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1
Dr. Kosim. „LAW POLITICS IN SHARIA PERSPECTIVE“. Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, Nr. 4 (07.09.2019): 297–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7438.
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Purpose: Law politics is an attempt to create regulations in line with the circumstances and the situation at a time, becoming law politics is a step for the government to establish a legal system to achieve state goal. The scope of political law can’t be separated from other policies. The preparation of law politics must always be sought along with aspects of policies in the field of economy, politic, social, culture, technology and so on and political law as the direction of law development policy of a country and political law is defined as a relationship of mutual influence between law and politic. Political law in shariah perspective can be understood from the text of holy Al-Qur’an, An-Nisa (women) verse 58-59 namely trustworthy and ulil amri (government) namely ulil amri is responsible for the politics of law on its territory. In the development of siyasah Syar'iyah included in the law political science taqnin al Ahkam namely knowledge about the ways Islamic sharia into law. In understanding the scholars that Islamic Sharia law in the political is permitted to benefit the people but still may not be contrary to the Islamic sharia.
Methodology: The method used in this study qualitatively with data sources consisting of secondary data, namely the results of literature studies and search for documents and articles in the media.
Main Findings: Law Politics is an attempt to create regulations appropriate to the circumstances and the situation at a time, making the law a step politically for the government to establish a legal system in order to achieve state goals.
Implications/Applications: The scope of Law politics is that law politics cannot be separated from other policies in the field. Preparation of law politics must always be sought along with aspects of policies in the field of economy, politics, social, culture, technology, and so on and law Politics as the direction of a country's legal development policy and the law Politics is defined as the relationship of mutual influence between law and politics.
2
Garver, Newton. „Politics, Politics, Politics“. International Studies in Philosophy 29, Nr. 1 (1997): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil19972913.
3
Dewantara, Agustinus Wisnu. „POLITIK MENURUT FOUCAULT DALAM “THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE” DAN RELEVANSINYA BAGI MULTIKULTURALISME INDONESIA“. JPAK: Jurnal Pendidikan Agama Katolik 15, Nr. 8 (10.11.2018): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.34150/jpak.v15i8.81.
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Political science, the study of politics, examines the acquisition and application of power. Related areas of study include political philosophy, which seeks a rationale for politics and an ethic of public behavior, political economy, which attempts to develop understandings of the relationships between politics and the economy and the governance of the two, and public administration, which examines the practices of governance. Many have dream up the idealization of the politics realization. Politics should not dirty! But, the fact, actually in Indonesia, politics are corruption, abuse of power, and immoral. Is that only one paradigm of politics? Indonesia must learn to Foucault to build the good governance. Specially, i hope, the discussion of this theme can give any contribution for Indonesian politic and social lives, of which to be felt decline in any ways progressively.
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Kishore, Jugal. „Politics of COVID-19: Political Epidemiology of and Pandemics“. Epidemiology International 05, Nr. 04 (20.11.2020): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.24321/2455.7048.202025.
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Firmansyah, Muhamad Ferdy. „PENGARUH KOMUNIKASI POLITIC ENTERTAINMENT MELALUI IKLAN TERHADAP TINGKAT KETERPILIHAN PARTAI POLITIK PADA PEMILIHAN UMUM 2019“. Jurnal Gama Societa 3, Nr. 1 (23.04.2020): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jgs.46394.
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Globalization demands the development of communication media, which is TV advertisment. Indonesian political dynamics is one of the most unique and fresh studies discussed in various perspectives. It concerns ondecision making and ethical political differentiation that empirically influences the political legitimacy in political representation. Digital politics is very popular within the society it could be categorized as swing voters. Digital politic is growing close to the 2019 general election as the effort of low politics tendencies that can be analyzed using the cultural value. Political parties have a polarization to use TV advertisement to be a media for socialization their political goals. The implementation of this style is usually called politics entertainment. This research explains the influence of digital political style and entertainment politics with TV advertisement on the level of electability of political parties in the general election 2019 through data interpretation method. The research is conducted as a means to explain the understanding ofmass polarization in online setting. Additionally, it is also purposed to know the effectiveness of digital politics and entertainment politics in its use in the 2019 general election.
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Zhifeng, Peng. „Formation and evolution of informal politics in Kazakhstan“. BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 145, Nr. 4 (2023): 154–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2023-145-4-154-164.
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Kazakhstan’s informal politic has experienced a long-term historical development. According to the principle of the organization, the informal politic of Kazakhstan isn’t limited only to clan, political, economic, and other structures, but also manifests itself in the form of «teams». According to the form of the operation, the informal politic of Kazakhstan manifests itself in the form of “patron-client», which includes three forms, such as «blood ties», «promises of the leader» and «pro-presidential parties». The characteristics of Kazakhstan’s informal politic are pluralism-internal mobility, and closeness to ordinary people. The informal politic is a tool of the President of Kazakhstan to overcome the crisis of political transformation, it is an addition to immature formal politics, but it also generated a wave of elite teams fighting and caused doubts in society about its legitimacy. To solve the above problems, the first President of Kazakhstan — N.Nazarbayev tried to implement the “integration” of informal and formal politics, and Tokayev promoted the transition from informal to formal politics through “infiltration”. The organic interaction of the two types of politics has once again stimulated the viability of Kazakhstan’s development as a whole. Tokayev filled a gap in the benign interaction between society and the government and reflected a completely new direction of modernization of the political system of Kazakhstan. Nevertheless, as long as the «infiltration» does not lead to qualitative changes, the complementarity and competition of the two policies will remain the political reality of the country in the long term.
7
Wałdoch, Marcin. „The meandres of politics of history in the III Polish Republic territorial self-governments units“. Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XIV (03.06.2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.2525.
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The politics of history is an object of viral studies, and researches about this phenomenon of political life is constantly deepen. In relations to the international space there are plenty of studies about individual states politic of history, but there are no such studies about local politics, and local societies in relation to the centres of political life. Author highlighted some phenomenon of politics of history of the III Polish Republic’s self-government in the perspective of the theory of centre-periphery. Some conclusions after research make it possible to show some phenomenon of political life such as: political fight between local and national political elites on politics of history; tensions between centre and periphery; shredded collective memory which is dependent of different spaces of local life; collective memory is overcomed by “privatisation and individualisation”.
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OLIVEIRA, Marcos Antônio Bessa. „(Des)política para corpos-política na arte, na cultura e na educação“. INTERRITÓRIOS 6, Nr. 10 (14.04.2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.33052/inter.v6i10.244891.
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RESUMOArte, Educação, Política compõem uma tríade compreendida historicamente no Ocidente como interdependentes. Entretanto, arte, educação e políticas ocidentais não estão compreendidas para corpos aquém dos padrões de raça, gênero e classe edificados pelo pensamento que arquitetou o projeto moderno europeu levado à expansão em todo mundo no século XVI. Igualmente, histórico e contemporaneamente, políticas têm definido, no caso do Brasil em níveis federal, estaduais e municipais, atuações e ações de corpos e sobre os corpos na arte, na educação e na própria política. Considerando a histórica indissociação entre a tríade arte, educação e política, mas também a atual e fascista dissociação das políticas em relação aos corpos que atuam nas artes e na educação em contexto brasileiro contemporâneo, este artigo discuti, por uma perspectiva descolonial de abordagem bi(os)bliográfica, a falta de arte em política, educação em política e corpos em política que consideram as diferenças culturais e coloniais porque não contemplam o padrão de arte, educação, corpo e política modernos. Arte. Educação. Política. (Dis) politics for political bodies in art, culture and education ABSTRACT Art, Education, Politics make up a triad historically understood in the West as interdependent. However, Western art, education and politics are not understood for bodies below the standards of race, gender and class built by thought that architected the modern European project led to expansion around the world in the sixteenth century. Similarly, historically and contemporatically, policies have defined, in the case of Brazil at federal, state and municipal levels, actions and actions of bodies and on bodies in art, education and politics itself. Considering the historical indissociation between the triad art, education and politics, but also the current and fascist dissociation of policies in relation to the bodies that work in the arts and education in a contemporary Brazilian context, this article discussed, for a decolonial perspective of bi(os)bliographical approach, lack of art in politics, education in politics and bodies in politics that consider cultural and colonial differences because they do not contemplate the standard of modern art, education, body and politics.Art. Education. Politics. (Des) política para cuerpos-políticos en arte, cultura y educación RESUMENArte, educación, política producen un trío históricamente entendido en el Occidente como interdependientes. Pero, el arte, la educación y las políticas occidentales no están incluidas para cuerpos con padrones inferiores a las normas de raza, género y clase construidas por el pensamiento que he producido el proyecto moderno europeo expandido en todo el mundo desde el siglo XVI. Asimismo, se han definido políticas históricas y contemporáneas, en el caso de Brasil, a nivel federal, estatal y municipal, actividades y acciones de cuerpos y sobre los cuerpos en el arte, en la educación y en la política. Considerando la indisociación histórica entre el trío arte, educación y política, pero también la actual y fascista desagregación de las políticas con relación a los cuerpos que actúan en las artes en la educación en el contexto brasileño contemporáneo, este artículo discutió, bajo un enfoque descolonial de abordaje bi(os)bliográfica, la ausencia de arte en política, educación en política y cuerpos en política que consideran las diferencias culturales y coloniales, porque no contemplan el estándar del arte, educación, cuerpo y política modernos.Arte. Educación. Política.(Des) politica per gli organi politici nell'arte, nella cultura e nell'educazioneSINTESE Arte, educazione, politica producono un trio storicamente inteso in Occidente come interdipendente. Ma l'arte occidentale, l'istruzione e la politica non sono incluse per gli organismi con standard inferiori agli standard di razza, genere e classe costruiti dal pensiero che ho prodotto il moderno progetto europeo ampliato in tutto il mondo dal XVI secolo. Allo stesso modo, le politiche storiche e contemporanee sono state definite, nel caso del Brasile, a livello federale, statale e municipale, attività e azioni di corpi e di corpi nell'arte, nell'istruzione e nella politica. Considerando la dissociazione storica tra arte, istruzione e trio politico, ma anche l'attuale e fascista disaggregazione delle politiche in relazione agli organismi che agiscono nelle arti nell'educazione nel contesto brasiliano contemporaneo, questo articolo discute, sotto un approccio decoloniale approccio bi-os, assenza di arte in politica, educazione in politica e corpi politici che considerano le differenze culturali e coloniali, perché non contemplano lo standard dell'arte moderna, dell'educazione, del corpo e della politica.Arte. Istruzione. Politica.
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AGUIRRE, BASILIA, und FABIANA DA CUNHA SADDI. „A fantasia política ou a política da fantasia?“ Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 18, Nr. 2 (Juni 1998): 362–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31571998-1275.
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RESUMO Este artigo é uma resposta ao comentário de Velloso ao nosso artigo publicado anteriormente sobre o II PND. Discordamos de Velloso em seu contra-argumento às nossas conclusões, pois o comentário não melhorou a discussão nem trouxe novos dados que desmentem nossas descobertas.
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Edward Mallot, J. „BODY POLITICS AND THE BODY POLITIC“. Interventions 8, Nr. 2 (Juli 2006): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698010600780992.
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Marhayani, Dina Anika. „THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN THE POLITICAL ARENA IN THE CITY OF SINGKAWANG“. Jurnal PIPSI (Jurnal Pendidikan IPS Indonesia) 2, Nr. 1 (02.11.2017): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.26737/jpipsi.v2i1.294.
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Political often a frightening specter especially for women. Election laws require women involved in politic by 30%, meaning that the state has given the opportunity for women to participate in politics. But in fact the involvement of women in politics, especially in Singkawang less than 30%. Least of the women involved in the political scene due to the patriarchal culture conditions that are not offset the ease of access of women in politics, especially in the legislature and the lack of education about the world of politics for women. This study will examine about constraints and strategies in achieving women's political participation with various literary journals. This study is expected to realize gender equality so remove discrimination between men and women
12
Jevtić, Miroljub. „POLITICAL SCIENCE AND RELIGION“. POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 1, Nr. 1 (15.01.2007): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0101059j.
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Political science is In same time old and young science. Old, if we have in mind politics as subject of research, and young if we think about institutions in which politics is only subject of research or education. Having in mind religion as subject of political science,s research, we can easily conclude that all books in early history of mankind, which were dedicated to political topics, had for the first subject religion. That is clear if we remember that firsts form of politicals organisations in old Babylon, Egypt and Israel... were inseparable connected with gods. Gods gave legitimacy to those states. But so political sciences institutions in generally so Politology of religion, or politologie des religions in French, was born late. The firsts subjects of research in politicals sciences institutions were: state, political regimes, political parties, theory of politics, political systems, etc. Religion was studied very rarely. Modern political science was born under influence of french intellectuals: Dederot, Rousseau, Voltaire etc. They considered that religion will disappear with education and development. Their compatriot Alexis de Tocqueville thought contrary to their prognosis. The time gave right to Tocqueville. In the second part of XX century when the world develompent was highest, religion maintained its position in big part of globe and became stronger in a lot of states. That created big challenge for political science. Many of politicals scientis started with research concerning influence of religion into politics. That create, as the first step, centers for research of relations among religion and politics as is “labaratoire RELIGION ET POLITIQUE at “Institute d'etudes politiques” in Paris or “L'Observatoire du Religieux” at “Institut d'etudes politique” in Aix en provence en France, and finally that created special scientific discipline among political sciencies which name is “Politology of religion” or “Politologie des religions” in french.
13
Dean, Jodi. „Politics without Politics“. Parallax 15, Nr. 3 (August 2009): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13534640902982579.
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Hayward, Jack. „Beyond German Politics: Comparing European Polities Explicitly“. German Politics 10, Nr. 2 (August 2001): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/772713260.
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Crawford, Neta C. „Homo Politicusand Argument (Nearly) All the Way Down: Persuasion in Politics“. Perspectives on Politics 7, Nr. 1 (12.02.2009): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709090136.
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Much theorizing about world politics and many policy recommendations are predicated on a rather thin view ofhomo politicus,often assuming that humans are rational and self-interested strategic actors and that force is theultima ratioof politics. This thin notion should be replaced by a richer understanding ofhomo politicusthat includes the characteristic activities of political actors: we fight, we feel, we talk, and we build institutions. This understanding helps illuminate the scope and limits of strategic action, argument and persuasion in world politics in both empirical and normative senses. I describe the spectrum of political action that situates the role of argument and persuasion within the extremes of brute force on one side and mutual communication on the other. I also discuss barriers to argument and communication. Noting the role of argument in this spectrum of international and domestic political practice suggests that it is argument (nearly) all the way down and that the scope of argument can be and in some cases has increased over thelongue durée.Coercion, by itself, has a limited role in world politics. The claim that there are distinctive logics of argumentation, strategic action, or appropriateness misses the point. Argument is the glue of politics—its characteristic practice. Understanding politics as argumentation has radical empirical and normative implications for the study and practice of politics.
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Rahmaddani, Imam. „TINJAUAN YURIDIS SERTA PERAN MASYARAKAT DAN KOMISI PEMILIHAN UMUM DALAM MENGATASI POLITIK UANG (MONEY POLITIK) DI PEMILIHAN UMUM“. SUPREMASI HUKUM 18, Nr. 2 (04.01.2023): 52–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33592/jsh.v18i2.3017.
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In general, money politics fits into a transactional political pattern, in which votes are exchanged for goods or services. This study aims to study and analyze the legal provisions governing money politics, the role of the public and the KPU in fighting money politics, and the impact of money politics on Indonesian democracy. Subject selection, data tracking, determining research focus, collecting data sources, presenting data, and compiling reports are the steps in this research process. In this study, documentation was used to collect data by finding data about the variables studied in papers, journals and reports. Content analysis is used to analyze data, which can be cross-checked based on context. Law Number 10 of 2016 and Law Number 1 of 2015 prohibit political parties or coalitions of political parties from receiving compensation in any form during the nomination process for governor, mayor or regent.
Keywords: Regulation; Public; KPU; Money politic.
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Sadiku, Matthew N. O., Tolulope J. Ashaolu und Sarhan M. Musa. „Food Politics“. International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-3, Issue-2 (28.02.2019): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd20229.
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Tebbe, Nelson, und Micah Schwartman. „The Politics of Proportionality“. Michigan Law Review, Nr. 120.6 (2022): 1307. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.120.6.politics.
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Tebbe, Nelson, und Micah Schwartman. „The Politics of Proportionality“. Michigan Law Review, Nr. 120.6 (2022): 1307. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.120.6.politics.
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Husain, Ejaz. „Pakistan: Civil-Military Relations in a Post-Colonial State“. PCD Journal 4, Nr. 1-2 (08.06.2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25771.
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This article has attempted to explain why the military has remained a powerful political institution/force in Pakistan. Its purpose was to test a hypothesis that posited that the colonial authority structure and the 1947 partition-oriented structural dynamics provided an important structural construct in explaining politics and the military in post-colonial Pakistan. To explain and analyse the problem, the study used books, journals, newspapers and government documents for quantitative/explanatory analysis. The analysis has focused on the military in the colonial authority structure in which the former, along with the civil bureaucracy and the landed-feudal class, formed an alliance to pursue politico-economic interests in British India. The article has also explained and analysed the partition-oriented structural dynamics in terms of territory (Kashmir) and population (Indian refugees). The findings proved that these 'structural dynamics' have affected politics and the military in Pakistan. The theoretical framework in terms of 'praetorian oligarchy' has been applied to structurally explain colonial politics ad well as politics and the military in Pakistan. The study treated Pakistan as a praetorian state which structurally inherited the pre-partition 'praetorian oligarchy'. This praetorian oligarchy constructed 'Hindu India' as the enemy to pursue politico-economic interests. The military, a part of praetorian oligarchy, emerged from this as a powerful political actor due to its coercive power. It has sought political power to pursue economic objectives independently.
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Hamer, Mary, und Elizabeth Butler Cullingford. „Power Politics, Sexual Politics“. Women's Review of Books 11, Nr. 10/11 (Juli 1994): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4021895.
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Lem, Winnie. „Class Politics, Cultural Politics“. Critique of Anthropology 14, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1994): 393–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x9401400403.
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Dellamora, R. „Textual Politics/Sexual Politics“. Modern Language Quarterly 54, Nr. 1 (01.01.1993): 155–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-54-1-155.
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Hawthorn, Geoffrey. „Is postmodern politics politics?“ History of the Human Sciences 5, Nr. 3 (August 1992): 93–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095269519200500309.
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Germain, Ruth. „POLITICS: Politics Page UK“. British Journal of Special Education 35, Nr. 1 (03.03.2008): 59–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8578.2008.00371.x.
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Germain, Ruth. „POLITICS: Politics Page UK“. British Journal of Special Education 35, Nr. 2 (28.06.2008): 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8578.2008.00383.x.
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Germain, Ruth. „POLITICS: Politics Page UK“. British Journal of Special Education 35, Nr. 3 (20.09.2008): 182–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8578.2008.00392.x.
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Germain, Ruth. „POLITICS: Politics Page UK“. British Journal of Special Education 35, Nr. 4 (18.11.2008): 249–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8578.2008.00404.x.
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Arnold, Samantha. „Politics Disguised; Disguising Politics“. International Studies Review 7, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2005): 636–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2005.00539.x.
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Avant, Deborah, Felix Berenskötter, Bear Braumoeller, Erica Chenoweth, Stuart Kaufman und Ayşe Zarakol. „Geopolitics and Oil, Insurgent Politics, Nuclear Politics, Basing Politics, and Norm Politics“. Journal of Global Security Studies 3, Nr. 1 (01.01.2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogx026.
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Anggoro, Teguh, Tina Cahya Mulyatin, Nova Chalimah Girsang, Riza Purnama und Tofan Ibrahim. „Money Politics and Political Participation in the 2019 Legislative Elections in Banjar“. Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik 4, Nr. 1 (31.03.2022): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/politicon.v4i1.16434.
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The purpose of this study was to analyze the influence of money politics on people's political participation in the 2019 Legislative Election in Banjar, West Java. The results of this study are expected to provide strategic recommendations that can contribute directly to problem-solving for the KPU in Banjar City in making decisions, especially regarding money politics in Banjar. The method used in this research is a quantitative approach, data collection techniques with literature studies, and field studies with questionnaire instruments. The number of samples was 399 respondents who were part of the Permanent Voters List for the 2019 Banjar Legislative Election using the Proportionate Stratified Sampling technique. The data analysis technique in this research is to use the product moment analysis method. The results of the study show that the condition of money politics (Money Politic) carried out by unscrupulous candidates for the 2019 Banjar City DPRD legislative candidates found that 23% had been offered money or goods; Community political participation in the 2019 Legislative Election in Banjar City was highest based on sociological factors with a figure of 80.5%. The magnitude of the influence of Money Politic on political participation in the 2019 Legislative Election in Banjar City is 4.40%. The practice of money politics has no significant effect on public participation to actively participate in the 2019 Banjar City legislative election, the survey results explain an implementation that if there are legislative candidates who practice money politics to the public/voters, the money is received but does not guarantee that the public chooses the person. the legislative candidate.
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Siburian, Togardo. „Melampaui Politisi, Menuju Negarawan: Refleksi Etis Kristiani“. Societas Dei: Jurnal Agama dan Masyarakat 4, Nr. 1 (24.10.2017): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33550/sd.v4i1.43.
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ABSTRACT: This article wants to study the possibility of principles of statemen for politician in these days. As we know, most politicians behave an conduct more as a handiman of politics, instead of a statemen (used to be called: politicos). Therefore Christian reflection on ethics became essential to comprehend the imbalance practice and concept that emerged. This studies is done from ethical perspective through library research. Out of the three things mentioned that make political issues today chaotic particularly is: 1) A detached politics from ethics, 2) political study today only focused on law and social studies, 3) and forget philosophical and historical perspective to the study. Based on the way of ethical politics today, we found a principles that enrich ecclesiastical mandate and transformation in society. KEYWORDS: political matters, ethics, politician, statemen, Christian, transformation, mandate, church.
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Suliman, Samid. „Mobility and the kinetic politics of migration and development“. Review of International Studies 42, Nr. 4 (12.02.2016): 702–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210516000048.
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AbstractThe basic claim of this article is that when the ‘migration-development nexus’ is conceived through a ‘mobilities’ lens, a different account of politics is possible. I refer to this different account of politics as ‘kinetic politics’, to denote that polity formations and political relations are not spatially determined (that is, by processes of boundary formation and relations that travel across these boundaries), but are constituted through movement as people come and go. I argue for a methodological reorientation towards understanding the kinetic politics of development, in order to apprehend the ways in which migrants and migrancy are implicated in the constitution of the polities through which ‘development’ is organised. The recognition of movement as a transversal political relation that cuts across territorial boundaries has implications for the ways in which development is analysed and pursued. I propose that this line of inquiry opens up space to think critically about whether or not formal political membership will remain tethered to problematic territorial and technocratic approaches to ‘sustainable’ development. Might there be space for thinking about migrancy as the basis for rights, and political community as inherently kinetic?
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Limbu, Prem Prasad. „Discourse on Contemporary Nepali Politics based on Class and Identity Politics“. International Research Journal of Management Science 5, Nr. 1 (21.03.2021): 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/irjms.v5i1.35865.
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The class and identity, these two factors have become major driving forces of contemporary Nepali politics. Class politics related to left political spectrum is defined as broader than identity politics. Broadly, it is believed that the left politics can support many identity question; so, identity politics can be packaged within the class politics as well. However, the contemporary Nepali politics is not in this frame where the long history of left politics is. Now, the communist party is ruling party and parallel to it the identity politics is raising in a new speed positioning as third largest political power.It has made the discourse of identity politics as an attractive agenda of discourse in Nepal. The article is completely about this new discourse of identity politics in Nepal with comparative analysis with class-based politics, its outlook and action upon identity in burning politics of Nepal. The discussion of the article isbased on the position of political parties secured in federal parliament through election, raise of the identity politics and its political agendas with some contents of class.
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Limbu, Prem Prasad. „Discourse on Contemporary Nepali Politics based on Class and Identity Politics“. International Research Journal of Management Science 5, Nr. 1 (21.03.2021): 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/irjms.v5i1.35865.
Annotation:
The class and identity, these two factors have become major driving forces of contemporary Nepali politics. Class politics related to left political spectrum is defined as broader than identity politics. Broadly, it is believed that the left politics can support many identity question; so, identity politics can be packaged within the class politics as well. However, the contemporary Nepali politics is not in this frame where the long history of left politics is. Now, the communist party is ruling party and parallel to it the identity politics is raising in a new speed positioning as third largest political power.It has made the discourse of identity politics as an attractive agenda of discourse in Nepal. The article is completely about this new discourse of identity politics in Nepal with comparative analysis with class-based politics, its outlook and action upon identity in burning politics of Nepal. The discussion of the article isbased on the position of political parties secured in federal parliament through election, raise of the identity politics and its political agendas with some contents of class.
36
Partini, NFN. „Women’s Political Participation in the Practice of Citizenship in Indonesia“. Jurnal Perempuan 19, Nr. 2 (01.03.2014): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v19i2.77.
Annotation:
Women’s participation in politics is the manifestation of the citizenship right fulfillment. Women as well as vulnerable groups as citizens have the right to improve their existence in politics. The rights that attach to women as citizens hopefully can make them not only as the vote-getter or political parties’ participants but also as those being elected and exercise policy. Politic is genderless but politic system is constructed mostly by men. And women are lacking confidence within this culture of politic. It then deteriotes the stigma that women are unable and having no capacity to compete with men. Although women are legal citizens but the culture of politic is neither friendly to women nor conducive to feminine traits. The electoral process in citizenships system hopefully does not only create the man-represented view, but also a transformation process between the political party and the women platform.
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Adams, Simon. „Politics“. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 7 (Dezember 1997): 247–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679279.
Annotation:
THE legacy of Sir Geoffrey Elton to the study of Tudor politics can only be described as paradoxical. For all his reputation as a doyen of what has been termed the Cambridge school of high political history, studies of politics comprise but a small section of hisœuvre. He never wrote a substantial account of an episode in high politics in the manner of Maurice Cowling or J. C. D. Clark. If one excludes his textbooks, political subjects are treated primarily in his essays. Even these, though, are not numerous. The section ‘Tudor Politics’ inStudiesI contains eleven essays and papers. Four are reviews, two are introductions to reprinted biographies, two are essays on Thomas More and two are the famous studies of Henry VII and Henry VIII (‘Rapacity and Remorse’ and ‘King or Minister?’), which are essentially analyses of personality. Only one article, the early ‘Decline and Fall’, deals with a specific political episode. For a man whose doubts about biography as an exercise are well known, there is a striking amount of biographical material here. Elton's real contribution is to be found in his later essays.Studies3 contains the ‘Points of Contact’ trilogy, ‘Pilgrimage of Grace’ and ‘Arthur Hall’. ‘Hall’, ‘Piscatorial Politics’ inStudies4 and the final section ofParliament of Englandform a distinct corpus of Elizabethan political studies.
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Flinders, Matthew, und Matthew Wood. „Nexus Politics“. Democratic Theory 5, Nr. 2 (01.12.2018): 56–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2018.050205.
Annotation:
Existing research on alternative forms of political participation does not adequately account for why those forms of participation at an “everyday” level should be defined as political. In this article we aim to contribute new conceptual and theoretical depth to this research agenda by drawing on sociological theory to posit a framework for determining whether nontraditional forms of political engagement can be defined as genuinely distinctive from traditional participation. Existing “everyday politics” frameworks are analytically underdeveloped, and the article argues instead for drawing upon Michel Maffesoli’s theory of “neo-tribal” politics. Applying Maffesoli’s insights, we provide two questions for operationally defining “everyday” political participation, as expressing autonomy from formal political institutions, and building new political organizations from the bottom up. This creates a substantive research agenda of not only operationally defining political participation, but examining how traditional governmental institutions and social movements respond to a growth in everyday political participation: nexus politics.
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Frazer, Elizabeth. „Politics and Correctness“. Politics 14, Nr. 1 (Juni 1994): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1994.tb00002.x.
Annotation:
It is important that discussions of ‘political correctness’ within the discipline of political studies should not just replicate the crude conceptions of both ‘politics’ and ‘correctness’ that characterise the disputes that are gathered under that name. As a properly political phenomenon, ‘political correctness’ calls for careful and critical discussion by political scientists In this paper, the conceptualisations of ‘politics’ and ‘correctness’ in these disputes are examined In addition, the idea and practice of ‘cultural’ or ‘discursive’ politics is discussed, and the connection with disputes about the academic curriculum is examined.
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Caldwell, Melissa M., Justus Lipsius und Jan Waszink. „Politica: Six Books of Politics or Political Instruction“. Sixteenth Century Journal 37, Nr. 1 (01.04.2006): 306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477827.
41
Czajowski, Andrzej. „Essay on Politica (Politics and Policy) Once Again“. Polish Political Science Review 7, Nr. 2 (01.12.2019): 96–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2019-0016.
Annotation:
AbstractThough the term “policy” has already been discussed extensively before, it appears to be in need of a critical review in meaning and context. In this essay, the criticism stems from the term “policy of the law”, which was introduced into the political science literature over 120 years ago by Leon Petrażycki, the outstanding creator of psychological theory of the law and the only world-known Polish lawyer. The term itself is false and incorrect as it’s equal to the term “policy of the policy”. Law is a political phenomenon cocreating policy. In addition, the concept of policy of the law is characterised by idealism bordering on naivety. Because of the place of L. Petrażycki in Polish tradition of the theory of law, references to his concept of policy of the law are made constantly in an attempt to apply this concept in scientific and practical considerations. It is time to leave it to the domain of history of legal theory.Another criticism was brought about by the title of the third chapter of Polish Energy Law Act — “Energy Policy”. This entire act and a number of other legal acts regulating the acquisition of energy sources and energy management comprise energy policy. The energy policy also includes various types of programs, actions and decisions of the participants of energy policy. The criticism of the incompetent use of the term “energy policy” is an opportunity to stress the role of policy in the process of meeting human needs.Thirdly, the term “policy” is determined by discussing an element of its structure: political thought. The essay presents the role of political thought in relation to economy, culture, independence, systems and other domains of human activity. The understanding of political thought as a reflection on policy or views on policy is questioned here. Political thought is not a reflection about the policy. Instead, political thought is a political decision which cocreates policy. It is a postulative decision resulting from scientific or common reflection on policy.
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Strelkov, Alexander. „The EU and Federalism: Polities and Politics Compared“. Journal of Contemporary European Studies 20, Nr. 1 (März 2012): 117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2012.657855.
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Chong, Ja Ian, und Norma Osterberg-Kaufmann. „Post-democratizing Politics in Southeast and Northeast Asia“. Pacific Affairs 95, Nr. 3 (01.09.2022): 417–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2022953417.
Annotation:
A growing global trend towards authoritarianism has left democracy, especially its liberal form, under strain. This has occurred despite earlier promises of democratization between the end of the Cold War and the early twenty-first century. Our essay examines how the dynamics of post-democratization politics have played out across several polities in Southeast and Northeast Asia. These regions once included supposed "third wave" democracies and polities apparently on the cusp of political liberalization. Such expectations have not panned out. Instead, the region has generally witnessed either significant authoritarian resilience or autocratic resurgence following spurts of political openness. We examine how such autocratic dynamics have played out following earlier movements toward democratization. Specifically, we identify three key elements of post- democratization politics associated with autocratic success and democratic robustness based on contributions to this special issue, and suggest pathways through which they can a ect political outcomes.<br/> Dominant beliefs can prime accommodation with authoritarianism given pervasive acceptance of state-driven ideologies while identification with liberal values can drive democratic consolidation and resistance to autocracy, regardless of wealth and education. Ostensibly democratic institutions, such as constitutional courts, can become anti-democratic instruments when the exercise of their independent prerogatives means upholding autocratic tendencies that align with their interests and outlooks. Agents and their decisions can both prompt and stymie autocratization, whether intentionally or inadvertently; strategies to consolidate authority can fracture even dominant ruling coalitions. Examining the role ideas, institutions, and agents play in post-democratic politics can further e orts at understanding the current authoritarian wave and its limits.
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Смирнова, У. В. „SYNTHESIS OF RELIGION AND POLITICS IN MODERN ANGLO-AMERICAN DISCOURSE“. НАУЧНЫЙ ЖУРНАЛ СОВРЕМЕННЫЕ ЛИНГВИСТИЧЕСКИЕ И МЕТОДИКО-ДИДАКТИЧЕСКИЕ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ, Nr. 4(60) (17.12.2023): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36622/vstu.2023.40.96.004.
Annotation:
Постановка задачи. В статье на материале политического дискурса, представленного общественно-политическими речами американских политиков Дж. Буша-мл, Д. Трампа, Б. Обамы, Дж. Спиэр, религиозного дискурса апологетов американского евангелизма, блогов и постов в социальных сетях политического и религиозного характера, исследуется глубинное проникновение религиозного в политическое в англо-американском политическом дискурсе с позиции когнитивных исследований религии, семиотики и дискурс-анализа. Синтез религиозного и политического рассматривается в работе как продукт «отражения» внутриполитических кризисов, переживаемых по моделям, заданным религиозным знанием, и реализуемых в форме лозунга, социальной практики, истории или высказывания, с одной стороны, и как результат экспертного конструирования и эксплуатации религиозных структур массового сознания, с другой стороны. Результаты. Формулируется понятие псевдореференции, религиозно-политического мифа и исследуются некоторые религиозно-политические мифы. Описаны высказывания, конструируемые по концептуальным моделям евангелизма «calling» (призыв Господа), «awakening» (пробуждение), и структурным моделям контрастивных смыслов, лежащих в основе религиозных проповедей американских евангелистов. Анализируется дискурс политических оппонентов и обывателей на предмет осмысления политического как религиозного в форме лозунга движения КьюЭнон «Trust the Plan» и сакрализации фигуры Дж. Флойда. Выводы. Гибрид религиозного и политического в англо-американском политическом дискурсе возникает, когда общественно-политическая речь интегрирует структурные схемы и концептуальные смыслы проповеди, исповеди или откровения, при этом евангельские смыслы интерпретируется в контексте политической повестки дня. Религиозно-политический миф обнаруживается в политическом дискурсе не только как средство манипуляции, но и как результат обыденного переживания политического как религиозного. tatement of the problem. The article discusses the integration of religion into politics in Anglo-American political discourse from the perspective of cognitive science of religion, semiotics, and discourse analysis. The author draws examples from political speeches by G.W. Bush, D. Trump, J. Speier, sermons by American evangelical apologists, and religion and politics blogs on social media. Results. The author introduces the terms "pseudo-reference" and "politico-religious myth" and addresses some of the politico-religious myths in Anglo-American political discourse. The author analyzes utterances that are constructed following the conceptual evangelical models of "calling" and "awakening," as well as contrasting models that structure the conceptual idea of sermons by American evangelists. The author also highlights signs of interpreting politics as a religious phenomenon in the discourse of political opponents and grassroots discourse. These interpretations take the form of political slogans (such as "Trust The Plan" by the QAnon movement) and social and verbal practices that sacralize the figure of G. Floyd. Conclusion. Hybrids of politics and religion result from the expert integration of structural schemes and concepts characterizing genres of sermon, confession, and revelation into political discourse, as well as the interpretation of political agenda events in the context of evangelical ideas. Politico-religious myths surface in political discourse not only as an expert manipulation technique but also as a result of experiencing politics against religious events and phenomena
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Ibrahim, Adebayo Rafiu. „The Apprehensions of Traditional Ulama towards Women’s Participation in Politics in Nigeria“. Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 52, Nr. 2 (26.12.2014): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2014.522.331-350.
Annotation:
<p>Throughout the political history of Islam, women played significant political roles in the affairs of muslim states. This, however, has not been the situation in Nigeria where muslim women are skeptical about their involvement in politics, seeing it as an exclusively male domain. This has been so probably because of the voice of ulama against women’s participation in politics or the general belief that politics is a dirty game which is not meant for women. The big question then is why do Nigerian ulama resist women’s involvement in politics? Further, would muslims not stand the risk of losing their political potentiality should they remain indifferent to political participation by women? And, how do female muslim elites who have a flair for politics feel about their lack of political voice: would this not affect their spiritual or religious interests in the long run? This paper explores Islamic political history for the purpose of discovering the extent of muslim women’s involvement in politics, and the reasons for the non-involvement of muslim women in the nation’s politics from the viewpoint of the traditional ulama in the country. <br />[Sepanjang sejarah Islam, wanita memainkan peran penting dalam politik di banyak negara muslim. Namun, hal ini tidak terjadi di Nigeria, karena wanitanya ragu terhadap peran mereka di kancah politik yang memang didominasi oleh para lelaki. Ini terjadi karena ulama menentang keterlibatan wanita di politik serta pandangan bahwa politik itu kotor dan tidak sesuai untuk wanita. Pertanyaannya kenapa para ulama menentang wanita berpolitik? Lalu, apakah mereka tidak rugi secara politis jika tidak peduli dengan partisipasi wanita? Bagaimana juga para wanita muslim itu tidak merasa kurang bersuara dalam politik: apakah ini tidak mempengaruhi spiritualitas dan kepentingan jangka panjang? Paper ini meneliti sejarah politik Islam terkait dengan peran wanita di politik, juga alasan kenapa mereka tidak terlibat menurut kaum ulama tradisional di Nigeria.]</p>
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Fanthome, Eduard. „Politics Beyond Imperial Cores: Spatial Production in the Peripheries of Medieval South India“. Medieval History Journal 24, Nr. 1-2 (Mai 2021): 92–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09719458211052727.
Annotation:
Current scholarship on medieval South India has developed a comprehensive account of the ways in which political claims were constituted by dynasts and their subordinates in a range of contexts, from imperial courts to provinces. It has elaborated the modalities of political claim-making through instantiations of politico-cultural traditions or ‘cosmopolises’, and the integrative processes and social changes associated with them. However, this scholarship largely focused on imperial capitals and secondary urban settlements, which constituted nodes in the political networks of polities and loci of contestation and integration within them. Regions in which cosmopolitan traditions did not inform political practice remain opaque to this historiography. This article investigates one such contest- the ‘contested’ Raichur Doab. It explores the politics of the production of a settlement- MARP-30 and the ways they were negotiated to constitute relations of inclusion and exclusion.MARP-30 is part of the multi-component site at Maski that during the period of MARP-30’s occupation does not evince evidence of cosmopolitan practices. Examining the constitution of socio-political relations in this context will expand our understanding of political practice in medieval South India to include practices inaccessible through texts and under-explored archaeologically, and yet typical of medieval South India given the political and social dynamism that characterize the medieval period.
47
Ono, Keiko, und Clyde Wilcox. „LA «VOCE» DI SIDNEY VERBA“. Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 33, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2003): 483–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004884020002743x.
Annotation:
IntroduzioneSidney Verba sta lavorando ad un nuovo libro, in collaborazione con Henry Brady e Kay Schlozman. Verba ha 71 anni, e molti si sarebbero aspettati che prendesse congedo dalla ricerca creativa per scrivere saggi sintetici sulla storia della disciplina. Dopo tutto Verba era presente alla nascita del movimento comportamentista in politica comparata — uno degli autori di The Civic Culture. E inoltre negli ultimi decenni ha pubblicato due importanti libri sul volontariato civico e sulla partecipazione politica, per un totale di quasi 1.100 pagine (Verba, Schlozman e Brady 1995; Burns, Schlozman e Verba 2001). È anche riuscito a pubblicare quattro articoli sulla American Political Science Review, tre sul Journal of Politics, due sull'American Journal of Political Science e due rispettivamente sul British Journal of Political Science e sul Journal of Theoretical Politics. Un livello di produttività notevole per studiosi di qualsiasi età. Di certo nessuno avrebbe obiezioni se si prendesse una pausa.
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Jarness, Vegard, Magne Paalgard Flemmen und Lennart Rosenlund. „From Class Politics to Classed Politics“. Sociology 53, Nr. 5 (09.04.2019): 879–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038519838740.
Annotation:
Questions of political conflict have always been central to class analysis; changing political fault lines were a key argument in the debates about the ‘death of class’. The ensuing ‘cultural turn’ in class analysis has shown how class continues to shape lives and experience, though often in new ways. In this article, we bring this mode of analysis to the political domain by unpacking how a multidimensional concept of class – based on the ideas of Bourdieu – can help make sense of contemporary political divisions. We demonstrate that there is a homological relation between the social space and the political space: pronounced political divisions between ‘old’ politics related to economic issues and ‘new’ politics related to ‘post-material values’ follow the volume and composition of capital. Importantly, the left/right divide seems more clearly related to the divide between cultural and economic capital than to the class hierarchy itself.
49
Chandra, M. Jeffri Arlinandes, und Jamaludin Ghafur. „Peranan Hukum dalam Mencegah Praktik Politik Uang (Money Politics) dalam Pemilu di Indonesia: Upaya Mewujudkan Pemilu yang Berintegritas“. Wajah Hukum 4, Nr. 1 (24.04.2020): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33087/wjh.v4i1.167.
Annotation:
The presence of a political party in the modern constitutional system is one of the necessity as one of the institutions authorized to fill the political position/power. The filling of the department/Power referred to one must be done through the mechanism of direct selection by the people is to fill the legislative office (DPR, DPD and DPRD) and executives (Presidents and regional heads). Thus, the political parties and the elections are two things that must be mandatory in a democratic state. A problem that always arise in the election is money politic. The majority of the advanced candidates run for the head of the political parties – allegedly strong – always involve material/money to win it. The practice of money politic in the Indonesian system of participation and election is believed to be one of the reasons for the quality and performance of democratic institutions in Indonesia, especially the political parties and parliaments. This kind of thing needs to be identified on what is the factor that causes the political money (money politics) and the necessity of the role of the ideal law (legislation) in providing solutions in reducing or even (when possible) preventing the occurrence of political money (money politics). The type of research used is juridical normative legal research, which is legal research conducted by examining the library material. There are 3 (three) reasons for the emergence of political practice money (money politics) in the elections, namely: (i) Patron-client, poverty factor, low Party-ID. The role that can be taken by the law in preventing the political practice of money is (i) required the policy to impose criminal sanctions only for money politic. (ii) Change the legislative election system from a proportional system to the district system.
50
Heffernan, Richard. „‘The Possible as the Art of Politics’: Understanding Consensus Politics“. Political Studies 50, Nr. 4 (September 2002): 742–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00005.
Annotation:
Drawing on the Kuhnian model of scientific paradigms, this article suggests consensus politics should be conceptualised not as an agreement or a settlement but as a political framework that derives from an ideationally informed policy paradigm. Such a consensus constrains the autonomy of governing elites, encouraging them to conform to an established policy agenda that defines the ‘mainstream’ wherein ‘the possible is the art of politics’. In Britain, as demonstrated by the replacement of a post-war social democratic paradigm by a contemporary neo-liberal successor, periods of policy continuity and incremental reform have been matched by occasions of dramatic political change. Any appreciation of consensus politics has therefore to explain change as well as account for stability, something considerably under emphasised in the existing literature. Consensus politics are therefore best defined as a constrained space within which politics is conducted and political actors differ, a paradigmatic framework from which political outcomes emerge, and never as an agreement freely entered into. Looking at consensus politics beyond the much commented upon post-war example, this article uses British politics since 1945 as an exemplar of consensus politics and an illustration of how a consensus can be forged, how it can endure and how it may change.