-and-control-oriented and does not adequately address mitigation and recovery. Also, large disasters are increasingly viewed as major disruptions of the economic and social conditions of a country, state/province, or city. Lowering post-disaster costs (human life, property loss, economic advancement and government disruption) is being taken more seriously by government and civil society. The lessening of costs is not something the traditional “preparedness” stage of emergency management has concerned itself with; this is an existing void in meeting the expanding interests of government and civil society. The concept of resilience helps further clarify the relationship between risk and vulnerability. If risk is defined as “the probability of an event or condition occurring [14]#8221; then it can be reduced through physical, social, governmental, or economic means, thereby reducing the likelihood of damage and loss. Nothing can be done to stop an earthquake, volcanic eruption, cyclone, hurricane, or other natural event, but the probability of damage and loss from natural and technological hazards can be addressed through structural and non-structural strategies. Vulnerability is the absence of capacity to resist or absorb a disaster impact. Changes in vulnerability can then be achieved by changes in these capacities. In this regard, Franco and Siembieda describe in this issue how coastal cities in Chile had low resilience and high vulnerability to the tsunami generated by the February 2010 earthquake, whereas modern buildings had high resilience and, therefore, were much less vulnerable to the powerful earthquake. We also see how the framework for policy development can change through differing perspectives. Eisner discusses in this issue how local non-governmental social service agencies are building their resilience capabilities to serve target populations after a disaster occurs, becoming self-renewing social organizations and demonstrating what Leonard and Howett [6] term “social resilience.” All of the contributions to this issue illustrate the lowering of disaster impacts and strengthening of capacity (at the household, community or governmental level) for what Alesch [15] terms “post-event viability” – a term reflecting how well a person, business, community, or government functions after a disaster in addition to what they might do prior to a disaster to lessen its impact. Viability might become the definition of recovery if it can be measured or agreed upon. 3. Contents of This Issue The insights provided by the papers in this issue contribute greater clarity to an understanding of resilience, together with its applicability to disaster management. In these papers we find tools and methods, process strategies, and planning approaches. There are five papers focused on local experiences, three on state (prefecture) experiences, and two on national experiences. The papers in this issue reinforce the concept of resilience as a process, not a product, because it is the sum of many actions. The resiliency outcome is the result of multiple inputs from the level of the individual and, at times, continuing up to the national or international organizational level. Through this exploration we see that the “resiliency” concept accepts that people will come into conflict with natural or anthropogenic hazards. The policy question then becomes how to lower the impact(s) of the conflict through “hard or soft” measures (see the Special Issue Part 1 editorial for a discussion of “hard” vs. “soft” resilience). Local level Go Urakawa and Haruo Hayashi illustrate how post-disaster operations for public utilities can be problematic because many practitioners have no direct experience in such operations, noting that the formats and methods normally used in recovery depend on personal skills and effort. They describe how these problems are addressed by creating manuals on measures for effectively implementing post-disaster operations. They develop a method to extract priority operations using business impact analysis (BIA) and project management based business flow diagrams (BFD). Their article effectively illustrates the practical aspects of strengthening the resiliency of public organizations. Richard Eisner presents the framework used to initiate the development and implementation of a process to create disaster resilience in faith-based and community-based organizations that provide services to vulnerable populations in San Francisco, California. A major project outcome is the Disaster Resilience Standard for Community- and Faith-Based Service Providers. This “standard” has general applicability for use by social service agencies in the public and non-profit sectors. Alejandro Linayo addresses the growing issue of technological risk in cities. He argues for the need to understand an inherent conflict between how we occupy urban space and the technological risks created by hazardous chemicals, radiation, oil and gas, and other hazardous materials storage and movement. The paper points out that information and procedural gaps exist in terms of citizen knowledge (the right to know) and local administrative knowledge (missing expertise). Advances and experience accumulated by the Venezuela Disaster Risk Management Research Center in identifying and integrating technological risk treatment for the city of Merida, Venezuela, are highlighted as a way to move forward. L. Teresa Guevara-Perez presents the case that certain urban zoning requirements in contemporary cities encourage and, in some cases, enforce the use of building configurations that have been long recognized by earthquake engineering as seismically vulnerable. Using Western Europe and the Modernist architectural movement, she develops the historical case for understanding discrepancies between urban zoning regulations and seismic codes that have led to vulnerable modern building configurations, and traces the international dissemination of architectural and urban planning concepts that have generated vulnerability in contemporary cities around the world. Jung Eun Kang, Walter Gillis Peacock, and Rahmawati Husein discuss an assessment protocol for Hazard Mitigation Plans applied to 12 coastal hazard zone plans in the state of Texas in the U.S. The components of these plans are systematically examined in order to highlight their respective strengths and weaknesses. The authors describe an assessment tool, the plan quality score (PQS), composed of seven primary components (vision statement, planning process, fact basis, goals and objectives, inter-organizational coordination, policies & actions, and implementation), as well as a component quality score (CQS). State (Prefecture) level Charles Real presents the Natural Hazard Zonation Policies for Land Use Planning and Development in California in the U.S. California has established state-level policies that utilize knowledge of where natural hazards are more likely to occur to enhance the effectiveness of land use planning as a tool for risk mitigation. Experience in California demonstrates that a combination of education, outreach, and mutually supporting policies that are linked to state-designated natural hazard zones can form an effective framework for enhancing the role of land use planning in reducing future losses from natural disasters. Norio Maki, Keiko Tamura, and Haruo Hayashi present a method for local government stakeholders involved in pre-disaster plan making to describe performance measures through the formulation of desired outcomes. Through a case study approach, Nara and Kyoto Prefectures’ separate experiences demonstrate how to conduct Strategic Earthquake Disaster Reduction Plans and Action Plans that have deep stakeholder buy-in and outcome measurability. Nara’s plan was prepared from 2,015 stakeholder ideas and Kyoto’s plan was prepared from 1,613 stakeholder ideas. Having a quantitative target for individual objectives ensures the measurability of plan progress. Both jurisdictions have undertaken evaluations of plan outcomes. Sandy Meyer, Eugene Henry, Roy E. Wright and Cynthia A. Palmer present the State of Florida in the U.S. and its experience with pre-disaster planning for post-disaster redevelopment. Drawing upon the lessons learned from the impacts of the 2004 and 2005 hurricane seasons, local governments and state leaders in Florida sought to find a way to encourage behavior that would create greater community resiliency in 2006. The paper presents initial efforts to develop a post-disaster redevelopment plan (PDRP), including the experience of a pilot county. National level Bo-Yao Lee provides a national perspective: New Zealand’s approach to emergency management, where all hazard risks are addressed through devolved accountability. This contemporary approach advocates collaboration and coordination, aiming to address all hazard risks through the “4Rs” – reduction, readiness, response, and recovery. Lee presents the impact of the Resource Management Act (1991), the Civil Defence Emergency Management Act (2002), and the Building Act (2004) that comprise the key legislation influencing and promoting integrated management for environment and hazard risk management. Guillermo Franco and William Siembieda provide a field assessment of the February 27, 2010, M8.8 earthquake and tsunami event in Chile. The papers present an initial damage and life-loss review and assessment of seismic building resiliency and the country’s rapid updating of building codes that have undergone continuous improvement over the past 60 years. The country’s land use planning system and its emergency management system are also described. The role of insurance coverage reveals problems in seismic coverage for homeowners. The unique role of the Catholic Church in providing temporary shelter and the central government’s five-point housing recovery plan are presented. A weakness in the government’s emergency management system’s early tsunami response system is noted. Acknowledgements The Editorial Committee extends its sincere appreciation to both the contributors and the JDR staff for their patience and determination in making Part 2 of this special issue possible. Thanks also to the reviewers for their insightful analytic comments and suggestions. Finally, the Committee wishes to again thank Bayete Henderson for his keen and thorough editorial assistance and copy editing support.

Housing is perhaps the most common component of a community’s manufactured capital wealth stocks damaged or destroyed by natural disasters. Consequently the restoration of housing in the recovery process takes on a paramount significance. This significance is magnified by the complexity of housing restoration and the varying and specialised skill sets required to deliver it. Such complexity is exemplified through both the different phases of post-disaster housing required following a disaster and the role of housing in the broader socio-ecological system of a community. Housing is inextricably linked to livelihoods, physical and mental health, security and social capital. Successful post-disaster restoration of housing must identify and embrace such linkages. This paper explores this notion through examination of the impact of the permanent housing reconstruction of the T. Vilufushi community, Maldives, following the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami, which completely destroyed the island of Vilufushi. The community were temporarily relocated for 4½ years whilst Vilufushi was totally reconstructed by the Government of Maldives and the British Red Cross. Such reconstruction was undertaken to cater for not only the original population of 1800, but also a projected population of 5000, as the Government of Maldives utilised the opportunity afforded by the Tsunami to pursue its longstanding population consolidation policy. The post-occupancy impact of the permanent housing reconstruction program upon the wider socio-ecological system of the Vilufushi community is explored via a qualitative research methodology utilising the four wealth capitals of sustainable development as its analytical framework. Field data collection methods comprised focus group discussions, key informant interviews and observations. This was supplemented with ongoing document collection and review. Data was analysed using a pattern match technique / content analysis, preceding a holistic recovery network analysis. Results of the research indicate that the delivery of the permanent housing on Vilufushi has undermined the human, natural and social capital wealth stocks of the community. The implications are that permanent housing reconstruction needs to be considered as much as a social process, as an engineering process. This in turn, has implications for the skillsets of those charged to deliver such projects, and also the organisations that employ them.

ABSTRACTOlder people are among the most vulnerable in major disasters. In their aftermath, it is crucial to institute efforts that will maintain a high level of elders' quality of life (QoL). This paper presents QoL assessments of elderly survivors five years after the Bam earthquake in Iran, and evaluates the determinants. A cross-sectional analysis of 210 randomly-selected survivors was carried out in 2008 using the WHOQOL-BREF questionnaire. A comparison of the results with data on the general population showed that experiencing the earthquake may adversely affect psychological dimensions of QoL even five years after, but paradoxically the earthquake resulted in better social relationships in affected communities than in the general population. Lower QoL associated with female gender, higher age, living alone, severe earthquake-related injury, poor quality of living conditions, increased dependency in the activities of daily living, living in an urban area, and being temporarily housed. Recovery experts and donors should carry out long-term monitoring of health status and QoL in disaster-affected communities, with a focus on psychological wellbeing. Intervention programmes that emphasise post-disaster quality of care and satisfactory housing may lead to better QoL of the victims and may shorten the recovery phase.

Recovery and reconstruction following major sociocultural upheavals, such as natural disasters and war, result in multiple changes. In addition to loss of life and property, social structures and ways of life are temporarily and sometimes permanently altered. Sources of change are both from within due to loss and damage as well as from the outside through new ideas, relief, and economic aid. Some aspects of change may be viewed positively, as a society measures the benefits, while still other aspects may be worthless or detrimental to the survival of the group.Because of the magnitude of the 1976 Guatemalan Earthquake, as well as the unprecedented outpouring of disaster relief and reconstruction aid, a longitudinal study funded by National Science Foundation was begun in 1977 (18 months after the event) and extended through 1982 (in selected areas). Chiefly because of financial expense, most research studies of disasters are limited to short-term follow-up studies of several weeks to a year after the traumatic event. However, many scientists have urged the importance of doing longitudinal studies (1–3). This study had as an overall goal, the study of the process of recovery over a five year period post-Earthquake. A quasiexperimental design was used to compare the recovery process in 19 experimental and 7 control sites. The overall guiding research question was: Does a catastrophy or social upheaval stimulate the recovery of the society so that the level of living post-disaster is higher than the pre-disaster state? Level of Living was operationalized to include housing conditions, cost of living, as well as quality of life measures. The results of a specific portion of the 1976 Guatemalan Earthquake Study (as it is popularly called), the urban resettlements, is presented in this paper.

Abstract Objective: This study aims to evaluate the long-term impact of living in post-disaster prefabricated temporary housing on social interaction activities and mental health status. Methods: A total of 917 adult residents in a coastal town, whose residences were destroyed by the tsunami caused by the Great East Japan Earthquake (GEJE), were enrolled for the assessment held five years after the disaster. They answered questions about their experience and consequence of living in prefabricated temporary housing after the disaster. Their present scores on five types of self-reported measures regarding the psychosocial or psychiatric status and their present and recalled social interaction activities were cross-sectionally collected. Results: A total of 587 (64.0%) participants had a history of living in prefabricated temporary housing, while the other 330 (36.0%) had not. The prevalence of social interaction activities significantly decreased after the GEJE. However, the experience of living in prefabricated temporary housing did not adversely affect the subsequent social interaction activities or mental conditions of the participants five years after the disaster. Conclusions: Living in post-disaster prefabricated temporary housing may not negatively impact subsequent psychosocial conditions or social interaction activities five years later.

Abstract The significance of post-disaster temporary housing for the victims has led to the problem of designing a good model of temporary housing. According to research hypothesis, using the design of Iranian nomads’ housing instead of common forms of temporary housing contributes to energy saving. Investigating the architecture of nomads’ housing indicates that there is a type of indigenous knowledge for designing and constructing this type of housing. After the study, data collection and a review of the types of Iranian nomads’ housing using library and causal method, thermal simulation was conducted to investigate the effect of changing the temporary housing form inspired by the nomads’ housing on energy consumption. Findings showed that using shapes like Kapars of Baluchistan nomads, wigwams of Shahsavan tribe in Ardabil and mudhifs of Khuzestan will save energy for 36%, 24% and 25%, respectively.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the performance of post-disaster housing reconstruction projects, propose the conceptual living-transforming disaster relief shelter (LTFDR-shelter) approach where temporary shelter is incrementally transformed into a more permanent dwelling by using living technologies and investigate its applicability to provide sustainable post-disaster housing following natural-hazard-induced disasters.Design/methodology/approachA questionnaire survey with 120 household recipients of three Sri Lankan post-disaster housing projects was employed to explore how the post-disaster housing projects have performed against the occupants' expectations. Furthermore, the new proposed LTFDR-shelter conceptual approach's applicability to address the existing issues found in the study was investigated.FindingsThe paper evaluates and identifies the physical and technical, and socio-economic performance issues of post-disaster housing and discusses the applicability of the proposed LTFDR-shelter conceptual approach as an efficient tool to adequately improve the identified factors integrating three phases of relief, rehabilitation and reconstruction employing living technology.Research limitations/implicationsAlthough the study's scope was limited to the occupant view of the performance of post-disaster housing in Sri Lanka, the findings and conceptual LTFDR-shelter approach could be of particular relevance to other developing countries affected by similar disasters. Further research is recommended to investigate and develop this concept in depth.Originality/valueThis study lays the conceptual foundation for a new theoretical approach in post-disaster housing, which encourages more interdisciplinary collaborations and empirical investigations that potentially enhance post-disaster housing performance and facilitates the application of living technology in the built environment.

Most research works have focused predominantly on categorizing temporary houses and have neglected to create an assessment tool for selecting the most optimal temporary housing option based on their performances. This research aims to: (1) investigate the relevant vital indicators affecting the post-disaster temporary house construction process; (2) create a performance indicator (PI) table to help in creating more sustainable and resilient temporary houses; (3) examine each of the existing temporary houses based on the factors derived from the PI table; and (4) create a numerical scale from the evaluation table in order to compare options and measure their performance. This research would act as a guide for stakeholders to find the most appropriate option for the region based on the unique characteristics of the event and the available equipment and facilities

AbstractOne of the main challenges in assisting displaced persons who have lost their homes as a result of a natural hazard is the provision of adequate post-disaster accommodations, such as temporary housing. Although the need for temporary housing has increased around the world in recent years, it has been criticized on economic, environmental, and social grounds. A universal approach to post-disaster accommodations cannot successfully deal with this issue because each recovery process involves a unique set of conditions. Therefore, rather than defining a specific strategy, this study aims to present an approach capable of producing customized strategies based on contextual and social conditions. To this end, first, the main factors influencing the choice of post-disaster accommodations are identified through five case studies. It is concluded that all of the factors can be organized into three main vertices to simplify the highly complex issues involved in post-disaster accommodations. The case studies also show that the decision-making process consists of two main parts. To date, a recurring failure to distinguish between these two parts has led to unsuitable outcomes. Thus, this paper presents a new decision-making methodology, consisting of multiple steps, phases, and indicators based on the main vertices.