Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Pool hopping“

Pool hopping attack is the result of miners leaving the pool when it offers fewer financial rewards and joining back when the rewards of mining yield higher rewards in blockchain networks. This act of leaving and rejoining the pool only during the good times results in the miner receiving more rewards than the computational power they contribute. Miners exiting the pool deprive it of its collective hash power, which leaves the pool unable to mine the block successfully. This results in its competitors mining the block before they can finish mining. Existing research shows pool hopping resistant measures and detection strategies; however, they do not offer any robust preventive solution to discourage miners from leaving the mining pool. To prevent pool hopping attacks, a smart contract-based pool hopping attack prevention model is proposed. The main objective of our research is maintaining the symmetrical relationship between the miners by requiring them all to continually contribute their computational power to successfully mine a block. We implement a ledger containing records of all miners, in the form of a miner certificate, which tracks the history of the miner’s earlier behavior. The certificate enables a pool manager to better initiate terms of the smart contract, which safeguards the interests of existing mining pool members. The model prevents frequent mine hoppers from pool hopping as they submit coins in the form of an escrow and risk losing them if they abandon the pool before completing mining of the block. The key critical factors that every pool hopping attack prevention solution must address and a study of comparative analysis with existing solutions are presented in the paper.

This paper presents numerical simulation and compact modeling of 2,7-Dioctyl {1} benzothieno {3,2-b}{1} benzothiophene (C8-BTBT-C8) organic semiconductor-based TFT. It shows the entire modeling process flow of this organic semiconductor (OSC) and tests the device realization using a ring oscillator. The paper comprises OSC characterisation, band-gap modeling, electrostatic modeling, and capacitance modeling. The TCAD model consists of the Hopping and Pool Frenkel premise and characterizes the Density of State (DOS) for traps in deep and tail states. The findings from this research provide valuable information for improving OTFT models, enhancing their predictive accuracy, and advancing the understanding of organic semiconductor device behavior. The electrostatics demonstrate device structure dependency

In this study we report interface and carrier transport behaviour in Al/HfO2/SiO2/SiC MIS structure. The density of the interface states (Dit) and the oxide trapped charges (Not) are found to be ~7 x 1011 eV-1cm-2 @ Ec-Et = 0.2 eV, and ~ 4.8 x 1011 cm-2. The temperature dependencies on gate current density are explored to study the different charge transport mechanisms through the HfO2-based dielectric stack on 4H-SiC. In the low voltage region, the conduction mechanism is controlled by a space charge limited or electronic hopping conduction process. Beyond this region (1.25 MV/cm <E <2.45MV/cm), leakage current consists of combination of Pool-Frenkel (PF) and Schottky emission The trap energy level is found to be ~0.6 eV. In the higher field region (> 2.5 MV/cm), and at higher temperatures Schottky emission (SE) fits the data very well. The barrier height is found to be ~1.5 eV, which is higher than the value for just HfO2 on SiC

The constant innovation of devices in the semiconductor industry to improve performance to meet very specific demands has led to the study and exploration of a host of new materials. The use of ternary and quaternary materials, organic materials, amorphous silicon are a few examples of promising alternatives to traditional crystalline silicon. However, the use of novel materials presents a unique challenge for a theoretical analysis using device simulation. Traditional device simulation methods are sometimes not enough to capture the nuances of transport. In this paper we study transport through amorphous silicon to evaluate it's role in a-Si/c-Si HIT Cell and it's potential for other device operations by the use of Kinetic Monte Carlo (KMC) method. As an amorphous materials lack long range order, it is near impossible to create a bandstructure for it and conduct Ensemble Monte Carlo (EMC) simulations to study transport through the material. Also, the presence of many defects creates localized states below the conduction band which facilitates hopping transport. As hopping transport happens through a series of capture and emission processes, the time scales of these mechanisms render the use of a traditional EMC unfeasible. It is crucial to understand the nature of the defects/traps that are present in the amorphous material. Understanding defect assisted transport is the key to understanding how the amorphous silicon layer will affect overall device performance. Defect assisted transport (DAT) can be conducted in the amorphous material through various different mechanisms such as capture of carriers by a defect, tunneling emission, Pool-Frenkel emission, defect to defect transition etc. Using the Kinetic Monte Carlo approach we will be able to simulate individual charge carriers that interact with point like defects over a period of time. However, the transient nature of the KMC is not limited to short time scales. Also, the suggested method can be used to study the effect of many transition mechanisms. This method facilitates the simulation of the many individual steps in a Markovian chain that mimics carriers moving through various defects. We study hopping transport through a triangular barrier with use of phonon assisted mechanisms to analyze current and carrier transit times. The distribution function is also analyzed before and after defect assisted transport. One of our primary objectives is to study the role played by the amorphous silicon layer in determining overall device performance of a-Si/c-Si HIT Cell.

In recent years, districts have paid special attention to the common practice of “district hopping,” families bending geographic school assignment rules by sending a child to a school in a district where the child does not formally reside—usually to a district that is more desirable because of higher performing schools or greater educational resources. In several high-profile cases, mothers who engaged in district hopping were charged with “grand theft” of educational services. By situating these cases in the broader context of market-based reforms, we refocus attention on the responses of districts rather than the actions of parents. We argue that increased privatization of education and growing dominance of a “private-goods” model of schooling create the conditions necessary for framing these actions as “theft.”

The field dependences of the electrical conductivity of Pt/diamond-like carbon (DLC)/Pt structures based on thin layers of high-resistivity DLC are studied. It is shown that the nonohmic behavior of theconductance of structures is described by the Frenkel–Poole formula and is related to correlated distribution of charges under conditions of their percolation hopping transport between low-resistance DLC regions.

Thin films of In2Se3 were prepared by thermal evaporation. X-ray diffraction indicated that the as-grown films were amorphous in nature and became polycrystalline γ-In2Se3 films after annealing. The ac conductivity and dielectric properties of In2Se3 films have been investigated in the frequency range 100 Hz–100 kHz. The ac conductivity σ ac is found to be proportional to ωn where n < 1. The temperature dependence of both ac conductivity and the parameter n is reasonably well interpreted by the correlated barrier hopping (CBH) model. The values of dielectric constant ε and loss tangent tan δ were found to increase with frequency and temperature. The ac conductivity of the films was found to be hopping mechanism. In I–V characteristic for different field and temperature were studied and it has been found that the conduction process is Poole–Frenkel type.

A study of the electrical conduction mechanism in polyimide (Kapton) films has been made. The measurements were carried out on films of 12.5 and 25 µm thick in the voltage range of 100 to 3000 V and in the temperature range of 300 to 373 K. The conduction mechanism in the low field region is a hopping type process while the high field phenomenon is a Poole-Frenkel behavior. The activation energy is about 1.1 eV at 100 V and 0.8 eV at 3000 V.

Abstract: The objective of this research is the relevant equations of electrical transport inside a junction device based on metallic oxides like zinc oxides retained on silicon substrate by spray pyrolysis process. Many characteristics, such as the heterojunction diode's non-ideal conduct, electronic conduction of electrons and gaps in the conduction and valence bands, charge carriers caught by trap centers, hopping conduction, and tunnel effect, are used in various conduction processes at electronic junctions. Poole-Frenkel (PF) emission, Schottky emissions, and trap aided tunneling are some of the other conduction mechanisms examined inside forward/reverse bias for ZnO/Si heterojunctions (TAT). This article also confirms, addresses, and elucidates the effect of temperature on the I-V properties of ZnO/Si. https://ecee.colorado.edu/~bart/book/book/chapter3/ch3_9.htm

Charge injection and conduction are fundamental phenomena that occur in dielectric materials when subjected to both low and high electric fields. This paper delves into the exploration of various conduction mechanisms, including space-charge-limited current (SCLC), Schottky charge injection, Poole–Frenkel, and hopping charge conduction, to elucidate the prevailing conduction mechanism in single and multilayer polyimide (PI)/SiO2 nanocomposite films across a range of temperatures. At elevated electric field strengths, the conduction behavior transitions from ohmic to exhibiting a non-linear current–voltage dependence. The investigation highlights that PI nanocomposite films display distinct conduction behaviors contingent on both the applied electric field and temperature conditions. The insights derived from this study provide valuable empirical groundwork and explanations for conducting current measurements in PI-based insulation systems, particularly in applications such as motor insulation for electric vehicles.

Solution-processed core/shell quantum dot films are of great significance for light-emitting diodes. It is well known that the operation of core/shell quantum dot-based light-emitting diodes largely relies on charge transport. However, the charge transport mechanism in quantum dot films is still under debate and inconclusive. Herein, the temperature-dependent charge transport properties of light-emitting core/shell colloidal quantum dot thin films are characterized and analyzed across a wide temperature range, and the charge transport mechanism is studied. The results reveal that Poole–Frenkel emission conduction is applicable in the high-temperature range. With the decrease in the temperature, the measured current can be described by the Efros–Shklovskii variable-range hopping model. It is worth noting that, in both cases, trap states and disorders in the quantum dot film play a very important role in charge transport. These findings are of great importance for optimizing quantum dot light-emitting diodes and understanding the effects of charge transport on the device performance.

After the defection of 13 elected state assemblypersons to former Chief Minister Musa Aman, Sabah’s Warisan-led State Government was forced to dissolve the state legislature on 30 July 2020. As many as 20 parties and 447 candidates took part in the snap poll on 26 September 2020, which saw the Warisan Plus coalition replaced by the Gagasan Rakyat Sabah coalition aligned with Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin. Combing through electoral data, this paper finds three interesting facts. First, the Sabah election outcome was more a reinstatement of status quo in 2018 than a decisive shift of voters’ preference. Second, voters supported incumbents who changed parties as long as they were backed by main parties. Third, two out of five constituencies failed to produce majority winners despite the First-Past-The-Post system. Drawing insights from Cox’s (1997) framework on party reduction, this paper argues that concentration of executivepower at both the federal and state level made the election a contestation of incumbency advantage.Keywords: Sabah, state election, party-hopping, incumbency advantage, wasted votes, clientelism

A discussion of dc conduction mechanisms in thermally co-evaporated amorphous thin films of Al – In 2 O 3– SnO 2– Al structure is presented. Composition (in molar %), film thickness, substrate temperature, and post deposition annealing have profound effects on the electrical properties of the films. The effects of temperature on the I – V characteristics and electrical conductivity of Al – In 2 O 3– SnO 2– Al structure are also reported. The values of dielectric constants estimated by capacitance measurements suggest that high-field conduction mechanism is predominantly of Poole–Frenkel type. At low temperature and low field the electron hopping process dominates but at higher temperature the conduction takes place by transport in the extended states (free-band conduction). The transition from hopping to free band conduction is due to overlapping of localized levels and the free band. The increase in the formation of ionized donors with increase in temperature during electrical measurements indicates that electronic part of the conductivity is higher than the ionic part. The initial increase in conductivity with increase in Sn content in In 2 O 3 lattice is caused by the Sn atom substitution of In atom, giving out one extra electron. The decrease in electrical conductivity above the critical Sn content (10 mol % SnO 2) is caused by the defects formed by Sn atoms, which act as carrier traps rather than electron donors. The increase in electrical conductivity with film thickness is caused by the increase in free carriers density, which is generated by oxygen vacancy acting as two electrons donor. The increase in conductivity with substrate temperature and annealing is due either to the severe deficiency of oxygen, which deteriorates the film properties and reduces the mobility of the carriers or to the diffusion of Sn atoms from interstitial locations into the In cation sites and formation of indium species of lower valence state so that the In 3+ oxidation state may be changed to the In 2+ oxidation state.

In this work, electroluminescence in Metal-Insulator-Semiconductors (MIS) and Metal-Insulator-Metal (MIM)-type structures was studied. These structures were fabricated with single- and double-layer silicon-rich-oxide (SRO) films by means of Hot Filament Chemical Vapor Deposition (HFCVD), gold and indium tin oxide (ITO) were used on silicon and quartz substrates as a back and front contact, respectively. The thickness, refractive indices, and excess silicon of the SRO films were analyzed. The behavior of the MIS and MIM-type structures and the effects of the pristine current-voltage (I-V) curves with high and low conduction states are presented. The structures exhibit different conduction mechanisms as the Ohmic, Poole–Frenkel, Fowler–Nordheim, and Hopping that contribute to carrier transport in the SRO films. These conduction mechanisms are related to the electroluminescence spectra obtained from the MIS and MIM-like structures with SRO films. The electroluminescence present in these structures has shown bright dots in the low current of 36 uA with a voltage of −20 V to −50 V. However, when applied voltages greater than −67 V with 270 uA, a full area with uniform blue light emission is shown.

Optical and electrical properties of cobalt oxide thin films obtained by ion-beam sputtering in argon atmosphere and argon with the addition of oxygen (PAr = 1.1∙10-5 Torr) has been investigated in the work. Optical properties investigations showed that, for films of cobalt oxide obtained in argon atmosphere, the optical band gap is independent of the film thickness and is 3.24 eV, which is in the range of given in the literature for the CoO phase values. For cobalt oxide films obtained in mixed atmosphere of argon with the addition of oxygen, two direct optical transitions with energies of 1.45 and 2.1 eV were detected. The presence of two direct allowed optical transitions is associated with the variable valence of cobalt in the Co3O4 compound and the presence of two valence states Co2+ and Co3+. The dependences of specific electrical conductivity of the synthesized films on the magnitude of the electric field were studied. It was found that for all investigated samples, the electrical conductivity does not depend on the electric field strength up to the value of E = 106 V/m. The nonlinearity of the dependence of specific electrical conductivity of the synthesized films on electric field strength at E > 106 V/m is discussed in terms of the hopping conductivity model and the trap ionization model described by the Poole–Frenkel effect.

TeO2–V2O5–NiO thin films were deposited using thermal evaporation from 40TeO2–([Formula: see text])V2O5–yNiO ([Formula: see text]–30[Formula: see text]mol%) target. Structural analysis of the films was identified by X-ray diffractometry (XRD) and scanning electron microscopy (SEM). The amorphous TeO2–V2O5–NiO films have nanosized clear grain structure and sharp grain boundaries. DC conductivity and current–voltage (I–V) characteristic of TeO2–V2O5–NiO thin films were measured in the temperature range of 300–423[Formula: see text]K. As nickel oxide (NiO) content increases, the DC conductivity decreases up to two orders in value ([Formula: see text]–[Formula: see text][Formula: see text]S[Formula: see text][Formula: see text][Formula: see text]cm[Formula: see text]. Temperature dependence of conductivity is described using the small polaron hopping (SPH) model as well. Poole–Frenkel effect is observed at high external electric field. The optical absorption spectra of the TeO2–V2O5–NiO thin films were recorded in the wavelength range of 380–1100[Formula: see text]nm. The absorption coefficient revealed bandgap shrinkage (3.01–2.3[Formula: see text]eV) and band tail widening, due to an increase in NiO content. Energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (EDX) was used to determine elemental composition. In TeO2–V2O5–NiO thin films, the NiO content is around fifth of the initial target.

We demonstrated the performance of an Al2O3/SiO2 stack layer AlGaN/GaN metal–oxide semiconductor (MOS) high-electron-mobility transistor (HEMT) combined with a dual surface treatment that used tetramethylammonium hydroxide (TMAH) and hydrochloric acid (HCl) with post-gate annealing (PGA) modulation at 400 °C for 10 min. A remarkable reduction in the reverse gate leakage current (IG) up to 1.5×10−12 A/mm (@ VG = −12 V) was observed in the stack layer MOS-HEMT due to the combined treatment. The performance of the dual surface-treated MOS–HEMT was significantly improved, particularly in terms of hysteresis, gate leakage, and subthreshold characteristics, with optimized gate annealing treatment. In addition, an organized gate leakage conduction mechanism in the AlGaN/GaN MOS–HEMT with the Al2O3/SiO2 stack gate dielectric layer was investigated before and after gate annealing treatment and compared with the conventional Schottky gate. The conduction mechanism in the reverse gate bias was Poole–Frankel emission for the Schottky-gate HEMT and the MOS–HEMT before annealing. The dominant conduction mechanism was ohmic/Poole-Frankel at low/medium forward bias. Meanwhile, gate leakage was governed by the hopping conduction mechanism in the MOS–HEMT without gate annealing modulation at a higher forward bias. After post-gate annealing (PGA) treatment, however, the leakage conduction mechanism was dominated by trap-assisted tunneling at the low to medium forward bias region and by Fowler–Nordheim tunneling at the higher forward bias region. Moreover, a decent product of maximum oscillation frequency and gate length (fmax × LG) was found to reach 27.16 GHz∙µm for the stack layer MOS–HEMT with PGA modulation. The dual surface-treated Al2O3/SiO2 stack layer MOS–HEMT with PGA modulation exhibited decent performance with an IDMAX of 720 mA/mm, a peak extrinsic transconductance (GMMAX) of 120 mS/mm, a threshold voltage (VTH) of −4.8 V, a higher ION/IOFF ratio of approximately 1.2×109, a subthreshold swing of 82 mV/dec, and a cutoff frequency(ft)/maximum frequency of (fmax) of 7.5/13.58 GHz.

Optical and electrical properties of cobalt oxide thin films obtained by ion-beam sputtering in argon atmosphere and argon with the addition of oxygen (PAr=1.1·10-5 Torr) has been investigated in the work. Optical properties investigations showed that, for films of cobalt oxide obtained in argon atmosphere, the optical band gap is independent of the film thickness and is 3.24 eV, which is in the range of given in the literature for the CoO phase values. For cobalt oxide films obtained in mixed atmosphere of argon with the addition of oxygen, two direct optical transitions with energies of 1.45 and 2.1 eV were detected. The presence of two direct allowed optical transitions is associated with the variable valence of cobalt in the Co3O4 compound and the presence of two valence states Co2+ and Co3+. The dependences of specific electrical conductivity of the synthesized films on the magnitude of the electric field were studied. It was found that for all investigated samples, the electrical conductivity does not depend on the electric field strength up to the value of E=106 V/m. The nonlinearity of the dependence of specific electrical conductivity of the synthesized films on electric field strength at E&gt;106 V/m is discussed in terms of the hopping conductivity model and the trap ionization model described by the Poole?Frenkel effect. Keywords: oxide semiconductors, optical absorption coefficient, electrical conductivity, strong electric fields.

Silicon based single junction solar cell technology continued to make significant strides in the past year with new world record module efficiencies being reported for the Panasonic heterojunction with thin intrinsic layer (HIT) module (23.8%) and the SunPower rooftop silicon module (24.1%). The HIT cell which is comprised of amorphous silicon (a-Si) and crystalline silicon (c-Si) currently holds the world record efficiency (25.6%) for a silicon based single junction solar cell. Further improvement in this technology requires a rigorous understanding of the underlying physics of the device. The device performance of a-Si and c-Si heterojunction solar cells depends heavily on the nature of transport at the hetero interface and defect assisted transport through the a-Si. Different microscopic processes dominate transport in different regions of the device and take place across widely varying time scales. In this work we present a multiscale model which utilizes different simulation methodologies to study physics in various regions of the device, namely, the Ensemble Monte Carlo (EMC), Kinetic Monte Carlo (KMC), and Drift Diffusion (DD) solvers. The EMC studies the behavior of the photogenerated carriers at the heterointerface; the KMC analyzes transport of the photogenerated carriers through the intrinsic amorphous silicon (i-a-Si) barrier layer; and the DD solver calculates current and other device properties in the low field regions of the cell. These solvers are then self consistently coupled to analyze device performance. Previously, our KMC simulations have shown that hopping is the main mode of transport through the i-a-Si, and the photogenerated carries are collected by defect emission rather that Poole - Frenkel emission or direct tunneling1. In addition, using EMC simulations we have shown that the photogenerated carriers exhibit non Maxwellian behavior at the heterointerface2. This work specifically describes the self-consistent coupling of the DD and EMC solvers. By adding the EMC solver to the multiscale solver we are able to capture the high field behavior of the photogenerated carriers, and its affect on device parameters such as JSC, VOC, FF and efficiency.

Ba(Mg[Formula: see text]Nb[Formula: see text]O3 (BMN) doped and undoped Ba[Formula: see text]Sr[Formula: see text]TiO3 (BST) thin films were deposited via radio frequency magnetron sputtering on Pt/TiO2/SiO2/Al2O3 substrates. The surface morphology and chemical state analyses of the films have shown that the BMN doped BST film has a smoother surface with reduced oxygen vacancy, resulting in an improved insulating properties of the BST film. Dielectric tunability, loss, and leakage current (LC) of the undoped and BMN doped BST thin films were studied. The BMN dopant has remarkably reduced the dielectric loss ([Formula: see text]38%) with no significant effect on the tunability of the BST film, leading to an increase in figure of merit (FOM). This is attributed to the opposing behavior of large Mg[Formula: see text] whose detrimental effect on tunability is partially compensated by small Nb[Formula: see text] as the two substitute Ti[Formula: see text] in the BST. The coupling between [Formula: see text] and V[Formula: see text] charged defects suppresses the dielectric loss in the film by cutting electrons from hopping between Ti ions. The LC of the films was investigated in the temperature range of 300–450[Formula: see text]K. A reduced LC measured for the BMN doped BST film was correlated to the formation of defect dipoles from [Formula: see text], V[Formula: see text] and Nb[Formula: see text] charged defects. The carrier transport properties of the films were analyzed in light of Schottky thermionic emission (SE) and Poole–Frenkel (PF) emission mechanisms. The result indicated that while the carrier transport mechanism in the undoped film is interface limited (SE), the conduction in the BMN doped film was dominated by bulk processes (PF). The change of the conduction mechanism from SE to PF as a result of BMN doping is attributed to the presence of uncoupled Nb[Formula: see text] sitting as a positive trap center at the shallow donor level of the BST.

In this paper, we report on the simulation of steady state photoconductivity in un-doped a- Si:H at temperatures from 30 to 500 K. The model is based on recombination at dangling bond states and band tail states. It takes also into account the hopping transitions in the conduction hand tail states to describe the conduction in localized states at low temperatures. At high temperatures, the multiple trapping process is considered to describe the conduction in extended states. The density of states includes the exponential density of conduction band tail states and valence band tail slates and the density of dangling bond states. This later is determined by the Defect Pool Model ‘DPM’. The experimental features observed on the temperature dependence of the photoconductivity are generally the thermal quenching, the low activated region and the temperature independent photoconductivity at very low temperatures. All these observations are well reproduced by the model in un-doped a-Si:H. By the examination of the relative contributions of two processes of conduction: (i) the multiple trapping and (ii) the multiple trapping associated with the hopping, the model results show that the multiple trapping process of electrons where the conduction is assured by free carriers in the thermal quenching region above 140 K is important while the hopping process of electrons is negligible. At 140 K and below, the hopping transport of electrons in the conduction band tail states makes an important contribution in the photoconductivity. It explains successfully the low activated region and the temperature independent photoconductivity at very low temperatures.

AbstractIndustrial CO2 electroreduction has received tremendous attentions for resolution of the current energy and environmental crisis, but its performance is greatly limited by mass transport at high current density. In this work, an ion‐polymer‐modified gas‐diffusion electrode is used to tackle this proton limit. It is found that gas diffusion electrode‐Nafion shows an impressive performance of 75.2% Faradaic efficiency in multicarbon products at an industrial current density of 1.16 A/cm2. Significantly, in‐depth electrochemical characterizations combined with in situ Raman have been used to determine the full workflow of protons, and it is found that HCO3− acts as a proton pool near the reaction environment, and HCO3− and H3O+ are local proton donors that interact with the proton shuttle −SO3− from Nafion. With rich proton hopping sites that decrease the activation energy, a “Grotthuss” mechanism for proton transport in the above system has been identified rather than the “Vehicle” mechanism with a higher energy barrier. Therefore, this work could be very useful in terms of the achievement of industrial CO2 reduction fundamentally and practically.

Abstract The electrical conduction mechanisms for bulk samples of In0.1Se0.9-xSbx (x= 0, 0.04, 0.08 and 0.12) nano-chalcogenide system, synthesized by the melt-quenching technique are investigated through current-voltage (I-V) characteristics. For the detailed study of conduction mechanism pellets of bulk samples are prepared. A thorough examination of electrical conductivity is done in the temperature range of 295-318 K and 0-50 V voltage range. From I-V measurements it is observed that samples are showing ohmic nature at lower field and non-ohmic nature at relatively higher field values. The temperature dependence of DC conductivity is analyzed using the Arrhenius relationship which is found to increase with Sb content. The value of activation energy and pre-exponential factor are calculated, which revealed that the conduction is due to the hopping of charge carriers among the localized states. Different parameters of Mott’s variable range hopping such as degree of disorder T0, density of localized states N(EF), hopping distance (Rhop), and hopping energy (W) are calculated. For the high field conduction process Poole-Frenkel, and Schottky processes are studied.

AbstractCharge transport in poly(3-hexylthiophene) field effect transistors has been studied in a series of devices with channel lengths ranging from 3 μm down to 200 nm over a broad range of temperatures and gate voltages. We report gate-modulated highly nonlinear transport at temperatures below ∼200 K that is consistent in form with a Poole-Frenkel-like hopping mechanism in the space charge limited current regime. There is also consistency between this behavior and the hypothesis that density of localized states is strongly energy dependent. We also observe what appears to be a crossover from thermally activated to nonthermal hopping below 30 K.

We review the dominant mechanism and characteristics of it which gave rise to the existence of forward and reverse leakage current in nitride based light emitting diode (LED). LED is one of the promising device to be used as a lighting source because it does not contain mercury unlike fluorescent lamps. However, the existence of leakage current can affect the reliability and efficiency of LED. Hence, its importance to understand the mechanism that responsible for its existence. The occurrence of leakage current is divided into three main parameters: 1) low bias; 2) medium or high bias; 3) temperature dependence. In low reverse bias, Poole-Frenkel is the dominant mechanism while tunneling is the dominant mechanism in high bias region. Furthermore, in forward bias, defect assisted tunneling is most likely the dominant mechanism. In low forward bias, electrons are the dominant carriers in defect assisted tunneling while in medium forward bias, holes are the dominant carriers. Moreover, Variable Range Hopping (VRH) is reported to be dominant when the temperature of conduction is below 200K.

Abstract Here, we investigate the structural and electrical properties on SrIrO$_3$ films grown on LaAlO$_3$ (100) substrate with varying thickness (18, 25 and 40 nm). The x-ray diffraction shows good quality epitaxial films without any chemical impurity. The out-of-plane lattice parameter increases with the film thickness. All the films show a semiconducting behavior where the resistivity increases with increasing thickness. Our analysis shows at high temperature the charge conduction mechanism follows Mott's 2-dimensional variable-range-hopping model. Detailed current-voltage ($I$-$V$) measurements show a linear Ohmic behavior at room temperature, however, a prominent deviation from linearity has been observed at low temperatures where the exponent $n$ ($I \propto V^n$) increases with decreasing temperature, reaching $n$ $\sim$ 1.5 at low temperature. Analysis of $I$-$V$ data indicates that the charge conduction has dominant contribution of Poole-Frenkel mechanism rather than Schottky behavior. This evolution of charge transport with temperature is quite intriguing which may be related to the development of low temperature magnetism in films of SrIrO$_3$.&#xD;

AbstractNucleic-acid barcoding is an enabling technique for many applications, but its use remains limited in emerging long-read sequencing technologies with intrinsically low raw accuracy. Here, we apply so-called NS-watermark barcodes, whose error correction capability was previously validated in silico, in a proof of concept where we synthesize 3840 NS-watermark barcodes and use them to asymmetrically tag and simultaneously sequence amplicons from two evolutionarily distant species (namely Bordetella pertussis and Drosophila mojavensis) on the ONT MinION platform. To our knowledge, this is the largest number of distinct, non-random tags ever sequenced in parallel and the first report of microarray-based synthesis as a source for large oligonucleotide pools for barcoding. We recovered the identity of more than 86% of the barcodes, with a crosstalk rate of 0.17% (i.e., one misassignment every 584 reads). This falls in the range of the index hopping rate of established, high-accuracy Illumina sequencing, despite the increased number of tags and the relatively low accuracy of both microarray-based synthesis and long-read sequencing. The robustness of NS-watermark barcodes, together with their scalable design and compatibility with low-cost massive synthesis, makes them promising for present and future sequencing applications requiring massive labeling, such as long-read single-cell RNA-Seq.

Abstract Background In a warmer and more globally connected Arctic, vector-borne pathogens of zoonotic importance may be increasing in prevalence in native wildlife. Recently, Bartonella henselae, the causative agent of cat scratch fever, was detected in blood collected from arctic foxes (Vulpes lagopus) that were captured and released in the large goose colony at Karrak Lake, Nunavut, Canada. This bacterium is generally associated with cats and cat fleas, which are absent from Arctic ecosystems. Arctic foxes in this region feed extensively on migratory geese, their eggs, and their goslings. Thus, we hypothesized that a nest flea, Ceratophyllus vagabundus vagabundus (Boheman, 1865), may serve as a vector for transmission of Bartonella spp. Methods We determined the prevalence of Bartonella spp. in (i) nest fleas collected from 5 arctic fox dens and (ii) 37 surrounding goose nests, (iii) fleas collected from 20 geese harvested during arrival at the nesting grounds and (iv) blood clots from 57 adult live-captured arctic foxes. A subsample of fleas were identified morphologically as C. v. vagabundus. Remaining fleas were pooled for each nest, den, or host. DNA was extracted from flea pools and blood clots and analyzed with conventional and real-time polymerase chain reactions targeting the 16S-23S rRNA intergenic transcribed spacer region. Results Bartonella henselae was identified in 43% of pooled flea samples from nests and 40% of pooled flea samples from fox dens. Bartonella vinsonii berkhoffii was identified in 30% of pooled flea samples collected from 20 geese. Both B. vinsonii berkhoffii (n = 2) and B. rochalimae (n = 1) were identified in the blood of foxes. Conclusions We confirm that B. henselae, B. vinsonii berkhoffii and B. rochalimae circulate in the Karrak Lake ecosystem and that nest fleas contain B. vinsonii and B. henselae DNA, suggesting that this flea may serve as a potential vector for transmission among Arctic wildlife.

Abstract Polymer composite films of polyvinyl alcohol (PVOH) – polyethylene glycol (PEG) /naphthol green B dye (NGB) were prepared using the solution cast technique with different concentrations of NGB (0 - 25 wt. (%)). XRD emphasized the semi-crystalline nature of the base polymer blend (PVOH-PEG) which increased by NGB addition. FTIR spectra of the investigated samples confirmed the formation of hydrogen bonds between the polymer blend hydroxyl groups and the NGB molecules. Optical properties are studied within wavelengths ranged from 245 nm to 1500 nm. Multi-optical energy band gaps (Eg ) were observed in (PVOH-PEG) doped with NGB dye for the allowed indirect and direct transitions and showed a decrease with the addition of NGB dye. Analysis of the refractive index n offered a normal dispersion within the investigated wavelength region. The dependence of the dielectric constant ε', loss ε'' and ac conductivity σac on frequency (100 Hz - 1 MHz) and NGB content were investigated at room temperature (RT). The addition of NGB tends to increase σac of the (PVOH-PEG) blend, that serve in various semiconductor devices. The values of the frequency exponent s and the charge carriers binding energy WM decrease in the presence of NGB dye and are interpreted by the correlated barrier hopping (CBH) model. Electric modulus formalism clarified the presence of a single relaxation peak with a relaxation time  depends on the NGB wt. (%). The (current density J - electric field E) characteristics were studied at RT and showed a non-ohmic behavior. The current density J increased with the addition of NGB dye and the dc conduction is discussed in view of Schottky-Richardson and Poole–Frenkel theoretical models.

AbstractLight emission from Si nanocrystals ( SiNCs ) embedded in Si oxide was studied in this work. SiNCs were fabricated by annealing a Si-rich oxide ( SRO ) deposited by a plasma-enhanced chemical vapor deposition ( PECVD ) system. The gas flow ratio between SiH4 and N2O of a precursor gas was changed by varying a N2O gas flow rate and the annealing temperature was varied from 800 to 1100°C. The highest PL intensity was obtained with a N2O flow rate of 125sccm, a SiH4 flow rate of 1400sccm and annealing temperature of 900°C. The PL wavelength was also controlled by N2O gas flow rate and annealing temperature, with blue shifting to the visible wavelengths for increasing N2O flow rate and decreasing annealing temperature. In addition, forming gas ( 4% H2 ) anneal for 1 hour, which is a common method to passivate Si surface, at 500°C to SiNCs was used to further enhance the emission intensity. To approach emission at shorter wavelength, the Si oxide with SiNCs / SiO2 multi layer structure ( MLS ) was also fabricated by similar methods. The SiO2 layer was used as a diffusion barrier to extra Si on vertical direction during the annealing process. Such a barrier can effectively reduce the diameter of SiNCs and shift the emission peak to shorter wavelength. A blue shift from PL was clearly observed as the thickness of Si oxide layer with SiNCs in MLS reduces. Finally, the PIN light emitting diode which consisted of n-type poly-Si / Si oxide with SiNCs / p-type poly-Si structure was also fabricated to study the electroluminescence ( EL ) of SiNCs. The current under the forward bias was about 10 times higher than under the reverse bias. The carrier injection mechanism assumed that Poole-Frenkel type conduction or hopping conduction dominates under a low electric field and Fowler-Nordheim tunneling dominates under a high electric field. EL was obtained with a forward bias voltage of around 6V and EL emission efficiency was proportional to the current density.

As I round the corner from Church Street onto Vesey, I am abruptly met with the façade of St. Paul’s Chapel and by the sudden memory of two things, both of which have not yet happened. I think about how, in a couple of decades, the area surrounding me will be burnt to the ground. I also recall how, just after the turn of the twenty-first century, the area will again crumble onto itself. It is 1759, and I—via my avatar—am wandering through downtown New York City in the videogame space of Assassin’s Creed: Rogue (AC:R). These spatial and temporal memories stem from the fact that I have previously (that is, earlier in my life) played an AC game set in New York City during the War for Independence (later in history), wherein the city’s lower west side burns at the hands of the British. Years before that (in my biographical timeline, though much later in history) I watched from twenty-something blocks north of here as flames erupted from the twin towers of the World Trade Center. Complicating the situation further, Michel de Certeau strolls with me in spirit, pondering observations he will make from almost this exact location (though roughly 1,100 feet higher up) 220 years from now, around the time I am being born. Perhaps the oddest aspect of this convoluted and temporally layered experience is the fact that I am not actually at the corner of Church and Vesey in 1759 at all, but rather on a couch, in Virginia, now. This particular type of sudden arrival at a space is only possible when it is not planned. Prior to the moment described above, I had finished a “mission” in the game that involved my coming to the city, so I decided I would just walk around a bit in the newly discovered digital New York of 1759. I wanted to take it in. I wanted to wander. Truly Being-in-a-place means attending to the interconnected Being-ness and Being-with-ness of all of the things that make up that place (Heidegger; Haraway). Conversely, to travel to or through a place entails a type of focused directionality toward a place that you are not currently Being in. Wandering, however, demands eschewing both, neither driven by an incessant goal, nor stuck in place by introspective ruminations. Instead, wandering is perhaps best described as a sort of mobile openness. A wanderer is not quite Benjamin’s flâneur, characterised by an “idle yet assertive negotiation of the street” (Coates 28), but also, I would argue, not quite de Certeau’s “Wandersmünner, whose bodies follow the thicks and thins of an urban ‘text’ they write without being able to read it” (de Certeau 93). Wandering requires a concerted effort at non-intentionality. That description may seem to fold in on itself, to be sure, but as the spaces around us are increasingly “canalized” (Rabinow and Foucault) and designed with specific trajectories and narratives in mind, inaction leads to the unconscious enacting of an externally derived intention; whereas any attempt to subvert that design is itself a wholly intentional act. This is why wandering is so difficult. It requires shedding layers. It takes practice, like meditation.In what follows, I will explore the possibility of revelatory moments enabled by the shedding of these layers of intention through my own experience in digital space (maybe the most designed and canalized spaces we inhabit). I come to recognise, as I disavow the designed narrative of game space, that it takes on other meanings, becomes another space. I find myself Being-there in a way that transcends the digital as we understand it, experiencing space that reaches into the past and future, into memory and fiction. Indeed, wandering is liminal, betwixt fixed points, spaces, and times, and the text you are reading will wander in this fashion—between the digital and the physical, between memory and experience, and among multiple pasts and the present—to arrive at a multilayered subjective sense of space, a palimpsest of placemaking.Before charging fully into digital time travel, however, we must attend to the business of context. In this case, this means addressing why I am talking about videogame space in Certaudian terms. Beginning as early as 1995, videogame theorists have employed de Certeau’s notion of “spatial stories” in their assertions that games allow players to construct the game’s narrative by travelling through and “colonizing” the space (Fuller and Jenkins). Most of the scholarship involving de Certeau and videogames, however, has been relegated to the concepts of “map/tour” in looking at digital embodiment within game space as experiential representatives of the place/space binary. Maps verbalise spatial experience in place terms, such as “it’s at the corner of this and that street”, whereas tours express the same in terms of movement through space, as in “turn right at the red house”. Videogames complicate this because “mapping is combined with touring when moving through the game-space” (Lammes).In Games as Inhabited Spaces, Bernadette Flynn moves beyond the map/tour dichotomy to argue that spatial theories can approach videogaming in a way no other viewpoint can, because neither narrative nor mechanics of play can speak to the “space” of a game. Thus, Flynn’s work is “focused on completely reconceiving gameplay as fundamentally configured with spatial practice” (59) through de Certeau’s concepts of “strategic” and “tactical” spatial use. Flynn explains:The ability to forge personal directions from a closed simulation links to de Certeau’s notion of tactics, where users can create their own trajectories from the formal organizations of space. For de Certeau, tactics are related to how people individualise trajectories of movement to create meaning and transformations of space. Strategies on the other hand, are more akin to the game designer’s particular matrix of formal structures, arrangements of time and space which operate to control and constrain gameplay. (59)Flynn takes much of her reading of de Certeau from Lev Manovich, who argues that a game designer “uses strategies to impose a particular matrix of space, time, experience, and meaning on his viewers; they, in turn, use ‘tactics’ to create their own trajectories […] within this matrix” (267). Manovich believes de Certeau’s theories offer a salient model for thinking about “the ways in which computer users navigate through computer spaces they did not design” (267). In Flynn’s and Manovich’s estimation, simply moving through digital space is a tactic, a subversion of its strategic and linear design.The views of game space as tactical have historically (and paradoxically) treated the subject of videogames from a strategic perspective, as a configurable space to be “navigated through”, as a way of attaining a certain goal. Dan Golding takes up this problem, distancing our engagement from the design and calling for a de Certeaudian treatment of videogame space “from below”, where “the spatial diegesis of the videogame is affordance based and constituted by the skills of the player”, including those accrued outside the game space (Golding 118). Similarly, Darshana Jayemanne adds a temporal element with the idea that these spatial constructions are happening alongside a “complexity” and “proliferation of temporal schemes” (Jayemanne 1, 4; see also Nikolchina). Building from Golding and Jayemanne, I illustrate here a space wherein the player, not the game, is at the fulcrum of both spatial and temporal complexity, by adding the notion that—along with skill and experience—players bring space and time with them into the game.Viewed with the above understanding of strategies, tactics, skill, and temporality, the act of wandering in a videogame seems inherently subversive: on one hand, by undergoing a destination-less exploration of game space, I am rejecting the game’s spatial narrative trajectory; on the other, I am eschewing both skill accrual and temporal insistence to attempt a sense of pure Being-in-the-game. Such rebellious freedom, however, is part of the design of this particular game space. AC:R is a “sand box” game, which means it involves a large environment that can be traversed in a non-linear fashion, allowing, supposedly, for more freedom and exploration. Indeed, much of the gameplay involves slowly making more space available for investigation in an outward—rather than unidirectional—course. A player opens up these new spaces by “synchronising a viewpoint”, which can only be done by climbing to the top of specific landmarks. One of the fundamental elements of the AC franchise is an acrobatic, free-running, parkour style of engagement with a player’s surroundings, “where practitioners weave through urban environments, hopping over barricades, debris, and other obstacles” (Laviolette 242), climbing walls and traversing rooftops in a way unthinkable (and probably illegal) in our everyday lives. People scaling buildings in major metropolitan areas outside of videogame space tend to get arrested, if they survive the climb. Possibly, these renegade climbers are seeking what de Certeau describes as the “voluptuous pleasure […] of ‘seeing the whole,’ of looking down on, totalizing the most immoderate of human texts” (92)—what he experienced, looking down from the top of the World Trade Center in the late 1970s.***On digital ground level, back in 1759, I look up to the top of St. Paul’s bell tower and crave that pleasure, so I climb. As I make my way up, Non-Player Characters (NPCs)—the townspeople and trader avatars who make up the interactive human scenery of the game—shout things such as “You’ll hurt yourself” and “I say! What on earth is he doing?” This is the game’s way of convincing me that I am enacting agency and writing my own spatial story. I seem to be deploying “tricky and stubborn procedures that elude discipline without being outside the field in which it is exercised” (de Certeau 96), when I am actually following the program the way I am supposed to. If I were not meant to climb the tower, I simply would not be able to. The fact that game developers go to the extent of recording dialogue to shout at me when I do this proves that they expect my transgression. This is part of the game’s “semi-social system”: a collection of in-game social norms that—to an extent—reflect the cultural understandings of outside non-digital society (Atkinson and Willis). These norms are enforced through social pressures and expectations in the game such that “these relative imperatives and influences, appearing to present players with ‘unlimited’ choices, [frame] them within the parameters of synthetic worlds whose social structure and assumptions are distinctly skewed in particular ways” (408). By using these semi-social systems, games communicate to players that performing a particular act is seen as wrong or scandalous by the in-game society (and therefore subversive), even when the action is necessary for the continuation of the spatial story.When I reach the top of the bell tower, I am able to “synchronise the viewpoint”—that is, unlock the map of this area of the city. Previously, I did not have access to an overhead view of the area, but now that I have indulged in de Certeau’s pleasure of “seeing the whole”, I can see not only the tactical view from the street, but also the strategic bird’s-eye view from above. From the top, looking out over the city—now The City, a conceivable whole rather than a collection of streets—it is difficult to picture the neighbourhood engulfed in flames. The stair-step Dutch-inspired rooflines still recall the very recent change from New Amsterdam to New York, but in thirty years’ time, they will all be torched and rebuilt, replaced with colonial Tudor boxes. I imagine myself as an eighteenth-century de Certeau, surveying pre-ruination New York City. I wonder how his thoughts would have changed if his viewpoint were coloured with knowledge of the future. Standing atop the very symbol of global power and wealth—a duo-lith that would exist for less than three decades—would his pleasure have been less “voluptuous”? While de Certeau considers the viewer from above like Icarus, whose “elevation transfigures him into a voyeur” (92), I identify more with Daedalus, preoccupied with impending disaster. I swan-dive from the tower into a hay cart, returning to the bustle of the street below.As I wander amongst the people of digital 1759 New York, the game continuously makes phatic advances at me. I bump into others on the street and they drop boxes they are carrying, or stumble to the side. Partial overheard conversations going on between townspeople—“… what with all these new taxes …”, “… but we’ve got a fine regiment here …”—both underscore the historical context of the game and imply that this is a world that exists even when I am not there. These characters and their conversations are as much a part of the strategic makeup of the city as the buildings are. They are the text, not the writers nor the readers. I am the only writer of this text, but I am merely transcribing a pre-programmed narrative. So, I am not an author, but rather a stenographer. For this short moment, though, I am allowed by the game to believe that I am making the choice not to transcribe; there are missions to complete, and I am ignoring them. I am taking in the city, forgetting—just as the design intends—that I am the only one here, the only person in the entire world, indeed, the person for whom this world exists.While wandering, I also experience conflicts and mergers between what Maurice Halbwachs has called historical, autobiographical, and collective memory types: respectively, these are memories created according to historical record, through one’s own life experience, and by the way a society tends to culturally frame and recall “important” events. De Certeau describes a memorable place as a “palimpsest, [where] subjectivity is already linked to the absence that structures it as existence” (109). Wandering through AC:R’s virtual representation of 1759 downtown New York, I am experiencing this palimpsest in multiple layers, activating my Halbwachsian memories and influencing one another in the creation of my subjectivity. This is the “absence” de Certeau speaks of. My visions of Revolutionary New York ablaze tug at me from beneath a veneer of peaceful Dutch architecture: two warring historical memory constructs. Simultaneously, this old world is painted on top of my autobiographical memories as a New Yorker for thirteen years, loudly ordering corned beef with Russian dressing at the deli that will be on this corner. Somewhere sandwiched between these layers hides a portrait of September 11th, 2001, painted either by collective memory or autobiographical memory, or, more likely, a collage of both. A plane entering a building. Fire. Seen by my eyes, and then re-seen countless times through the same televised imagery that the rest of the world outside our small downtown village saw it. Which images are from media, and which from memory?Above, as if presiding over the scene, Michel de Certeau hangs in the air at the collision site, suspended a 1000 feet above the North Pool of the 9/11 Memorial, rapt in “voluptuous pleasure”. And below, amid the colonists in their tricorns and waistcoats, people in grey ash-covered suits—ambulatory statues; golems—slowly and silently march ever uptown-wards. Dutch and Tudor town homes stretch skyward and transform into art-deco and glass monoliths. These multiform strata, like so many superimposed transparent maps, ground me in the idea of New York, creating the “fragmentary and inward-turning histories” (de Certeau 108) that give place to my subjectivity, allowing me to Be-there—even though, technically, I am not.My conscious decision to ignore the game’s narrative and wander has made this moment possible. While I understand that this is entirely part of the intended gameplay, I also know that the design cannot possibly account for the particular way in which I experience the space. And this is the fundamental point I am asserting here: that—along with the strategies and temporal complexities of the design and the tactics and skills of those on the ground—we bring into digital space our own temporal and experiential constructions that allow us to Be-in-the-game in ways not anticipated by its strategic design. Non-digital virtuality—in the tangled forms of autobiographical, historic, and collective memory—reaches into digital space, transforming the experience. Further, this changed game-experience becomes a part of my autobiographical “prosthetic memory” that I carry with me (Landsberg). When I visit New York in the future, and I inevitably find myself abruptly met with the façade of St Paul’s Chapel as I round the corner of Church Street and Vesey, I will be brought back to this moment. Will I continue to wander, or will I—if just for a second—entertain the urge to climb?***After the recent near destruction by fire of Notre-Dame, a different game in the AC franchise was offered as a free download, because it is set in revolutionary Paris and includes a very detailed and interactive version of the cathedral. Perhaps right now, on sundry couches in various geographical locations, people are wandering there: strolling along the Siene, re-experiencing time they once spent there; overhearing tense conversations about regime change along the Champs-Élysées that sound disturbingly familiar; or scaling the bell tower of the Notre-Dame Cathedral itself—site of revolution, desecration, destruction, and future rebuilding—to reach the pleasure of seeing the strategic whole at the top. And maybe, while they are up there, they will glance south-southwest to the 15th arrondissement, where de Certeau lies, enjoying some voluptuous Icarian viewpoint as-yet unimagined.ReferencesAtkinson, Rowland, and Paul Willis. “Transparent Cities: Re‐Shaping the Urban Experience through Interactive Video Game Simulation.” City 13.4 (2009): 403–417. DOI: 10.1080/13604810903298458.Benjamin, Walter. The Arcades Project. Trans. Howard Eiland and Kevin McLaughlin. Ed. Rolf Tiedmann. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 2002. Coates, Jamie. “Key Figure of Mobility: The Flâneur.” Social Anthropology 25.1 (2017): 28–41. DOI: 10.1111/1469-8676.12381.De Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life. Translated by Steven Rendall. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984.Flynn, Bernadette. “Games as Inhabited Spaces.” Media International Australia, Incorporating Culture and Policy 110 (2004): 52–61. 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DOI: 10.1177/1555412019845593.Lammes, Sybille. “Playing the World: Computer Games, Cartography and Spatial Stories.” Aether: The Journal of Media Geography 3 (2008): 84–96. DOI: 10.1080/10402659908426297.Landsberg, Alison. Prosthetic Memory: The Transformation of American Remembrance in the Age of Mass Culture. New York: Columbia University Press, 2004.Laviolette, Patrick. “The Neo-Flâneur amongst Irresistible Decay.” Playgrounds and Battlefields: Critical Perspectives of Social Engagement. Eds. Martínez Jüristo and Klemen Slabina. Tallinn: Tallinn University Press, 2014. 243–71.Manovich, Lev. The Language of New Media. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2002.Nikolchina, Miglena. “Time in Video Games: Repetitions of the New.” Differences 28.3 (2017): 19–43. DOI: 10.1215/10407391-4260519.Rabinow, Paul, and Michel Foucault. “Interview with Michel Foucault on Space, Knowledge and Power.” Skyline (March 1982): 17–20.

This article is concerned with dance as an embodied form of collective remembering in the Andean department of Ayacucho in Peru. Andean dance and fiesta are inextricably linked with notions of identity, cultural heritage and history. Rather than being simply aesthetic —steps to music or a series of movements — dance is readable as being a deeper embodiment of the broader struggles and concerns of a people. As anthropologist Zoila Mendoza writes, in post-colonial countries such as those in Africa and Latin America, dance is and was a means “through which people contested, domesticated and reworked signs of domination in their society” (39). Andean dance has long been a space of contestation and resistance (Abercrombie; Bigenho; Isbell; Mendoza; Stern). It also functions as a repository, a dynamic archive which holds and tells the collective narrative of a cultural time and space. As Jane Cowan observes “dance is much more than knowing the steps; it involves both social knowledge and social power” (xii). In cultures where the written word has not played a central role in the construction and transmission of knowledge, dance is a particularly rich resource for understanding. “Embodied practice, along with and bound up with other cultural practices, offers a way of knowing” (Taylor 3). This is certainly true in the Andes of Peru where dance, music and fiesta are central to social, cultural, economic and political life. This article combines the areas of cultural memory with aspects of dance anthropology in a bid to reveal what is often unspoken and discover new ways of accessing and understanding non-verbal forms of memory through the embodied medium of dance. In societies where dance is integral to daily life the dance becomes an important resource for a deeper understanding of social and cultural memory. However, this characteristic of the dance has been largely overlooked in the field of memory studies. Paul Connerton writes, “… that there is an aspect of social memory which has been greatly ignored but is absolutely essential: bodily social memory” (382). I am interested in the role of dance as a site memory because as a dancer I am acutely aware of embodied memory and of the importance of dance as a narrative mode, not only for the dancer but also for the spectator. This article explores the case study of rural carnival performed in the city of Huamanga, in the Andean department of Ayacucho and includes interviews I conducted with rural campesinos (this literally translates as people from the country, however, it is a complex term imbedded with notions of class and race) between June 2009 and March 2010. Through examining the transformative effect of what I call the chorography of place, I argue that rural campesinos embody the memory of place, dancing that place into being in the urban setting as a means of remembering and maintaining connection to their homeland and salvaging cultural heritage.The department of Ayacucho is located in the South-Central Andes of Peru. The majority of the population are Quechua-speaking campesinos many of whom live in extreme poverty. Nestled in a cradle of mountains at 2,700 meters above sea level is the capital city of the same name. However, residents prefer the pre-revolutionary name of Huamanga. This is largely due to the fact that the word Ayacucho is a combination of two Quechua words Aya and Kucho which translate as Corner of the Dead. Given the recent history of the department it is not surprising that residents refer to their city as Huamanga instead of Ayacucho. Since 1980 the department of Ayacucho has become known as the birthplace of Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) and the ensuing 20 years of political violence between Sendero and counter insurgency forces. In 2000, the interim government convened the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC – CVR Spanish). In 2003, the TRC released its report which found that over 69,000 people were killed or disappeared during the conflict and hundreds of thousands more were forced to leave their homes (CVR). Those most affected by the violence and human rights abuses were predominantly from the rural population of the central-southern Andes (CVR). Following the release of the TRC Report the department of Ayacucho has become a centre for memory studies investigations and commemorative ceremonies. Whilst there are many traditional arts and creative expressions which commemorate or depict some aspect of the violence, dance is not used it this way. Rather, I contend that the dance is being salvaged as a means of remembering and connecting to place. Migration Brings ChangeAs a direct result of the political violence, the city of Huamanga experienced a large influx of people from the surrounding rural areas, who moved to the city in search of relative safety. Rapid forced migration from the country to the city made integration very difficult due to the sheer volume of displaced populations (Coronel 2). As a result of the internal conflict approximately 450 rural communities in the southern-central Andes were either abandoned or destroyed; 300 of these were in the department of Ayacucho. As a result, Huamanga experienced an enormous influx of rural migrants. In fact, according to the United Nations International Human Rights Instruments, 30 per cent of all people displaced by the violence moved to Ayacucho (par. 39). As campesinos moved to the city in search of safety they formed new neighbourhoods on the outskirts of the city. Although many are now settled in Huamanga, holding professional positions, working in restaurants, running stalls, or owning shops, most maintain strong links to their community of origin. The ways in which individuals sustain connection to their homelands are many and varied. However, dance and fiesta play a central role in maintaining connection.During the years of violence, Sendero Luminoso actively prohibited the celebration of traditional ceremonies and festivals which they considered to be “archaic superstition” (Garcia 40). Reprisals for defying Sendero Luminoso directives were brutal; as a result many rural inhabitants restricted their ritual practices for fear of the tuta puriqkuna or literally, night walkers (Ritter 27). This caused a sharp decline in ritual custom during the conflict (27).As a result, many Ayacuchano campesinos feel they have been robbed of their cultural heritage and identity. There is now a conscious effort to rescatar y recorder or to salvage and remember what was been taken from them, or, in the words of Ruben Romani, a dance teacher from Huanta, “to salvage what was killed during the difficult years.”Los Carnavales Ayacuchanos Whilst carnival is celebrated in many parts of the world, the mention of carnival often evokes images of scantily clad Brazilians dancing to the samba rhythms in the streets of Rio de Janeiro, or visions of elaborate floats and extravagant costumes. None of these are to be found in Huamanga. Rather, the carnival dances celebrated by campesinos in Huamanga are not celebrations of ‘the now’ or for the benefit of tourists, but rather they are embodiments of the memory of a lost place. During carnival, that lost or left homeland is danced into being in the urban setting as a means of maintaining a connection to the homeland and of salvaging cultural heritage.In the Andes, carnival coincides with the first harvest and is associated with fertility and giving thanks. It is considered a time of joy and to be a great leveller. In Huamanga carnival is one of the most anticipated fiestas of the year. As I was told many times “carnival is for everyone” and “we all participate.” From the old to the very young, the rich and poor, men and women all participate in carnival."We all participate." Carnavales Rurales (rural carnival) is celebrated each Sunday during the three weeks leading up to the official time of carnival before Lent. Campesinos from the same rural communities, join together to form comparsas, or groups. Those who participate identify as campesinos; even though many participants have lived in the city for more than 20 years. Some of the younger participants were born in the city. Whilst some campesinos, displaced by the violence, are now returning to their communities, many more have chosen to remain in Huamanga. One such person is Rómulo Canales Bautista. Rómulo dances with the comparsa Claveles de Vinchos.Rómulo Bautista dancing the carnival of VinchosOriginally from Vinchos, Rómulo moved to Huamanga in search of safety when he was a boy after his father was killed. Like many who participate in rural carnival, Rómulo has lived in Huamanga for a many years and for the most part he lives a very urban existence. He completed his studies at the university and works as a professional with no plans to return permanently to Vinchos. However, Rómulo considers himself to be campesino, stating “I am campesino. I identify myself as I am.” Rómulo laughed as he explained “I was not born dancing.” Since moving to Huamanga, Rómulo learned the carnival dance of Vinchos as a means of feeling a connection to his place of origin. He now participates in rural carnival each year and is the captain of his comparsa. For Rómulo, carnival is his cultural inheritance and that which connects him to his homeland. Living and working in the urban setting whilst maintaining strong links to their homelands through the embodied expressions of fiesta, migrants like Rómulo negotiate and move between an urbanised mestizo identity and a rural campesino identity. However, for rural migrants living in Huamanga, it is campesino identity which holds greater importance during carnival. This is because carnival allows participants to feel a visceral connection to both land and ancestry. As Gerardo Muñoz, a sixty-seven year old migrant from Chilcas explained “We want to make our culture live again, it is our patrimony, it is what our grandfathers have left us of their wisdom and how it used to be. This is what we cultivate through our carnival.”The Plaza TransformedComparsa from Huanta enter the PlazaEach Sunday during the three weeks leading up to the official time of carnival the central Plaza is transformed by the dance, music and song of up to seventy comparsas participating in Carnavales Rurales. Rural Carnival has a transformative effect not only on participants but also on the wider urban population. At this time campesinos, who are generally marginalised, discounted or actively discriminated against, briefly hold a place of power and respect. For a few hours each Sunday they are treated as masters of an ancient art. It is no easy task to conjure the dynamic sensory world of dance in words. As Deidre Sklar questions, “how is the ineffable to be made available in words? How shall I draw out the effects of dancing? Imperfectly, and slowly, bit by bit, building fragments of sensation and association so that its pieces lock in with your sensory memories like a jigsaw puzzle” (17).Recalling the DanceAs comparsas arrive in the Plaza there is creative chaos and the atmosphere hums with excitement as more and more comparsas gather for the pasecalle or parade. At the corner of the plaza, the deafening crack of fire works, accompanied by the sounds of music and the blasting of whistles announce the impending arrival of another comparsa. They are Los Hijos de Chilcas from Chilcas in La Mar in the north-east of the department. They proudly dance and sing their way into the Plaza – bodies strong, their movements powerful yet fluid. Their heads are lifted to greet the crowd, their chests wide and open, eyes bright with pride. Led by the capitán, the dancers form two long lines in pairs the men at the front, followed by the women. All the men carry warakas, long whips of plaited leather which they crack in the air as they dance. These are ancient weapons which are later used in a ritual battle. They dance in a swinging stepping motion that swerves and snakes, winds and weaves along the road. At various intervals the two lines open out, doubling back on themselves creating two semicircles. The men wear frontales, pieces of material which hang down the front of the legs, attached with long brightly coloured ribbons. The dancers make high stepping motions, kicking the frontales up in the air as they go; as if moving through high grasses. The ribbons swish and fly around the men and they are clouded in a blur of colour and movement. The women follow carrying warakitas, which are shorter and much finer. They hold their whips in two hands, stretched wide in front of their bodies or sweeping from side to side above their heads. They wear large brightly coloured skirts known as polleras made from heavy material which swish and swoosh as they dance from side to side – step, touch together, bounce; step, touch together, bounce. The women follow the serpent pattern of the men. Behind the women are the musicians playing guitars, quenas and tinyas. The musicians are followed by five older men dressed in pants and suit coats carrying ponchos draped over the right shoulder. They represent the traditional community authorities known as Varayuq and karguyuq. The oldest of the men is carrying the symbols of leadership – the staff and the whip.The Choreography of PlaceFor the members of Los Hijos de Chilcas the dance represents the topography of their homeland. The steps and choreography are created and informed by the dancers’ relationship to the land from which they come. La Mar is a very mountainous region where, as one dancer explained, it is impossible to walk a straight line up or down the terrain. One must therefore weave a winding path so as not to slip and fall. As the dancers snake and weave, curl and wind they literally dance their “place” of origin into being. With each swaying movement of their body, with each turn and with every footfall on the earth, dancers lay the mountainous terrain of La Mar along the paved roads of the Plaza. The flying ribbons of the frontales evoke the long grasses of the hillsides. “The steps are danced in the form of a zigzag which represents the changeable and curvilinear paths that join the towns, as well as creating the figure eight which represents the eight anexos of the district” (Carnaval Tradicional). Los Hijos de ChilcasThe weaving patterns and the figure eights of the dance create a choreography of place, which reflects and evoke the land. This choreography of place is built upon with each step of the dance many of which emulate the native fauna. One of the dancers explained whilst demonstrating a hopping step “this is the step of a little bird” common to La Mar. With his body bent forward from the waist, left hand behind his back and elbow out to the side like a wing, stepping forward on the left leg and sweeping the right leg in half circle motion, he indeed resembled a little bird hopping along the ground. Other animals such as the luwichu or deer are also represented through movement and costume.Katrina Teaiwa notes that the peoples of the South Pacific dance to embody “not space but place”. This is true also for campesinos from Chilcas living in the urban setting, who invoke their place of origin and the time of the ancestors as they dance their carnival. The notion of place is not merely terrain. It includes the nature elements, the ancestors and those who also those who have passed away. The province of La Mar was one of the most severely affected areas during the years of internal armed conflict especially during 1983-1984. More than 1,400 deaths and disappearances were reported to the TRC for this period alone (CVR). Hundreds of people were forced to leave their homes and in many communities it became impossible to celebrate fiestas. Through the choreography of place dancers transform the urban streets and dance the very land of their origin into being, claiming the urban streets as their own. The importance of this act can not be overstated for campesinos who have lost family members and were forced to leave their communities during the years of violence. As Deborah Poole has noted dance is “…the active Andean voice …” (99). As comparsa members teach their children the carnival dance of their parents and grandparents they maintain ancestral connections and pass on the stories and embodied memories of their homes. Much of the literature on carnival views it as a release valve which allows a temporary freedom but which ultimately functions to reinforce established structures. This is no longer the case in Huamanga. The transformative effect of rural carnival goes beyond the moment of the dance. Through dancing the choreography of place campesinos salvage and restore that which was taken from them; the effects of which are felt by both the dancer and spectator.ConclusionThe closer examination of dance as embodied memory reveals those memory practices which may not necessarily voice the violence directly, but which are enacted, funded and embodied and thus, important to the people most affected by the years of conflict and violence. In conclusion, the dance of rural carnival functions as embodied memory which is danced into being through collective participation; through many bodies working together. Dancers who participate in rural carnival have absorbed the land sensorially and embodied it. Through dancing the land they give it form and bring embodied memory into being, imbuing the paved roads of the plaza with the mountainous terrain of their home land. For those born in the city, they come to know their ancestral land through the Andean voice of dance. The dance of carnival functions in a unique way making it possible for participants recall their homelands through a physical memory and to dance their place into being wherever they are. This corporeal memory goes beyond the normal understanding of memory as being of the mind for as Connerton notes “images of the past are remembered by way of ritual performances that are ‘stored’ in a bodily memory” (89). ReferencesAbercrombie, Thomas A. “La fiesta de carnaval postcolonial en Oruro: Clase, etnicidad y nacionalismo en la danza folklórica.” Revista Andina 10.2 (1992): 279-352.Carnaval Tradicional del Distrito de Chilcas – La Mar, Comparsas de La Asociación Social – Cultural “Los Hijos de Chilcas y Anexos”, pamphlet handed to the judges of the Atipinakuy, 2010.CVR. Informe Final. Lima: Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación, 2003. 1 March 2008 < http://www.cverdad.org.pe >.Bigenho, Michelle. “Sensing Locality in Yura: Rituals of Carnival and of the Bolivian State.” American Ethnologist 26.4 (1999): 95-80.Connerton, Paul. How Societies Remember. Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1989.Coronel Aguirre, José, M. Cabrera Romero, G. Machaca Calle, and R. Ochatoma Paravivino. “Análisis de acciones del carnaval ayacuchano – 1986.” Carnaval en Ayacucho, CEDIFA, Investigaciones No. 1, 1986.Cowan, Jane. Dance and the Body Politic in Northern Greece. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1990.Garcia, Maria Elena. Making Indigenous Citizens: Identities, Education and Multicultural Development in Peru. California: Stanford University Press, 2005.Isbelle, Billie Jean. To Defend Ourselves: Ecology and Ritual in an Andean Village. Illinois: Waveland Press, 1985.Mendoza, Zoila S. Shaping Society through Dance: Mestizo Ritual Performance in the Peruvian Andes. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000.Poole, Deborah. “Andean Ritual Dance.” TDR 34.2 (Summer 1990): 98-126.Ritter, Jonathan. “Siren Songs: Ritual and Revolution in the Peruvian Andes.” British Journal of Ethnomusicology 11.1 (2002): 9-42.Sklar, Deidre. “‘All the Dances Have a Meaning to That Apparition”: Felt Knowledge and the Danzantes of Tortugas, New Mexico.” Dance Research Journal 31.2 (Autumn 1999): 14-33.Stern, Steve J. Peru’s Indian Peoples and the Challenge of Spanish Conquest: Huamanga to 1640. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982.Taylor, Diana. The Archive and the Repertoire: Performing Cultural Memory in the Americas. Durham: Duke University Press, 2003.Teaiwa, Katerina. "Challenges to Dance! Choreographing History in Oceania." Paper for Greg Denning Memorial Lecture, Melbourne University, Melbourne, 14 Oct. 2010.United Nations International Human Rights Instruments. Core Document Forming Part of the Reports of States Parties: Peru. 27 June 1995. HRI/CORE/1/Add.43/Rev.1. 12 May 2012 < http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3ae6ae1f8.html >.

IntroductionEmpathy: the action of understanding, being aware of, being sensitive to, and vicariously experiencing the feelings, thoughts, and experience of another, either in the past or present without having the feelings, thoughts, and experience fully communicated in an objectively explicit manner; also: the capacity for this. (Merriam-Webster, “Empathy”)Compassion: sympathetic consciousness of others’ distress together with a desire to alleviate it. (Merriam-Webster, “Compassion”)After thirty years of being a vegetarian, my eyes were opened to the inherent cruelty in animal-use industries. I became vegan and spoke out on these issues at animal rights events, rallies and ethical leadership forums. My private psychology practice attracted a significant number of vegans who presented with symptoms of anxiety and depression. However, unlike many of my non-vegan clients who were unclear as to what caused their symptoms, vegans reported it as being directly related to their discovery of systematised animal misuse in society. It was as if they had extended their compassion beyond their own species.Despite these issues being increasingly discussed in open circles, this extension of compassion seems to be limited to veganism. Why is veganism increasing as a compassionate centre, with animal social justice being at its core? Drawing on key emotional experiences of vegans, based on a survey conducted in 2018 and observational data from a private psychology practice, this article explores the experiences of compassion and empathy of vegans, and the impact such experiences can have on social change.The Increase in VeganismVeganism has noticeably increased over the past decade, with greater public debate in the media. A 2016 Roy Morgan poll indicated that the number of strict vegetarian adults in Australia was 2.1 million; an increase of nearly half a million people over four years, and likely to grow (Roy Morgan). Internationally, veganism was the biggest trend of 2018, with over three times the level of interest online as “vegetarian” or “gluten-free” (The Vegan Society).I believe there are a number of reasons for this, including greater awareness through social media, increased social mobility, and people becoming aware of international practices (Oberst). Photos and videos of animal suffering are more easily accessible via mobile devices, and can be shared at a faster rate than mainstream media could traditionally share news (Forgrieve). Small budget Indie films have also shared unknown information with the public, such as Earthlings, Dominion, Cowspiracy, and Kangaroo. In addition to this, I believe there is a greater propensity for people to challenge authority and previous direction from doctors or politicians in what is known as “the era of respect” (Mowat, Corrigan, and Long).These circumstances and more have led to an increase in people making more informed, kinder choices with regard to veganism; suggesting the opening of a new era of compassion beyond one’s own species. However, living in a world where the majority of people’s consumer choices facilitates animal abuse behind closed doors, the vegan is left struggling with “the burden of knowing”; knowledge of the facts of animal mistreatment and the inability to change it or successfully induce others to acknowledge it (Mann, Vystopia).Case Study ResearchBetween 2013 and 2018 I held individual psychological counselling sessions with over 100 self-selected vegans. For these case studies, the definition of “vegan” means someone who has chosen to live their life underpinned by the philosophy of the non-use and non-exploitation of animals and informs what they eat, wear, use and are involved in. These individuals reached out to me because of the trauma they reported experiencing since learning of the ubiquitous nature of animal cruelty in society. They claimed to feel more comfortable with a vegan professional who they felt understood their anguish.From these sessions, using the qualitative research methodology of hermeneutics (Rennie), I began to notice a pattern relating to the nature and enormity of the typical vegan’s distress. Almost every vegan who came to see me presented with symptoms related to their awareness of the systemised cruelty towards animals. Their distress was compounded when they shared this information with their friends and family, whom they were sure would be equally upset by it. Instead, many people responded with indifference, criticism, and anger, saying that everyone has a right to choose what to eat. These feelings of frustration and powerlessness left them unable to reconcile competing beliefs; that the people they loved were capable of turning their eyes away from the suffering their consumer choices were financing. The typical symptoms they reported included (fig. 1):Complicated griefMental anguishDepressionAnxietySelf-medicationAnger and despairSelf-harmSuicidal thoughtsHopelessnessLonelinessPost-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD)Fig. 1: Typical symptoms reported by vegans in individual counselling sessions, 2013–2018.After over 1,300 hours of one-to-one sessions with vegans around the world, plus anecdotal stories from vegans I met at numerous events, I came to believe that the vegan’s pain is unique to being vegan and warrants a specific definition.It is imperative to me that vegans do not become labelled as mentally ill or chronically dysfunctional, for which the only solution is medication. As a fellow sufferer of the “burden of knowing”, I wanted to create a term to validate our experience and avoid medicalising our plight. Only then can the vegan’s experience be examined from a humane perspective and solutions be found to help us. Then, we can become part of the rising tide of social action that says human superiority and animal abuse is unacceptable. Because I believe that this experience and associated symptoms are existential in nature, I called this “Vystopia” (Mann, Vystopia).VystopiaThe Existential crisis experienced by vegans, arising out of an awareness of the trance-like collusion with a dystopian world and the awareness of the greed, ubiquitous animal exploitation, and speciesism in a modern dystopia. (Mann, “Suffer”)Vystopia is the anguish a vegan feels, knowing about the systematised cruelty towards animals in society, and the further distress they experience with the unconscious collusion of non-vegans, and their resistance or criticism of this information. Many of my clients experienced a range of symptoms of vystopia (fig. 2): Feelings of alienation from non-vegansMisanthropyGuilt over past consumption of animalsGuilt that they are not doing enough to save animalsInability to enjoy normal aspects of lifeFrustration with non-vegans who don’t ask more questionsAnger with the “burden of knowing”Powerlessness when health professionals tell them “it’s normal”Fig. 2: Symptoms of VystopiaMisdiagnosis of the Vegan’s ConditionMany doctors have referred patients to me for mental health symptoms of eating disorders, social adjustment disorder, and self-harm. It is my opinion that vegans referred to me with these symptoms do not suffer from traditional eating or self-harm disorders.As I learned from working in a psychiatric teaching hospital in the UK, clients with these conditions are often deeply unaware of the reasons influencing their symptoms. Their symptoms become an outward sign of hidden or unconscious distress which is too painful to confront directly. The vegans sent to me are deeply distressed due to the horror they’ve witnessed or now know about in the animal industries.I discovered that regularly viewing graphic videos of animal abuse was linked with vegan clients diagnosed as having self-harm tendencies (Klonsky). They view these as they feel guilty if they don’t know about all aspects of the animal’s suffering. It’s only by knowing all the details that they can be informed and act to change it. Vegan clients who have told their doctors they “can’t eat around people who are consuming animals” are often diagnosed as having eating disorders, although they lack the typical medical symptoms of eating disorders. While it is possible for vegans, like anyone else, to suffer from these conditions, I believe that many clients have been misdiagnosed. For many, their symptoms are indicative of a normal, feeling human’s way of dealing with vystopia: The truth is that it is not a pathology, but the distress a vegan feels when they look at the state of the world and the cruelty and suffering and it’s an absolutely rational response any feeling human being should feel; a dystopian reaction to what they are seeing. (Klaper)Survey ResearchBetween February and July 2018, I conducted an anonymous online survey of 820 vegans. The survey comprised 26 multiple-choice questions covering 7 main areas:How long someone has been veganLength they have experienced vystopiaWhen vystopia was most experiencedWhere people seek help for vystopiaWhat they do to reduce symptomsFamily and relationships where significant others are not veganWhat support is most needed to help vystopiansResultsWhilst an in-depth analysis of the results is outside the scope of this article, some of the key responses are as follows (figs. 3–6):How long have you been vegan?1–5 years48%Less than 6 months16%6–12 months14%5–10 years12%10 years plus10%Fig. 3: Length of time as vegan.How long have you suffered from vystopia?1–5 years39%5–10 years21%6–12 months15%Less than 6 months13%10 years plus12%Fig. 4: Length of time suffering from vystopia.When do you most experience vystopia?Others around you eat animals79%Seeing images of animal cruelty78%Other people refuse to hear about animal cruelty78%Grocery shopping69%People laugh at you for being vegan56%Family celebrations55%Holidays40%At work events39%All the time37%When away from vegan friends30%Other8%NB: Participants invited to tick all that apply Fig. 5: When vystopia is experienced.What do you do to reduce your vystopia?Remove yourself from the world58%Increase animal advocacy55%Talk to friends34%Self-medicate (e.g. alcohol, drugs, food)24%Other16%See a doctor2%Fig. 6: Actions taken to reduce vystopia.Explaining the Differences in Adoption of VeganismWhy do some people extend their compassion towards animals whilst others are unaware of the need to do so, or believe it is anthropomorphic or sentimental? Research is needed to examine this more, but my own research and anecdotal experience suggests some factors:Social ConformityMany people are strongly influenced by what they perceive as socially normal (Mallinson and Hatemi). Cultural and family traditions, media, and community behaviour all influence the food and lifestyle choices of society. Most people are unaware that their consumer choices play a role in the mistreatment and abuse of animals.Social conditioning influences whether people choose to investigate new information further or continue with the status quo for the sake of fitting in. The need to fit in creates a social trance whereby people continue to collude with animal cruelty through their inaction, and in fact their willful ignorance means they are not likely to change their actions, as they don’t know any differently.The vegan is one who has chosen to find out the truth about animal exploitation and extend their compassion towards other species by abstaining from anything related to animal abuse.Personal and Social Defense MechanismsSimilar to social conformity, the concept of being “different” from the perceived norm is enough for many people to continue with their actions, regardless of the consequence for animals. Similarly, those who are suddenly privy to new information may feel judged by the messenger, and resistance is easier than change. The vegan is one who chooses to adjust their actions, despite the judgement or ridicule which may accompany it.Personality VariablesOn the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (Myers and Myers), my anecdotal experience suggests that individuals with preferences for “feeling” over “thinking” are more likely to become vegan. The vegan community consists of many different personality types, with those who are strong “feeling” types more inclined to display empathy and empathetic action.Avoidance of Existential Anxiety When a person’s understanding of the world is challenged, this can create anxiety, where one is compelled to ask, “What else don’t I know?” If animal cruelty can occur at such a widespread rate—with most of society oblivious to it—what else is going on behind closed doors? For some, the reality of facing the truth can create enough angst that they will resist knowing and changing. The vegan may still experience such angst, but is compelled to change for the sake of the animals. Differing Capacity to Encompass Novel IdeasIdeas which vary from a widely believed ideology are often rejected, simply because the new idea is too radical to believe or comprehend. Consider the Law of Gravity or the concept of germs, both initially shunned by experts. Some people are more willing to delve into a new concept and explore the possibilities which come with it. Others are firmly tied to conformist ideology and will only jump on the bandwagon once others are driving it.Differing Levels of ConsciousnessIn the original book on Spiral Dynamics, Beck and Cowan talk about the magnetic forces that attract and repel individuals, the webs that connect people within organisations, and influence the rise and fall of nations and cultures. The book tracks our historic emergence from clans and tribes to networks and inter-connected networks. It identifies seven variations on how change occurs in individuals, society and leadership.Its relevance for veganism is in appreciating that there are different levels of consciousness in society. For example, a vegan passionate about the ethical treatment of animals would be faced with resistance from a hunter with a more tribal level of consciousness, according to the Spiral Dynamics model. It would be like two people from different planets communicating. Another example would be a community outraged by the influence of veganism on local employment, as demand for dairy reduces. By understanding where other people or groups are coming from, we can adapt the way in which we communicate. If vegans talk ethics and non-speciesism to people focused primarily on job security, they will face resistance.Tipping PointsIn marketing, the uptake of products and services follows a certain pattern. For example, in the 1990s, few people believed that the mobile phone market would explode to such a point. The same goes for changes in collective beliefs and ideas in society, such as the early protagonists for the Abolition of Slavery. These early innovators and adopters faced enormous resistance by those who benefited from the trade. As the movement gathered momentum, it reached what Gladwell has called the “Tipping Point”, “the moment of critical mass, the threshold, the boiling point” (12). As Gladwell stresses here, “ideas, products, messages and behaviours spread like viruses do” (7).In The Empathetic Civilization, Rifkin discusses society being wired for empathy. This occurs when the neurons in the brain mirror those of people around them, and can be likened to the psychological concept of “entrainment”. This phenomenon suggests that vegans have the ability to influence others through showing empathy and compassion.Increasingly, teenage vegans are referred to me who say, “I just had this awareness and know it is wrong to eat animals”. Many of them hadn’t seen anything on veganism or spoken to anyone about animal exploitation. I believe that this is an example of what Jung has called the “Collective Unconscious”; the structures of the unconscious mind which are shared among beings of the same species. This is encouraging for vegans who often feel helpless and cannot see how a vegan world will happen in their lifetime.ConclusionThose who are vegan for ethical reasons appear to feel compelled to take action to end animals’ plight. This may be because of the ubiquitous nature of the problem, but also because other people’s non-veganism is contributing to their vystopia.The extended compassion of vegans leaves them feeling depressed, wondering how enough people are going to change in order for veganism to become the new norm. The concept of entrainment is an encouraging one for vegans, reminding us of the importance of playing our part in being the example we want others to “entrain” to.It is my experience that empathy alone will not alleviate vystopia for these ethically-driven vegans. Vystopia can only be alleviated through action. A person may feel compelled to take action to end the suffering of refugees, children, the homeless and when they tell people, their efforts are applauded. The vegan who changes their everyday consumer choices to end animal suffering is often met with resistance, derision or criticism, as the non-vegan insists they have choice or that animals are inferior to humans. Another person may disagree with animal cruelty and yet refuse to change their consumer habits which finance the cruelty. One’s food choices are powerful political actions, and disagreeing with animal cruelty yet eating animals fuels the vegan’s vystopia. By shifting our focus from how awful the world is to taking action every day to mirror the vegan world we seek, we are creating a new norm to which others will entrain.With the increase in veganism trending upwards, the changes we are seeing across the world might mirror our compulsion to act. While the depth of animal empathy and vystopia is full of real anguish, I believe it also provides what we need to propel the world towards a vegan norm.ReferencesBeck, Don Edward, and Christopher Cowan. Spiral Dynamics: Mastering Values, Leadership and Change. New York: Wiley-Blackwell, 2005.Cowspiracy: The Sustainability Secret. Dirs. Kip Anderson and Keegan Kuhn. Appian Way, A.U.M. Films, First Spark Media, 2014.Dominion. Dir. Chris Delforce. Aussie Farms, 2018.Earthlings. Dir. Shaun Monson. Libra Max and Maggie Q, 2005.Forgrieve, Janet. “The Growing Acceptance of Veganism.” Forbes 2 Nov. 2018. 29 Mar. 2018 <https://www.forbes.com/sites/janetforgrieve/2018/11/02/picturing-a-kindler-gentler-world-vegan-month/#331421342f2b>.Gladwell, Malcolm. The Tipping Point: How Little Things Can Make a Big Difference. London: Abacus, 2000.Jung, Carl G. The Structure and Dynamics of the Psyche. 1969.Kangaroo: A Love-Hate Story. Dirs. Michael McIntyre and Kate Clere-McIntyre. Hopping Pictures, 2017.Klaper, Michael. “Interview with Dr. Michael Klaper.” YouTube 17 Aug. 2018. 29 Mar. 2019 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=87&v=8EQOUODlq2c>.Klonsky, E. David. “The Functions of Deliberate Self-Injury: A Review of the Evidence.” Clinical Psychology Review 27.2 (2007): 226–39. Mallinson, Daniel J., and Peter K. Hatemi. “The Effects of Information and Social Conformity on Opinion Change.” Plos One 13.5 (2018). 29 Mar. 2019 <https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0196600>.Mann, Clare. “Do You Suffer from Vystopia? The Discovery of Systemised Cruelty.” Blog post. No date. 5 Apr. 2019 <https://www.veganpsychologist.com/do-you-suffer-from-vystopia/?platform=hootsuite>.———. Vystopia: The Anguish of Being Vegan in a Non-Vegan World. Sydney: Communicate31, 2018.Mowat, Andrew, John Corrigan, and Douglas Long. The Success Zone: 5 Powerful Steps to Growing Yourself and Leading Others. Mt. Evelyn: Global Publishing Group, 2009.Myers, Isabel Briggs, and Peter B. Myers. Gifts Differing: Understanding Personality Type. 2nd ed. Mountain View: Consulting Psychologists Press, 1995.Oberst, Lindsay. “Why the Global Rise in Vegan and Plant-Based Eating Isn’t a Fad (600% Increase in U.S. Vegans + Other Astounding Stats).” Food Revolution Network 18 Jan. 2018. 20 Mar. 2019 <https://foodrevolution.org/blog/vegan-statistics-global/>. Rennie, David L. “Methodical Hermeneutics and Humanistic Psychology.” The Humanistic Psychologist 35.1 (2007): 1-14.Rifkin, Jeremy. The Empathic Civilization: The Race to Global Consciousness in a World in Crisis. Cambridge: Polity, 2010.Roy Morgan. “The Slow But Steady Rise of Vegetarianism in Australia.” Roy Morgan 15 Aug. 2016. 29 Mar. 2019 <http://www.roymorgan.com/findings/vegetarianisms-slow-but-steady-rise-in-australia-201608151105>.The Vegan Society. “Statistics.” The Vegan Society, 2019. 20 Mar. 2019 <https://www.vegansociety.com/news/media/statistics>.

Kangatarianism is the rather inelegant word coined in the first decade of the twenty-first century to describe an omnivorous diet in which the only meat consumed is that of the kangaroo. First published in the media in 2010 (Barone; Zukerman), the term circulated in Australian environmental and academic circles including the Global Animal conference at the University of Wollongong in July 2011 where I first heard it from members of the Think Tank for Kangaroos (THINKK) group. By June 2017, it had gained enough attention to be named the Oxford English Dictionary’s Australian word of the month (following on from May’s “smashed avo,” another Australian food innovation), but it took the Nine Network reality television series Love Island Australia to raise kangatarian to trending status on social media (Oxford UP). During the first episode, aired in late May 2018, Justin, a concreter and fashion model from Melbourne, declared himself to have previously been a kangatarian as he chatted with fellow contestant, Millie. Vet nurse and animal lover Millie appeared to be shocked by his revelation but was tentatively accepting when Justin explained what kangatarian meant, and justified his choice on the grounds that kangaroo are not farmed. In the social media response, it was clear that eating only the meat of kangaroos as an ethical choice was an entirely new concept to many viewers, with one tweet stating “Kangatarian isn’t a thing”, while others variously labelled the diet brutal, intriguing, or quintessentially Australian (see #kangatarian on Twitter).There is a well developed literature around the arguments for and against eating kangaroo, and why settler Australians tend to be so reluctant to do so (see for example, Probyn; Cawthorn and Hoffman). Here, I will concentrate on the role that ethics play in this food choice by examining how the adoption of kangatarianism can be understood as a bargain struck to help to manage grief in the Anthropocene, and the limitations of that bargain. As Lesley Head has argued, we are living in a time of loss and of grieving, when much that has been taken for granted is becoming unstable, and “we must imagine that drastic changes to everyday life are in the offing” (313). Applying the classic (and contested) model of five stages of grief, first proposed by Elisabeth Kübler-Ross in her book On Death and Dying in 1969, much of the population of the western world seems to be now experiencing denial, her first stage of loss, while those in the most vulnerable environments have moved on to anger with developed countries for destructive actions in the past and inaction in the present. The next stages (or states) of grieving—bargaining, depression, and acceptance—are likely to be manifested, although not in any predictable sequence, as the grief over current and future losses continues (Haslam).The great expansion of food restrictive diets in the Anthropocene can be interpreted as part of this bargaining state of grieving as individuals attempt to respond to the imperative to reduce their environmental impact but also to limit the degree of change to their own diet required to do so. Meat has long been identified as a key component of an individual’s environmental footprint. From Frances Moore Lappé’s 1971 Diet for a Small Planet through the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organisation’s 2006 report Livestock’s Long Shadow to the 2019 report of the EAT–Lancet Commission on Healthy Diets from Sustainable Food Systems, the advice has been consistent: meat consumption should be minimised in, if not eradicated from, the human diet. The EAT–Lancet Commission Report quantified this to less than 28 grams (just under one ounce) of beef, lamb or pork per day (12, 25). For many this would be keenly felt, in terms of how meals are constructed, the sensory experiences associated with eating meat and perceptions of well-being but meat is offered up as a sacrifice to bring about the return of the beloved healthy planet.Rather than accept the advice to cut out meat entirely, those seeking to bargain with the Anthropocene also find other options. This has given rise to a suite of foodways based around restricting meat intake in volume or type. Reducing the amount of commercially produced beef, lamb and pork eaten is one approach, while substituting a meat the production of which has a smaller environmental footprint, most commonly chicken or fish, is another. For those willing to make deeper changes, the meat of free living animals, especially those which are killed accidentally on the roads or for deliberately for environmental management purposes, is another option. Further along this spectrum are the novel protein sources suggested in the Lancet report, including insects, blue-green algae and laboratory-cultured meats.Kangatarianism is another form of this bargain, and is backed by at least half a century of advocacy. The Australian Conservation Foundation made calls to reduce the numbers of other livestock and begin a sustainable harvest of kangaroo for food in 1970 when the sale of kangaroo meat for human consumption was still illegal across the country (Conservation of Kangaroos). The idea was repeated by biologist Gordon Grigg in the late 1980s (Jackson and Vernes 173), and again in the Garnaut Climate Change Review in 2008 (547–48). Kangaroo meat is high in protein and iron, low in fat, and high in healthy polyunsaturated fatty acids and conjugated linoleic acid, and, as these authors showed, has a smaller environmental footprint than beef, lamb, or pork. Kangaroo require less water than cattle, sheep or pigs, and no land is cleared to grow feed for them or give them space to graze. Their paws cause less erosion and compaction of soil than do the hooves of common livestock. They eat less fodder than ruminants and their digestive processes result in lower emissions of the powerful greenhouse gas methane and less solid waste.As Justin of Love Island was aware, kangaroo are not farmed in the sense of being deliberately bred, fed, confined, or treated with hormones, drugs or chemicals, which also adds to their lighter impact on the environment. However, some pastoralists argue that because they cannot prevent kangaroos from accessing the food, water, shelter, and protection from predators they provide for their livestock, they do effectively farm them, although they receive no income from sales of kangaroo meat. This type of light touch farming of kangaroos has a very long history in Australia going back to the continent’s first peopling some 60,000 years ago. Kangaroos were so important to Aboriginal people that a wide range of environments were manipulated to produce their favoured habitats of open grasslands edged by sheltering trees. As Bill Gammage demonstrated, fire was used as a tool to preserve and extend grassy areas, to encourage regrowth which would attract kangaroos and to drive the animals from one patch to another or towards hunters waiting with spears (passim, for example, 58, 72, 76, 93). Gammage and Bruce Pascoe agree that this was a form of animal husbandry in which the kangaroos were drawn to the areas prepared for them for the young grass or, more forcefully, physically directed using nets, brush fences or stone walls. Burnt ground served to contain the animals in place of fencing, and regular harvesting kept numbers from rising to levels which would place pressure on other species (Gammage 79, 281–86; Pascoe 42–43). Contemporary advocates of eating kangaroo have promoted the idea that they should be deliberately co-produced with other livestock instead of being killed to preserve feed and water for sheep and cattle (Ellicott; Wilson 39). Substituting kangaroo for the meat of more environmentally damaging animals would facilitate a reduction in the numbers of cattle and sheep, lessening the harm they do.Most proponents have assumed that their audience is current meat eaters who would substitute kangaroo for the meat of other more environmentally costly animals, but kangatarianism can also emerge from vegetarianism. Wendy Zukerman, who wrote about kangaroo hunting for New Scientist in 2010, was motivated to conduct the research because she was considering becoming an early adopter of kangatarianism as the least environmentally taxing way to counter the longterm anaemia she had developed as a vegetarian. In 2018, George Wilson, honorary professor in the Australian National University’s Fenner School of Environment and Society called for vegetarians to become kangatarians as a means of boosting overall consumption of kangaroo for environmental and economic benefits to rural Australia (39).Given these persuasive environmental arguments, it might be expected that many people would have perceived eating kangaroo instead of other meat as a favourable bargain and taken up the call to become kangatarian. Certainly, there has been widespread interest in trying kangaroo meat. In 1997, only five years after the sale of kangaroo meat for human consumption had been legalised in most states (South Australia did so in 1980), 51% of 500 people surveyed in five capital cities said they had tried kangaroo. However, it had not become a meat of choice with very few found to eat it more than three times a year (Des Purtell and Associates iv). Just over a decade later, a study by Ampt and Owen found an increase to 58% of 1599 Australians surveyed across the country who had tried kangaroo but just 4.7% eating it at least monthly (14). Bryce Appleby, in his study of kangaroo consumption in the home based on interviews with 28 residents of Wollongong in 2010, specifically noted the absence of kangatarians—then a very new concept. A study of 261 Sydney university students in 2014 found that half had tried kangaroo meat and 10% continued to eat it with any regularity. Only two respondents identified themselves as kangatarian (Grant 14–15). Kangaroo meat advocate Michael Archer declared in 2017 that “there’s an awful lot of very, very smart vegetarians [who] have opted for semi vegetarianism and they’re calling themselves ‘kangatarians’, as they’re quite happy to eat kangaroo meat”, but unless there had been a significant change in a few years, the surveys did not bear out his assertion (154).The ethical calculations around eating kangaroo are complicated by factors beyond the strictly environmental. One Tweeter advised Justin: “‘I’m a kangatarian’ isn’t a pickup line, mate”, and certainly the reception of his declaration could have been very cool, especially as it was delivered to a self declared animal warrior (N’Tash Aha). All of the studies of beliefs and practices around the eating of kangaroo have noted a significant minority of Australians who would not consider eating kangaroo based on issues of animal welfare and animal rights. The 1997 study found that 11% were opposed to the idea of eating kangaroo, while in Grant’s 2014 study, 15% were ethically opposed to eating kangaroo meat (Des Purtell and Associates iv; Grant 14–15). Animal ethics complicate the bargains calculated principally on environmental grounds.These ethical concerns work across several registers. One is around the flesh and blood kangaroo as a charismatic native animal unique to Australia and which Australians have an obligation to respect and nurture. Sheep, cattle and pigs have been subject to longterm propaganda campaigns which entrench the idea that they are unattractive and unintelligent, and veil their transition to meat behind euphemistic language and abattoir walls, making it easier to eat them. Kangaroos are still seen as resourceful and graceful animals, and no linguistic tricks shield consumers from the knowledge that it is a roo on their plate. A proposal in 2009 to market a “coat of arms” emu and kangaroo-flavoured potato chip brought complaints to the Advertising Standards Bureau that this was disrespectful to these native animals, although the flavours were to be simulated and the product vegetarian (Black). Coexisting with this high regard to kangaroos is its antithesis. That is, a valuation of them informed by their designation as a pest in the pastoral industry, and the use of the carcasses of those killed to feed dogs and other companion animals. Appleby identified a visceral, disgust response to the idea of eating kangaroo in many of his informants, including both vegetarians who would not consider eating kangaroo because of their commitment to a plant-based diet, and at least one omnivore who would prefer to give up all meat rather than eat kangaroo. While diametrically opposed, the end point of both positions is that kangaroo meat should not be eaten.A second animal ethics stance relates to the imagined kangaroo, a cultural construct which for most urban Australians is much more present in their lives and likely to shape their actions than the living animals. It is behind the rejection of eating an animal which holds such an iconic place in Australian culture: to the dexter on the 1912 national coat of arms; hopping through the Hundred Acre Wood as Kanga and Roo in A.A. Milne’s Winnie-the-Pooh children’s books from the 1920s and the Disney movies later made from them; as a boy’s best friend as Skippy the Bush Kangaroo in a fondly remembered 1970s television series; and high in the sky on QANTAS planes. The anthropomorphising of kangaroos permitted the spectacle of the boxing kangaroo from the late nineteenth century. By framing natural kangaroo behaviours as boxing, these exhibitions encouraged an ambiguous understanding of kangaroos as human-like, moving them further from the category of food (Golder and Kirkby). Australian government bodies used this idea of the kangaroo to support food exports to Britain, with kangaroos as cooks or diners rather than ingredients. The Kangaroo Kookery Book of 1932 (see fig. 1 below) portrayed kangaroos as a nuclear family in a suburban kitchen and another official campaign supporting sales of Australian produce in Britain in the 1950s featured a Disney-inspired kangaroo eating apples and chops washed down with wine (“Kangaroo to Be ‘Food Salesman’”). This imagining of kangaroos as human-like has persisted, leading to the opinion expressed in a 2008 focus group, that consuming kangaroo amounted to “‘eating an icon’ … Although they are pests they are still human nature … these are native animals, people and I believe that is a form of cannibalism!” (Ampt and Owen 26). Figure 1: Rather than promoting the eating of kangaroos, the portrayal of kangaroos as a modern suburban family in the Kangaroo Kookery Book (1932) made it unthinkable. (Source: Kangaroo Kookery Book, Director of Australian Trade Publicity, Australia House, London, 1932.)The third layer of ethical objection on the ground of animal welfare is more specific, being directed to the method of killing the kangaroos which become food. Kangaroos are perhaps the only native animals for which state governments set quotas for commercial harvest, on the grounds that they compete with livestock for pasturage and water. In most jurisdictions, commercially harvested kangaroo carcasses can be processed for human consumption, and they are the ones which ultimately appear in supermarket display cases.Kangaroos are killed by professional shooters at night using swivelling spotlights mounted on their vehicles to locate and daze the animals. While clean head shots are the ideal and regulations state that animals should be killed when at rest and without causing “undue agonal struggle”, this is not always achieved and some animals do suffer prolonged deaths (NSW Code of Practice for Kangaroo Meat for Human Consumption). By regulation, the young of any female kangaroo must be killed along with her. While averting a slow death by neglect, this is considered cruel and wasteful. The hunt has drawn international criticism, including from Greenpeace which organised campaigns against the sale of kangaroo meat in Europe in the 1980s, and Viva! which was successful in securing the withdrawal of kangaroo from sale in British supermarkets (“Kangaroo Meat Sales Criticised”). These arguments circulate and influence opinion within Australia.A final animal ethics issue is that what is actually behind the push for greater use of kangaroo meat is not concern for the environment or animal welfare but the quest to turn a profit from these animals. The Kangaroo Industries Association of Australia, formed in 1970 to represent those who dealt in the marsupials’ meat, fur and skins, has been a vocal advocate of eating kangaroo and a sponsor of market research into how it can be made more appealing to the market. The Association argued in 1971 that commercial harvest was part of the intelligent conservation of the kangaroo. They sought minimum size regulations to prevent overharvesting and protect their livelihoods (“Assn. Backs Kangaroo Conservation”). The Association’s current website makes the claim that wild harvested “Australian kangaroo meat is among the healthiest, tastiest and most sustainable red meats in the world” (Kangaroo Industries Association of Australia). That this is intended to initiate a new and less controlled branch of the meat industry for the benefit of hunters and processors, rather than foster a shift from sheep or cattle to kangaroos which might serve farmers and the environment, is the opinion of Dr. Louise Boronyak, of the Centre for Compassionate Conservation at the University of Technology Sydney (Boyle 19).Concerns such as these have meant that kangaroo is most consumed where it is least familiar, with most of the meat for human consumption recovered from culled animals being exported to Europe and Asia. Russia has been the largest export market. There, kangaroo meat is made less strange by blending it with other meats and traditional spices to make processed meats, avoiding objections to its appearance and uncertainty around preparation. With only a low profile as a novelty animal in Russia, there are fewer sentimental concerns about consuming kangaroo, although the additional food miles undermine its environmental credentials. The variable acceptability of kangaroo in more distant markets speaks to the role of culture in determining how patterns of eating are formed and can be shifted, or, as Elspeth Probyn phrased it “how natural entities are transformed into commodities within a context of globalisation and local communities”, underlining the impossibility of any straightforward ethics of eating kangaroo (33, 35).Kangatarianism is a neologism which makes the eating of kangaroo meat something it has not been in the past, a voluntary restriction based on environmental ethics. These environmental benefits are well founded and eating kangaroo can be understood as an Anthropocenic bargain struck to allow the continuation of the consumption of red meat while reducing one’s environmental footprint. Although superficially attractive, the numbers entering into this bargain remain small because environmental ethics cannot be disentangled from animal ethics. The anthropomorphising of the kangaroo and its use as a national symbol coexist with its categorisation as a pest and use of its meat as food for companion animals. Both understandings of kangaroos made their meat uneatable for many Australians. Paired with concerns over how kangaroos are killed and the commercialisation of a native species, kangaroo meat has a very mixed reception despite decades of advocacy for eating its meat in favour of that of more harmed and more harmful introduced species. Given these constraints, kangatarianism is unlikely to become widespread and indeed it should be viewed as at best a temporary exigency. As the climate warms and rainfall becomes more erratic, even animals which have evolved to suit Australian conditions will come under increasing pressure, and humans will need to reach Kübler-Ross’ final state of grief: acceptance. In this case, this would mean acceptance that our needs cannot be placed ahead of those of other animals.ReferencesAmpt, Peter, and Kate Owen. Consumer Attitudes to Kangaroo Meat Products. Canberra: Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation, 2008.Appleby, Bryce. “Skippy the ‘Green’ Kangaroo: Identifying Resistances to Eating Kangaroo in the Home in a Context of Climate Change.” BSc Hons, U of Wollongong, 2010 <http://ro.uow.edu.au/thsci/103>.Archer, Michael. “Zoology on the Table: Plenary Session 4.” Australian Zoologist 39, 1 (2017): 154–60.“Assn. 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