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1
Imam, Altamash. „Social and Political Mobilisation on Reservation Policy in Bihar: A Historical Contour“. Sprin Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 3, Nr. 2 (14.02.2024): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.55559/sjahss.v3i2.244.
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Presently, reservation stands as one of the significant issues in Indian politics. Its relevance has heightened with political mobilisation centred around reservation politics, particularly in Bihar politics. Bihar, one of the most diverse states in terms of population, is stratified based on caste and class consciousness. The distribution pattern of the reservation system in Bihar has always held a unique position in the prospects of reservation politics in India. The present paper focuses on the historical evolution of the reservation pattern in Bihar. Furthermore, it analyses how socio-political mobilisation has occurred in the shadow of reservation politics. This study also highlights the role of reservation politics in shaping political consciousness. It discusses the pivotal movement on mobilisation in Bihar's social justice policies and emphasises the long-term influence of reservation politics on the state's political environment.
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Das, Shweta Kumari, und Nikita Kumari Das. „Reservation in India: Social Justice or Political Agenda?“ RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, Nr. 10 (13.10.2022): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i10.020.
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With more than 3000 castes and all the major religious groups of the world, India is certainly a personification of religious and cultural diversity. The Constitution makers were very well aware of the fact that this diversity entails a form of segmental equality owing to which the idea of compensatory discrimination was included in the constitution. Therefore, through Article 16(4) and 46, reservation in matters of public education and employment were provided for the upliftment of the backward and deprived classes, namely the Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST). However, politicians have increasingly used this instrument of social justice to divide groups for “vote bank” politics. The routine extension of the reservation quotas through amendments and the inclusion of new groups like Other Backward Classes (OBC) and Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) represents the increasing politicization of caste in politics at the cost of social justice.
The motive of this paper is to question whether reservation has become a political agenda rather than an instrument of social justice as well as to give an insight on how the policy has been misused for political gains. With an amalgamation of facts and unique analysis, it also sheds light on the attempts of privileged groups like the Jats in Haryana to demand reservation thereby showcasing how the true meaning of reservation has been eroded in India political scenario.
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Priyanshi . „Constitutional Amendment 106 Women Reservation - What can be Learned from 1/3rd PRI Reservation?“ International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 12, Nr. 4 (30.04.2024): 3161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2024.60550.
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Abstract: Attaining gender inclusion and political empowerment is the goal of the historic Constitutional Amendment for Women's Reservation, which calls for a one-third reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs). The dynamics of women's participation in grassroots governance can be better understood by looking at the lessons learned from PRIs' implementation of the 1/3rd reservation. In rural local bodies, like as Panchayats, women were required to occupy one-third of the seats under the 73rd Amendment Act of 1992. In an effort to rectify past gender inequalities, increase women's representation in decision-making bodies, and boost their social and political standing, this proactive policy was put in place. The revolutionary effect on women's political engagement is one important takeaway from the one-third reservation in PRIs. Women were able to take part in local administration through the reserved seats, which helped them develop their leadership abilities and increase their visibility in public service. As a result, women's status in communities was enhanced, and decisionmaking became more inclusive and equal. The importance of prioritizing health, education, and social welfare issues is positively correlated with women's political representation, which is another lesson. To address pressing social issues, women PRI officials frequently fought for policies that would have a direct positive effect on women's and marginalized communities' quality of life. In addition, the 1/3rd reservation effort highlighted the significance of initiatives that strengthen the abilities of female leaders. To help women successfully carry out their responsibilities as leaders, educational and training programs were crucial in providing them with the information and abilities they needed to understand and handle the many facets of government. Even with these good results, there are still problems. In many cases, women are unable to reach their full leadership potential due to cultural biases, patriarchal attitudes, and resistance from established power structures. If we want women to have an impact in politics, we need to break down these entrenched stereotypes and create conditions where they feel comfortable taking an active role
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Nitza-Makowska, Agnieszka. „Women in Indian and Pakistani Politics: Reservation Policy and Quotas versus Human Development“. Zoon Politikon 10 (2019): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543408xzop.19.001.10560.
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Pande, Rohini. „Can Mandated Political Representation Increase Policy Influence for Disadvantaged Minorities? Theory and Evidence from India“. American Economic Review 93, Nr. 4 (01.08.2003): 1132–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/000282803769206232.
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A basic premise of representative democracy is that all those subject to policy should have a voice in its making. However, policies enacted by electorally accountable governments often fail to reflect the interests of disadvantaged minorities. This paper exploits the institutional features of political reservation, as practiced in Indian states, to examine the role of mandated political representation in providing disadvantaged groups influence over policy-making. I find that political reservation has increased transfers to groups which benefit from the mandate. This finding also suggests that complete policy commitment may be absent in democracies, as is found in this case.
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Kumar, Dr Sanjeev. „Unfinished Discourse Of ‘Backwardness’ In Independent India“. Migration Letters 20, S5 (23.08.2023): 1296–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.59670/ml.v20is5.8377.
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This paper discusses the Second Backward Commission (Mandal Commission) and its impact on the discourse of backwardness in India. It provides an overview of the formation and function of the Mandal Commission of India. It was established to address the issue of ‘socially and educationally backward classes’ in country in the late 1980s. The Commission identified backwardness based on eleven social, educational and economic indicators and recommended the formation of a third category of groups eligible for reservations called ‘Other Backward Classes’ (OBCs). The article also highlights the controversy and implementation of the Commission's recommendations between 1990 and 2006. Additionally, it discusses the role of political parties of India and other stakeholders in the debates surrounding reservation policies.
(F. No. 02/151/2016-17/RP_ICSSR Research 2016). “The excerpts and findings of this article are sourced from the ICSSR-sponsored national research project titled “Status of Reservation Policy: A Study of Higher Educational Institutions in Bihar.” (1)
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Imam, Md Altamash. „Reservation in Bihar: A Study of Nitish Government Initiative“. RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 9, Nr. 1 (16.01.2024): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2024.v09.n01.003.
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This paper deals with the reservation policies in Bihar, focusing on the initiatives undertaken by the Nitish Kumar government. This research assesses the Nitish government's efforts in promoting social justice and equal opportunities within Bihar's socio-political landscape. It also encapsulates the Nitish Government’s multifaceted approach, spanning historical reforms and contemporary initiatives such as the caste survey or caste census, positioning him as a pivotal figure in the trajectory of reservation policies. The paper unfolds the intricate interplay of caste dynamics, political evolution, and policy alterations that have shaped Bihar's reservation discourse.
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P.M, Rejimon, und Smitha R. „HUMAN RESOURCE THROUGH EDUCATION OF SCHEDULED CASTE IN KERALA“. International Journal of Advanced Research 8, Nr. 12 (31.12.2020): 116–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12131.
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This paper analyses the policy of reservation for Scheduled castes in Kerala. The paper provides a brief overview of the caste system and discusses the types of groups that are eligible for reservation, based on data from government reports. The stance of this paper is that affirmative action has not benefited the lower castes due to contextual factors like low school enrolment and completion rates, and high dropout and failure rates. Also, continuous addition of more and more castes to the fold of reserved categories has diluted the positive impact of the reservation policy. This paper suggests that under-representation of any social group in educational institutions should be assessed with reference to sub-populations of secondary school completers and argues that, unlike Scheduled Castes and Tribes, Other Backward Castes are not markedly under-represented. Hence, the 27% quota declared by the government recently is not justified. The paper also highlights the human resources through the education social, pedagogic, psychological and political issues involved in the policy of reservation, and suggests that quotas should be based on economic criteria rather than on caste considerations.
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Zvobgo, Kelebogile, Wayne Sandholtz und Suzie Mulesky. „Reserving Rights: Explaining Human Rights Treaty Reservations“. International Studies Quarterly 64, Nr. 4 (17.09.2020): 785–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa070.
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Abstract International relations scholarship has made significant strides in explaining how states design treaty obligations and why they accept treaty commitments. However, far less attention has been paid to factors that may influence states’ modification of their treaty obligations via reservations. We theorize that states will be more likely to enter reservations when treaty obligations increase compliance costs and policy adjustment costs. More specifically, we expect that demanding provisions, i.e., provisions that create strong, precise obligations requiring domestic action, will enhance the likelihood of reservation. To test our theory, we exploit an original dataset that codes reservations at the provision (treaty–article–paragraph) level for the ten core international human rights treaties. Consistent with our expectations, we find that states are more likely to enter reservations on more demanding treaty provisions. In contrast to prior studies, our results indicate that reservations are not driven purely by state-level characteristics such as regime type or the nature of the legal system. Rather, it appears that states weigh individual treaty obligations and calibrate their commitments accordingly.
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Cornell, Stephen, George Pierre Castile und Robert L. Bee. „State and Reservation: New Perspectives on Federal Indian Policy.“ Contemporary Sociology 22, Nr. 6 (November 1993): 822. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075971.
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Prasad, Shiw Balak. „Riservation Policy: Sources for Achieving the Social Justice in India“. World Journal of Social Science Research 6, Nr. 4 (11.09.2019): p424. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v6n4p424.
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In a democratic form of Government all citizens of the country are equal before the law of land. There is no scope of differences in any stage of life between them. Although natural discrimination may be possible, but politically and legally all should be equal. Discrimination on one or more of these factors became normal feathers particular in the third world countries of Africa and Asia. Really this social discrimination reflects in political rights and economic opportunities of the people so that the question of social justice became very important.In India, there has been so many social, economic and educational discrimination among the people from the very beginning. Weaker sections of the people have been deprived their rights. They are living like animal even today. So, Framers of the constitution of India include the provisions of reservation in the constitution of some posts of Government services to Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes for their upliftment. Actually, these reservation policies were implemented for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes only at the time of implementation of the constitution. After very long time, the then prime minister Late V.P. Singh had implemented 27 percent reservation to other backward classes for gaining of Social Justice. But due to conspiracy and the upper castes the conditions of reamy layer were imposed by the supreme court of India. Thus this paper will disclose all secrets in this countex.
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Feinman, Clarice. „Women Battering on the Navajo Reservation“. International Review of Victimology 2, Nr. 2 (Januar 1992): 137–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975809200200204.
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This paper focuses on the relationship between Navajo traditional cultural values and history and the problems associated with women battering on the Navajo Reservation. The author argues that public policy regarding the problem of women battering must take into consideration the history and cultural traditions of the victims, batterers, and those in a position to help them. With this understanding, it may be possible to develop more effective means of resolving the problem among discrete groups of people.
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Thirupathi, L. „PEOPLES PERCEPTION ON WORKING OF PANCHAYATI RAJ SYSTEM -A CASE STUDY OF KARIMNAGAR DISTRICTIN THE TELANGANA STATE OF INDIA“. International Journal of Advanced Research 9, Nr. 12 (31.12.2021): 255–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/13902.
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My study is intended to analyse how Peoples perception is very important because of the 73rd constitutional amendment act that was introduced to ensure political participation of underprivileged groups like Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes and Women through the reservation of provisions in Panchayati Raj System at grassroots level democracy. In this context, the peoples perception of working of Panchayati Raj institutions in Karimnagar district plays a very crucial role to reveal the actual ground realities thereof and to what extent they accomplished the above-mentioned objectives. several policy initiatives have been taken for effective implementation of reservation policy in Panchayati Raj in the district. The present research work also focussed on the political backwardness of scheduled castes, scheduled Tribe leadership in Panchayati Raj Institutions at the Panchayati level. It also reveals peoples perception to the conscious understanding that people have of public functionaries and official issues in the society and realistically based on their understanding level in the given context on a particular aspect.
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Jaffrelot, Christophe. „Quota for Patels? The Neo-middle-class Syndrome and the (partial) Return of Caste Politics in Gujarat“. Studies in Indian Politics 4, Nr. 2 (22.10.2016): 218–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023016665532.
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The Patels, a dominant caste of Gujarat, rallied around the Congress in the 1920s and remained behind the ruling party until the 1980s, when they shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) because of the pro-Other Backward Classes (OBCs) reservation policy of the Congress Chief Minister Madhavsinh Solanki. As evident from the 2015 local elections, rural Patels are getting back to Congress. They resent the fact that the BJP, the ruling party for almost two decades, refuses to include Patels on the list of the OBCs. This demand, articulated by Hardik Patel, and other youth leaders, reflects the growing socio-economic inequalities within this caste group, not only because of the gap between peasants and urban dwellers but also because of the scarcity of good jobs in the private sectors, one of the outcomes of the ‘Gujarat model’.
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Franck, Christian. „La prise de décision belge en politique extérieure : cohésion, tensions, controle et influences“. Res Publica 29, Nr. 1 (31.03.1987): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v29i1.18960.
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Besides classical issues of parliamentary control and pressure groups' influence, coordination between ministers and administrations involved in foreign policy making and harmonization of national foreign policy with external cultural relations led by the french, flemish and german Communities are the major problems belgian foreign policy making has to cope with.Divergences on options or heterogeneity of functional missions (Finance and Third World Cooperation e.g.) require arbitration and cooperative procedures provided by foreign affairs ministerial comitee at the governmental level. Competition for leading role and confrontation of functional paradigms foster «bureaucratic politics» between services. European affairs constitues a major issue for bureaucratic coordination.Attribution to the Communities of assessment power to cultural agreements and reservation to national government of the treaty making power let arise a kind of illogism and a conflict of competences that pragmatic concertation tends to get round.As to parliamentary control, it consists in a greater influence of majority's deputies than in an effective opposition's countervailing power to amend coalition foreign policy. So play pressure groups a role in influencing bilateral much more than multilateral affairs.
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CHOI, Jungug. „Reservation Policy and the Political Empowerment of the Scheduled Castes in India: A Study of Caste Politics in India“. Korean Journal of International Relations 53, Nr. 3 (30.09.2013): 547–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14731/kjir.2013.09.53.3.547.
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Morgan, Stephen. „Christian Conversion and Colonial “Native Policy”: The Role of Missionaries in Formulating Reservation Policy in German Southwest Africa“. Central European History 53, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2020): 741–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000023.
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AbstractThis article examines how German Protestant missionaries to the Herero people influenced colonial “native policy” in German Southwest Africa in the years leading up to the Colonial War of 1904 to 1907. By the late 1890s, burgeoning European settlement increasingly displaced the Herero from their traditional territory. While colonial officials promoted more settlement, missionaries had developed a concept of conversion that linked Christianization with living in self-sufficient agricultural communities, and hoped to place limits on Herero displacement. Thus, missionaries and colonial officials engaged in protracted political negotiations over the creation of inalienable “native reservations” for the Herero. I show that missionaries’ model of Herero conversion prompted them to promote an alternative mode of settler colonialism that would make room in Southwest Africa for self-sufficient Herero settlements. Prior to the Colonial War, missionaries succeeded in convincing the colonial government to begin creating reservations, thus shaping colonial policy according to missionary priorities.
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Syarip, Rakhmat. „Assertiveness with Reservations: The Politics of Neoliberalism in Malaysia’s FTA Policy“. Asian Politics & Policy 11, Nr. 2 (April 2019): 227–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12456.
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SANCHEZ, ANDREW, und CHRISTIAN STRÜMPELL. „Sons of Soil, Sons of Steel: Autochthony, Descent and the Class Concept in Industrial India“. Modern Asian Studies 48, Nr. 5 (14.05.2014): 1276–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000213.
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AbstractInspired by E. P. Thompson's modelling of class as the contingent outcome of historical processes, this paper explores how autochthony and descent came to inform the boundaries of industrial workforces in the Indian steel towns of Jamshedpur and Rourkela. We suggest that if class is a historical object, then it relates to other forms of power and identity in ways that question the use of rigid analytic typologies. In the private sector Tata company town of Jamshedpur, an industrial working class was constructed during the late colonial period from labour migrants, whose employment became heritable within families. In the public sector Rourkela Steel Plant, founded in the mid-twentieth century, the politics of ethno regionalism coincided with state development policy to inform employment reservation for autochthons. Through a historical analysis of urbanization, migration and employment policy, we consider how elite workforces that bound themselves according to the principles of autochthony and descent were formed in the social laboratories of India's steel towns. We suggest that such processes demand a class concept that engages more subtly with the work of E. P. Thompson.
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Ansari, Khalid Anis, und Caroline Suransky. „Pluralization Challenges to Religion as a Social Imaginary: Anti-Caste Contestations of the Muslim Quota in India“. Religions 14, Nr. 6 (05.06.2023): 742. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14060742.
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Postcolonial democratic deepening brings new challenges to religion as a social imaginary in India. Increasing cultural differentiation and pluralization are countered by fundamentalization, but also challenge existing minority/multicultural imaginations. Religion, as the overarching identity category, has come under scrutiny given the politicization of caste among Muslims, who form the country’s most significant religious minority. Through social-justice and anti-caste politics in the 1990s, lowered-caste Muslims started to enact a new identity named Pasmanda, which means “those who have been left behind”. The Pasmanda discourse emphasizes internal heterogeneities and hegemonies and pluralizes the “Muslim”. It thus ruptures the imaginary of Muslims as a homogeneous minority in a culturally diverse country and problematizes the majority–minority framework. An important site of contestation is the reservation (quota) policy in public employment, education, and the legislature. While privileged-caste Muslims generally prefer a quota based on religion, the lowered-caste Pasmanda Muslims increasingly mobilize for a caste-based quota, thus challenging systems of recognition and redistribution.
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Alam, Tosib, und Surinder Kumar. „Social and Economic Status of Backward Muslims in Uttar Pradesh: Need for an Inclusive Policy?“ Social Change 49, Nr. 1 (März 2019): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085718821517.
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Since Independence, the performance of Muslims, particularly OBC Muslims, in education, organised private sector and more importantly in government decision-making institutions has remained unsatisfactory in Uttar Pradesh. It has resulted in a sense of neglect, and discrimination leading to some levels of social tensions within the community. To tackle this situation, the solution lies in facilitating interventions from both within and outside the political system. The article focusses on examining the socio-economic status, employment, educational status and political representation of Muslim OBCs. It attempts to evaluate issues related to 27 per cent reservation for OBCs, an advantage which has more or less bypassed Muslim OBCs. Finally, our study suggests measures for the inclusion of this category in the development agenda of the state government.
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Vithayathil, Trina. „Counting Caste: Censuses, Politics, and Castelessness in India“. Politics & Society 46, Nr. 4 (21.06.2018): 455–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329218776940.
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This article addresses the important question of how “upper”-caste power is reproduced in contemporary India, in the face of organized challenges from below. It argues that this process turns on the reproduction of castelessness. A long-standing site for the cultivation of castelessness has been the postcolonial census, which has limited the enumeration of caste to certain nonelites for the purposes of affirmative action reservations. However, in the aftermath of an intensive campaign to include a full castewise enumeration in Census 2011, the political leadership of the Indian National Congress Party conceded and reversed seventy years of census policy on caste. This article examines the institutional pushback within the executive bureaucracy in the year following the public concession to change census policy on caste. In doing so, it shows how bureaucratic actions and inactions reproduce both castelessness and upper-caste power in contemporary India.
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VARGHESE, TITTY. „The Impact of Women’s Political Empowerment Policy: A Perspective from the Idukki District of Kerala“. Public Policy And Administration 18, Nr. 3 (09.12.2019): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.18.3.24710.
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Women's exposure to political power and their influence on policies has expanded tremendously in recent decades. However, females are nowhere proportional to males in their impact and practice of political legitimacy although political empowerment research on women's role is continuing. The Indian government national program of ‘Panchayati Raj Institutions' act of 1992 was an outstanding policy mechanism for increasing women's political participation at the national level. This act provides 50 % reservation seats for women in the Local Self Government, and thus women were capable of attaining power in the political realm. Through this policy, there is a greater possibility for women to elected in the political realms and thus process a higher role in welfare mechanisms in their respective administrative locality than before. In this context, this article aims to explore the importance of the Panchayati Raj Institution policy on the political empowerment of women in the panchayat. To find out the impact of policy, this paper conducted an empirical study by collecting the primary data from elected women representatives in one district of Kerala. The results could assess the significance of increasing women's political empowerment and their position in Kerala society.
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MAMOUNEY, LOUISA. „SHIFTING USE OF POLICY INSTRUMENTS FOR ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS: NEW SOUTH WALES, AUSTRALIA, 1979–2010“. Journal of Environmental Assessment Policy and Management 16, Nr. 01 (März 2014): 1450006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1464333214500069.
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It is generally accepted that choice and use of environmental policy instruments has changed over recent decades, however this has rarely been investigated empirically. A quantitative analysis of 505 policy instruments to address environmental problems between 1979–2010 in New South Wales, Australia, was undertaken to explore this further, in a jurisdiction reasonably typical of advanced economies. The data do show a shift in the use of instrument types, with the most common type of policy instrument being regulation. However, there was no trend away from regulation as a way of delivering policy outcomes, but a relative strengthening in the importance of newer policy instrument types such as strategy, education, incentives and schemes, compared with foundation policy types including regulation and land reservation. Foundation policies dominated the earlier years and provided significant structural elements of the policy system, including setting up organisations, assigning roles and responsibilities and prescribing rules. The political party holding government at the time does not drive the selection of policy instruments. The methods in this paper could be applied in other jurisdictions or to other policy areas.
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Plumb, James. „‘Back to the Future' A review of Australian reservation and other natural gas export control policies“. APPEA Journal 59, Nr. 2 (2019): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj18282.
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Despite record levels of domestic production, forecasters are predicting that the east coast Australian gas market will remain tight in 2019. The introduction of the Australian Domestic Gas Security Mechanism (ADGSM) by the Federal Government in 2017, and the proposal announced by the Australian Labour Party (ALP) to bolster the mechanism, have again thrust the issue of political intervention in the export gas market into sharp focus. This paper provides an overview of the current regulatory intervention at the state and federal level, and looks back at the history of controls imposed upon the Australian gas export market. The paper is divided into two parts: Part 1, which looks at current regulatory controls engaged by various State and Federal governments: (a) the development and implementation of the ADGSM; (b) the development and implementation of the Queensland Government’s Prospective Gas Production Land Reserve policy (PGPLR); and (c) the Government of Western Australia’s (WA Government) domestic gas policy. The paper also reviews policy announcements made by the ALP in the lead up to the 2019 Federal election. Part 2 provides a broad overview of the history of controls on gas exports in Australia, from the embargo on exports from the North West Shelf between 1973 and 1977, through the increasing liberalisation of Australian energy policy during the 1980s and 1990s (and the associated conflict with state concerns of ensuring sufficiency of the domestic supply of gas), up to the removal of federal controls on resources exports (including liquefied natural gas) in 1997.
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Perramond, Eric. „Melting the Kachinas: Agricultural Hegemony and Indigenous Incorporation at Zuni Pueblo in the Modern Era“. Journal of Political Ecology 12, Nr. 1 (01.12.2005): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v12i1.21673.
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An historical political ecology of Zuni Pueblo illustrates several processes that led to native agricultural decline in the region. Modern indigenous agriculture, and its associated techniques or practices, is marginalized within the literature. The reasons for the decline of traditional agricultural management at Zuni, as for much of the Southwestern United States, are complex. U.S. federal policies aimed at breaking indigenous theocractic rule, reforming land tenure, and modernizing reservation agriculture all contributed to this process at Zuni Pueblo. Underlying the material changes were also several conceptual or ideological processes that served the same purpose, and one that can be termed agricultural hegemony. The replacement of the Zuni kachinas, icons of discipline within traditional ceremonial roles, with those of modern agricultural sciences and practices were fundamental to the eventual outcome. Key words: Zuni Pueblo, agriculture, landscape, native policy, hegemony, historical political ecology.
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Sidique, Ubaid. „THE POLITICS AND REALITY OF ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE IN INDIA: RESERVATIONS BETWEEN THEORY AND PRAXIS“. International Journal of Advanced Research 12, Nr. 03 (31.03.2024): 632–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/18433.
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This paper examines the dynamics of environmental justice in India, focusing on the disparities between theoretical ideals and practical implementation. The main objective is to critically analyse the intersection of environmental protection, social equity, and human rights in the Indian context and to identify the challenges and opportunities in achieving environmental justice. The paper highlights the persistent environmental injustices in India, despite the presence of robust legal frameworks. It explores the complex interplay between environmental governance, socio-economic factors, and institutional mechanisms, shedding light on the root causes of environmental disparities. The findings indicate that while India has made strides in environmental legislation and policy formulation, there are significant gaps in their execution and enforcement. Bureaucratic inertia, regulatory capture, and inadequate access to justice pose formidable barriers to achieving environmental justice. Moreover, the paper underscores the disproportionate impact of environmental degradation on vulnerable populations, exacerbating existing socio-economic inequalities.The study suggests that addressing these challenges requires a multi-faceted approach, including policy reforms, community empowerment initiatives, and enhanced institutional capacity building. It emphasizes the importance of democratizing environmental governance and amplifying the voices of marginalized communities in decision-making processes. The study contributes to a deeper understanding of the complexities and realities of environmental justice in India, offering insights into the gaps between theory and practice. It calls for concerted efforts to bridge these gaps and advance towards a more just and sustainable future for all.
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Cortés-Martín, José M. „The Long Walk to Strasbourg: About the Insufficient Judicial Protection in Some Areas of the Common Foreign and Security Policy before the European Union’s Accession to the ECHR“. Law & Practice of International Courts and Tribunals 17, Nr. 2 (17.08.2018): 393–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718034-12341386.
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Abstract It is likely that the European Court of Justice’s (ECJ) objection in Opinion 2/13 regarding the absence of judicial remedies in certain Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) areas can hardly be accommodated in a future revised Accession Project to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). This is basically due to obstacles to proceeding with reform of the EU Treaties or establishing an ECHR reservation clause. However, as a matter of fact, the exact dimension of this problem seems to be quite relative. First of all, this is because recent ECJ case-law is gradually eroding the Court’s lack of competence, in particular, after Rosneft. Next, this is because, in those cases where there is still an absence of effective judicial protection, national courts – as EU ordinary courts – could fill this gap. Finally, this gap could also be filled by creating accountability mechanisms in the area of human rights within the framework of Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions.
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Jensenius, Francesca R. „Mired in Reservations: The Path-Dependent History of Electoral Quotas in India“. Journal of Asian Studies 74, Nr. 1 (04.12.2014): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911814002162.
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Since independence, India has had electoral quotas for Scheduled Castes (SCs, Dalits, “untouchables”). These quotas have been praised for empowering members of a deprived community, but have also been criticized for bringing to power SC politicians who are mere tools in the hands of the upper castes. Tracing the history of these quotas through four critical junctures, I show how a British attempt to strengthen their own control of India eventually resulted in one of the world's most extensive quota systems for minorities. The quota system was in the end a compromise between several political goals, and was not strongly supported by anyone. Also, while the quotas were designed to integrate SC politicians into mainstream politics, there was a subtle and gradual shift in the debate about them, to being about development for the SC community as such. This created a disjuncture between the design of the quota system and the expectation of what it would achieve. The case of quotas in India illustrates how policy choices often result from long path-dependent processes, how policy makers struggle with trade-offs when trying to design institutions, and also the power of expectations in shaping the perceptions of the outcomes of those institutions.
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Jayne Lyman, Erica, und Olivier Jamin. „Japan’s Introduction from the Sea of Sei Whale Meat: the Breaking Point of CITES?“ International Journal of Law and Public Administration 1, Nr. 1 (22.06.2018): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijlpa.v1i1.3379.
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A cornerstone of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) is the exertion of market control when a species’ biological status is put at risk by commercial demand. This is the crux of an Appendix I listing under CITES; once a species is listed on Appendix I it may not be imported or introduced from the sea in order to be used for primarily commercial purposes. As CITES has evolved and strengthened over its forty three-year history, the Parties have agreed specific compliance measures and policy initiatives targeted toward both building upon and supporting this cornerstone. And, yet, one decision at the upcoming Standing Committee puts at risk the reputation and integrity on which CITES stands.Since 2002 Japan has introduced from the sea sei whales and sold the meat, blubber, and other products commercially in order to raise money to support its whaling operations. Because Japan does not have a reservation for the North Pacific population of sei whale, which is listed on Appendix I, Japan’s actions are in clear contravention of the Convention. The question is whether the Standing Committee is willing to hold Japan accountable for nearly 20 years of non-compliance in a demonstration of the integrity and reputation of the Convention or whether politics and power triumph.
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Trondalen, J. M. „Growing controversy over “wise international water governance”“. Water Science and Technology 49, Nr. 7 (01.04.2004): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2004.0416.
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This article takes the perspective that when political relationships are strained, there seem to be few examples of wise international water resources governance. The Middle East is a striking example. Much effort has been put into policy development and the design of international principles, but very little into the translation of those into concrete and lasting governance. One of the theses of the article is that politics - whether domestic or international- in most cases overrides these principles and standards. Moreover ready-made regional co-operation models of water managements are not directly applicable to every geographical, political, economic and social setting. Certain factors are often under-estimated in international water negotiations, such as:• the complexity of any hydro-political negotiations, and need to develop commonly accepted standards;• the difficulty of translating policy - either politically or legally - into an operational and realistic negotiations strategy;• the format of the procedures and meetings;• recognition that third parties should have a long-term perspective on any conflict they get involved in.With reservations, the lessons learned indicate that the following factors have an impact on grid locked situations, such as: new substantive information; new trade-offs between the parties; and changed political climate or relationship with external power-brokers.
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Kotlowski, Dean J. „From Backlash to Bingo: Ronald Reagan and Federal Indian Policy“. Pacific Historical Review 77, Nr. 4 (01.11.2008): 617–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2008.77.4.617.
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Ronald Reagan's contribution to federal Indian policy proved mixed. Remarks by members of his administration recalled the heyday of termination, and Reagan's budget cuts fell hard on Native Americans. Reagan also played to non-Indian backlash by supporting legislation that restricted tribal rights to file claims on land disputes. Still, the administration continued the policy of tribal self-determination, begun under Richard M. Nixon. Reagan signed legislation to restore the Klamaths to federal trust responsibility, to help tribes ““contract out”” to run many federal services themselves, and to recognize and regulate gaming on Indian reservations. Most importantly, Reagan affirmed ““government to government”” relationships between the federal government, states, and tribes. Federal Indian policy mirrored other aspects of U.S. politics in the 1980s, including reductions in domestic spending, white reaction against minority civil rights gains, and the extolling of entrepreneurship. But the administration's ability, and even its willingness, to reverse the trend toward tribal self-determination proved limited.
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Bevilaqua, Ciméa Barbato. „The institutional life of rules and regulations: ten years of affirmative action policies at the Federal University of Paraná, Brazil“. Vibrant: Virtual Brazilian Anthropology 12, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2015): 193–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1809-43412015v12n2p193.
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Abstract This paper focuses on the ten-year experience of the Plano de Metas de Inclusão Racial e Social (Action Plan for Racial and Social Inclusion), an affirmative action policy through which places were reserved for black students and for students coming from public schools in the Federal University of Parana's annual selection processes. The ethnographic description highlights three significant moments in a continuous process of producing rules and the means to put them in practice, which retroactively transform the initial formulations. These are: a) the reconfiguration of the Action Plan in the period immediately following its coming into force; b) the confluence between the university's own selection process and the Unified Selection System established by the Ministry of Education in 2010; and c) the local enforcement of Law 12.711/2012, which determined the reservation of places for students coming from public schools in all federal higher education institutions. More than presenting results accomplished by the Action Plan, the analysis envisages the Plan itself as an outcome of, on one hand, practices performed by an array of institutional actors, and, on the other, the intersection of different policies, rules and regulations. Among other aspects, the paper aims to understand how a mutually generative interplay between politics and bureaucracy (or between what situationally counts as one or the other), local and supra-local processes, has had negative effects on black students' access to the University despite the intended goals of its policies.
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Habrel, Mykola, und Mykhailo Habrel. „INSTITUTIONAL APPROACH IN MODELING SPATIAL POLICY OF UKRAINE“. Spatial development, Nr. 2 (23.12.2022): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32347/2786-7269.2022.2.3-22.
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The article substantiates the requirements and principles of modeling, proposes a model and conceptual foundations of spatial reorganization and development of Ukraine. The research is based on the methods and provisions of institutional theory and logic — a socially recognized system of knowledge, rules, values, roles (functions and responsibilities), expectations, beliefs and assumptions that are implemented by society and social instituzions (public organizations, parties, social movements, family, various associations of citizens). This theory and logic become important for the spatial organization of society in conditions of dynamic changes and poor predictability, form connections and relationships. For modern conditions of Ukraine, processes and phenomena are so uncertain, and the tasks are not deterministic, that it is unrealistic to comprehend and formalize them to the requirements of simulation modeling.
According to the authors, the spatial future of Ukraine is determined by an objective set of factors — political, natural-landscape, economic, social, religiousworldview, etc., and the requirements of safety, efficiency, comfort, environmental friendliness, aesthetics. Ukraine sees itself in the future in the union of European countries. Accordingly, systemic political, socio-economic changes and spatial transformations with an emphasis on innovative and institutional solutions are expected. A special role is assigned here to institutional systems and spatial reorganization of the national system.
Separate provisions of the national idea, which are based on values, knowledge and common goods, as well as key provisions of the model of spatial development of the state — increasing the index of harmony, adaptive properties and systemic dynamics of the state's space — are substantiated. Proposed principles and macro characteristics of the future of Ukraine, its spatial reorganization and development. The institutional approach in the modeling of Ukraine's spatial policy reveals the potential of modeling for creative reconstruction, changes in the state's space, and increasing opportunities for its development.
The conceptual provisions of the spatial development of Ukraine (ideas, principles and macro-characteristics) make it possible to propose specific practical proposals: reservation of territories for urban development needs; development of the transport network as a hierarchical system; restoration and development of engineering infrastructure and life support facilities; placement of new objects in the complex spatial structure of the state; preservation of the natural complex and historical environment, etc.
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FAIRHEAD, JAMES, und MELISSA LEACH. „DESICCATION AND DOMINATION: SCIENCE AND STRUGGLES OVER ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT IN COLONIAL GUINEA“. Journal of African History 41, Nr. 1 (März 2000): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007641.
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Concern about desiccation – the effects of deforestation on climate and soils – was an early and pervasive theme in colonial science, present at the onset of West Africa's colonial era and with roots in previous centuries. As a set of scientists' ideas linked to soil and forest conservation policy, the impact of desiccationism was initially muted, struggling unsuccessfully in nascent administrations with more pressing political and administrative agendas. But by the end of the colonial period it can be argued that anxiety about desiccation had become a cornerstone of development practice and state penetration. This article uses a case study to consider the transformation of the status of the ‘science’ of desiccation within colonial development agendas, the responses this transformation eventually provoked and its enduring legacy.Our reflections here complement what has, in West African studies, become a general consensus about shifts in colonial forest policy. From the outset, many colonial administrations – both francophone and anglophone – were concerned both about the effects of forest loss on climate, hydrology and soils, and about the effects of ‘irrational and wasteful’ exploitation of forest as an economic resource. But early policy imperatives to establish reserves either failed to reach the implementation stage or could not be implemented due to the resistance they engendered, both from populations and indeed from agricultural or political administrations. A significant phase of reservation, at least in West Africa's humid forest and transition zones, began only in the late 1920s and early 1930s, and was pursued until the mid 1950s by colonial states which increasingly gained the strength to impose unpopular policy despite resistance. From this perspective, and given that nationalist sentiments in pre-independence struggles were often pitted against repressive colonial forest services, it could be hypothesized that independence would bring regimes more responsive to local concerns and more likely to heed resistance. Yet such a view, focusing simply on state capacity in changing political contexts, overlooks qualitative changes in the configuration of science-policy relationships within the state, a reconfiguration that it is necessary to grasp if we are to understand how post-colonial forest policy was less a rupture than a continuation or, indeed, reinforcement.
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Alam, Mohammad Shekaib, und El Fatih Abdullahi Abdelsalam. „Comparative Study on the Socioeconomic and Political Conditions of Indian and Chinese Communities in Malaysia“. Sprin Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 2, Nr. 09 (22.09.2023): 35–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.55559/sjahss.v2i09.143.
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The present study examined the socioeconomic and political status of the Indian and Chinese populations residing in Malaysia. The focus of this investigation has been limited to specifically analyse three domains: education, employment, and political representation. The variation in criteria employed for analysing the given circumstance might be attributed to the distinct perspectives of each group. According to Darin-Mattsson, Fors, and Kåreholt (2017), various approaches have been utilised to operationalize the concept of socioeconomic position. Education, social class, and income have been identified as the key determinants among these several factors. Hence, this study investigates the conditions of Indian and Chinese communities, taking into consideration the specific criteria outlined earlier. The analysis suggests that the Indian and Chinese groups are engaged in a situation of competition with the Malay majority. The Chinese community exhibits a significant presence and prominence in the realm of commerce and wealth accumulation, surpassing that of the Malay and Indian groups. The Indian community exhibits a higher prevalence of poverty in comparison to the Chinese community. Nevertheless, despite the implementation of the Malay reservation policy, both communities have demonstrated commendable progress in the areas of education, employment, and political engagement. Additionally, the government has shown a proactive approach in addressing the challenges and disadvantages faced by these communities.
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Fedorchak, Tetiana. „Modern Forms and Practices of the Civil Society Self-Organization in the Czech Republic“. Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, Nr. 12 (21.07.2023): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2023.12.47-64.
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The aim of this article is to study the peculiarities and specifics of Czech civil society. The initial situation and institutional conditions of the social self-organization are analyzed, along with specific examples of representing social interests and other forms of participation, as well as the ideas of state policy and civil society that fuel civic activism or protests. The author emphasizes that today the Czech Republic has a fairly diverse and extensive network of organized civil society, particularly in the ecological and social spheres. The system of political parties and a certain form of legal and financial regulation have not always contributed to the development of civic initiatives. Trade unions benefit from the opportunity to participate in state politics and its institutions. For Czechs, it is characteristic to express collective interests and outside the parliament – informally through demonstrations, petitions, and initiatives directed towards post-materialistic orientations. Civic initiatives address issues concerning Roma and other minorities, aid refugees, and resolve matters in which the state takes a restrictive position, although it is supported by broad segments of the Czech society. Similar patterns can be observed in protests and demands for political reforms. Czechs are seeking alternatives to existing parties that rely on civil society. The author emphasizes that among the numerous civil society organizations, there are influential ones, but the level of participation of Czechs in them is low. There have been frequent expressions of dissatisfaction with the form of social life and significant reservations towards the “party elite” in society. To some extent, this also applies to associations closely related to politics.
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Ismail, Mohammad A,. „Analyzing the Rise of Right-Wing Nationalism and Its Impact on US Foreign Policy“. Journal of Public Administration and Governance 8, Nr. 1 (03.03.2018): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v8i1.12507.
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The new regime after the 2016 General Election and its advisors are working to establish a white nationalist government in the United States. If their efforts are fruitful, the US and the world as a whole face an unpredictable future. However, a small degree of optimism exists as the process of regime transformation is in its formative phase and the consequences are yet to become apparent. Comprehending the foundation of this precarious course can contribute to the formulation of measures that can facilitate resistance to it, and promote the path to a progressive future. It is widely acknowledged that the rise of right-wing nationalism is not restricted in the US alone. Instead, nations such as Britain, Poland, and Russia have seen an emergence of politics centered on Conservative populism. The core premises of these Right-Wing movements underscore the importance of patriotism, take advantage of the public’s reservations about minority races and denominations. Additionally, White nationalists are convinced that they can resolve existing economic challenges.This paper focuses on how Right-wing nationalists infiltrated mainstream American politics to facilitate the election of an individual who subscribes to their principles in Donald Trump. In this case, the essay details the core factors that contributed to the rise of Conservative nationalists in the country. Furthermore, the essay assesses how Trump's White nationalist background is influencing his and the US' foreign policy. In this context, the paper explores Donald Trump’s behavior on the international stage and his interactions with other world leaders. The paper concludes that Trump’s White nationalist agenda is focused on altering the US foreign policy such that it promotes the Right-wing populism in Europe and supports despots in other parts of the world who can enter bilateral agreements that seek to advance US interests abroad.
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Den Ouden, Amy E. „Recognition, Antiracism & Indigenous Futures: A View from Connecticut“. Daedalus 147, Nr. 2 (März 2018): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00487.
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This essay is offered as a tribute to Golden Hill Paugussett Chief Big Eagle and his defiance of the entrenched racism to which his tribal community has been subjected. I situate this analysis in Connecticut in the early 1970s at a moment of particular historical significance in tribal nations' centuries-long struggles to assert their sovereignty, defend reservation lands, and ensure their futures. I analyze how the racialization of Native peoples in Connecticut informed the state's management of “Indian affairs” in this period and argue that the virulent racism of the state's antirecognition policy in the late twentieth century reflects a long history of institutionally embedded racist policies and practices. In this essay, I call for politically engaged, antiracist research that is concerned with understanding the complexities of tribal sovereignty asserted in local contexts in which governmental control of Indian affairs reproduces and validates White-supremacist ideology.
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Sharma, Dr Gopal, und Pujan Singh Ariya. „Political Participation of Women in Panchayats: A comparative study of Raiganj and Islampur Blocks of Uttar Dinajpur District, West Bengal, India- Issues and Trends“. ENSEMBLE 2, Nr. 2 (25.07.2021): 256–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.37948/ensemble-2021-0202-a026.
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In recent years women empowerment has become a significant issue among academicians, social workers, and policy decision-makers in India. After the successful establishment of the Panchayat system as well as reservations for women in the local bodies, there has been a tremendous change in the number of women representatives in PRIs. But women empowerment is not an easy process rather, that needs a change in the mindset of the patriarchal society, social institutions, and far more determined effort on the part of the women representatives. Sometimes it becomes difficult to serve political duties for the women representatives in this present situation where there is a lack of proper knowledge, lack of education, lots of dependencies, family influence, and so on. In this light, the present study is an attempt to examine the socio-economic conditions and experiences of the elected women representatives of Gram Panchayats of Raiganj and Islampur Blocks and their participation in different sectors of grassroots politics. The whole study is based on empirical data which have been collected through field survey.
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Subramanian, Divya. „Legislating the Labor Force: Sedentarization and Development in India and the United States, 1870–1915“. Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, Nr. 04 (Oktober 2019): 835–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000288.
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AbstractScholars have treated British colonial rule in India and the internal colonization of the United States in the nineteenth century as analytically distinct moments. Yet these far-flung imperial projects shared a common set of anxieties regarding land and labor. This paper seeks to conceptualize the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 in India and the Indian Appropriation Acts of 1851–1871 in the United States as part of a congruent effort to manage and define the labor force in the context of the intensified expropriation of land. In the complement to agricultural improvement programs, British and American colonizers sought to rehabilitate itinerant populations to create a labor pool endowed with suitable qualities for unleashing the productive capacity of land. While in India the cumulative effect of criminal tribes legislation was inclusive in that members of criminal tribes were purportedly reformed in preparation for joining the colonial labor force, reservation policy in the United States excluded Native Americans from lands that were the preserve of white labor while simultaneously laying the groundwork for assimilation.
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Raftopoulos, Evangelos. „The Crisis over the Imia Rocks and the Aegean Sea Regime: International Law as a Language of Common Interest“. International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 12, Nr. 4 (1997): 427–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180897x00310.
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AbstractSovereignty is a concept of international public interest. In the case of the Imia Rocks, the public interest nature of territorial sovereignty may be found in the undisputed treaty delimitation of the archipelagic entity of the Dodecanese Islands between Italy and Turkey, 1932, and the Peace Treaty of Paris, 1947. Turkey's subsequent conduct, its signature without reservation of the Helsinki Final Act and its claim for the bilateralisation of the Aegean Sea Dispute Agenda on the basis of a geo-political equity are all evidence of the acceptance of the delimitation regime of the Aegean Sea. The public interest regime of the LOS Convention makes questionable Turkey's recourse to the abstract notion of a "semi-enclosed" sea and provides the basis for understanding the pragmatic dimension of the Imia Rocks crisis in the light of the protection and promotion of international common interest.
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Dudin, Pavel Nikolaevich. „Legal regulation of price formation in Mengjiang in the context of economic function of the Mongolian Statehood: a historical-legal overview“. Право и политика, Nr. 3 (März 2021): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2021.3.35235.
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The object of this article is legal regulation of the economic policy of Japan in the occupied territories of Northeast China. The subject of this research is the legal mechanism for regulating price formation in Inner Mongolia during the existence of Mengjiang State. Based on the fact that the Japanese side sought to ensure that the new political unit, i.e. the State of Mengjiang would formally comply with the attributes of an independent state, the author infers the substantive part from the economic function of the state. The goal of the article consists in carrying out a historical-legal analysis of the legal regulation of price formation in Mengjiang. The author sets the task to give characteristics to the normative legal acts of Mengjiang that pertain to price formation; reveal their meaning, content, as well as the legal and social consequences of their application. The author concludes on the effectiveness of legal instruments of economic policy implemented for controlling price formation, with reservation that the military and economic efficiency should not be confused with social and humanitarian efficiency, as it was practiced by the Mengjiang government. The author’s special contribution consists in reconstruction of the legal instruments for economic management of a large region in East Asia, as well as in updating the existing information with new facts. The scientific novelty lies in introduction into the scientific discourse of new data that was previously unknown to a broad array of researchers.
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Ladas, Ioannis. „Title: Life after COVID-19: Understanding the environment for humanity's survival and sustenance“. Epistēmēs Metron Logos, Nr. 4 (21.07.2020): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/eml.23779.
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The severe restrictive measures imposed in dealing with Covid-19 have altered, among others, our environmental footprint. First reports are especially encouraging, showing reductions in CO2 emissions and improved air quality. In the present essay I shall investigate whether there is a “positive side” to a pandemic that leaves thousands of dead and causes world-wide economic crisis. I shall maintain – with great reservation- that the outcome might have been in the affirmative, while noting that blind approval of the environmental amelioration, due to the imposed restrictions, entails great risk, since it may be born of a dark eco-fascist ideology, promoting peremptory, fascist ideas towards improving the environment. Alongside I shall emphasize that a new Policy is necessary, i.e. a new Ethics, within the framework of rationalizing our relationship with the natural world. Besides, the rate of environmental deterioration does not allow retrospective re-contemplation of everything occurring in our socio-political reality. Consequently, I shall conclude it is required that world economies prosper again while the environment is protected, and that data collected during the quarantine period must serve as orientators for governments in the implementation of their recovery plans.
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Harris, Kari Jo, Blakely Brown, Lindsey Shankle, Michael Tryon, Maja Pedersen, Sofia Kehaulani Panarella und Gyda Swaney. „Community Readiness Model for Prevention Planning: Addressing Childhood Obesity in American Indian Reservation Communities“. Journal of Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities 6, Nr. 6 (22.07.2019): 1144–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40615-019-00616-6.
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Yakovliev, Maksym. „Pragmatic Functions of Politological Quasiterms and Political Terminoids“. Terminological Bulletin, Nr. 5 (2019): 228–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37919/2221-8807-2019-5-31.
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Ukrainians demonstrate an intense interest in the domestic and foreign policy of their country, as well as in what is going in geopolitical processes. Social and political discourse in Ukraine is highly politicised which results in a great variety of lexical elements found in everyday publications and discussions. There are many political terminoids, politological quasiterms or quasitermini, political jargonisms, and pseudoterms of political realm that are extensively used both in Ukrainian and international discourse. Examples may vary from a term Trumpism, which bears a significant emotional load with pejorative connotations, to a more neutral term Thatcherism that became a part of political and economic reference books. Russian military aggression against Ukraine brought a new meaning to the terms Putinism, that resembles the term Hitlerism, as well as Rushism – a combination of Russia and fascism, which denotes an imperialist, chauvinist, aggressive, militant foreign policy of Russia, especially to its close neighbours. Different terms like that constitute a vibrant interdisciplinary field that is not paid sufficient attention to. This article suggests approaching analysis of pragmatics functions of these lexical elements by analysing their role in more general course of terminologisation of political and social discourse. A number of different examples of such lexemes are listed and their use is commented by placing them into a broader context of lexicological studies. In the English language tradition such lexemes are studies within the discipline of language for special purposes, in this case – the language of politics. The German terminological tradition speaks of Fachjargonismen and Halbtermini, the latter may be regarded as a sort of an equivalent to the concept of quasiterms used in our terminological studies. Some examples of pejorative and metaphorical lexical elements used in political discussions are also described and commented briefly, like the terms Porokhobot as an example of a pejorative terms used to describe those who support the president of Ukraine Mr. Poroshenko and his politics, or the terms related to the revolutionary events in Ukraine in 2014 – Euromaidan – a term widely used outside of Ukraine, together with the term Leninopad to describe the removal of the monuments of Lenin as a part of the policy of de-communisation. It is claimed that this terminology allows broader public to participate in political discussions since it simplifies the discourse but also sets some terms of reference for placing opponents and proponents of certain political actors, ideologies, or parties according to lexical delimitation lines. In the European Union those who criticize the policies of the Union and see a threat in the increased German influence go as far as to suggest a term Merkelreich to combine the name of the German Chancellor Angela Merkel and the German word Reich to imply a rather brutal reference to the Third Reich. On the other hand, such a term provides a great simplification to the discussion about the nature of political processes within the European Union. By comparing Germany’s economic potential in the common market to the imperialistic ambitions it also sets discursive boundaries for a certain type of political debate. It is also stated that such lexical elements can indicate a shift in political and social developments since such pseudoterms have potential to transform into full-fledged political science terms in the future. It might be the case the militant and aggressive foreign policy of today’s Russia would one day named Putinism and become part of university textbooks in politics. As it is almost impossible to predict the future of a particular quasiterm, it is suggested that the current process of nomination of terms within the socio-political discourse should be studied with a particular attention. Some discursive practices may reveal the mechanisms behind the logic of how certain terms are used. For example, a political expert or a political scientist would hesitate to use a terminoid with pejorative connotations in official lecture or in a peer-reviewed article, but he or she can use it in an emotionally heated discussion or, with some reservations, even on a TV-show. These terms are all around and the ways and rules of their application should be paid more attention to. The article concludes that these elements should be researched from an interdisciplinary perspective.
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Haokip, Sonkhothang. „Reservation Policy“. Journal for Peace and Justice Studies 31, Nr. 1 (2022): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/peacejustice20223116.
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“Reservation Policy: An Analysis of Scheduled Tribes Reservation on Higher Education in Manipur.” This paper examines how marginalized social groups are admitted to Manipur’s universities, notably Manipur University. In Manipur, the reservation proportion is as follows: unreserved 40%, economically weaker 10%, Scheduled Tribes (ST) 31%, Scheduled Castes (SC) 2%, and Other Backward Classes (OBC) (17%). This research focused on Manipur’s shortage of quota provisions in higher education admissions. Tribal peoples, who already have 31% of the reservation opportunity, were outraged by this. All ministries of the Indian Union Government have a 7.5% allocation for ST. However, the problem with these figures is that they are radically different from Manipur’s current demographic reality. The Indian Central Educational Institutions (CEI) Reservation in Admission Act, 2006, as revised in 2012, is also the basis for the paper.
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Bahceci, Hazal Ilgın, und Kemal Gormez. „Discussions of local autonomy in Turkey“. New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, Nr. 2 (12.01.2016): 154–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v2i2.438.
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The Europen Charter of Local Self Government was introduced and initiated in Turkey in 1992 however there were reservations placed on certain articles of the agreement. This Charter can be said to be considered as an essential reference paper for the agenda of Turkish Public Administration for the discussions of “reformation in local governmentsâ€, “empowering local governments†and “creating autonomous local governmentsâ€. The Charter has continously been present in the agenda of Turkish Politics before almost every elections, during preparation of a new constitution, the peace period and democratisation issues. These discussions are in relevance to removing or maintaning the reservations placed on the articles of the Charter.The Council of Europe has initiated the Charter and has started working in 1997 towards creating similiar documents at regions. The Council initially accepted the European Draft Charter of Regional Self Government and in accordance accepted the Reference Framework Document for Regional Democracy in 2009. The Draft Charter states that the recognition of the autonomy of regional governments will not be allowed to impact the policy of loyalty to the state in any way and that the regions will not be able to negatively impact the national unity.The purpose of this study is to research and present the discussions of the autonomy of local governments in Turkey in regards to the mentioned papers. The study will be limited to the impact caused or the impact that may be caused by the above mentioned documents and agreements in regards to autonomous local government discussions in Turkey. The above mentioned articles will not be examined in detail.
Keywords: Local Autonomy, Local Government, The Principle of Subsidiarity, Decentralization and Regionalization, Turkish Political and Administrative Culture
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Atkinson, Michael M., und Gerald Bierling. „Politicians, the Public and Political Ethics: Worlds Apart“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2005): 1003–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905040734.
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Abstract.Increased regulation of political ethics has not produced a growing satisfaction with the conduct of politics or the behaviour of politicians. We examine the proposition that regulation produces a convergence of attitudes and expectations between politicians and the public in the realm of political ethics. A distinction is drawn between political ethics conceived as a policy issue and as a process issue. Two models based on that distinction are derived and examined in the context of data drawn from Canada. We observe differences between politicians and the public on critical dimensions, differences that overpower partisan positions. Our conclusions support, with some reservations, the “worlds apart” model and caution against an overinvestment in ethics regulation as a means of restoring public faith in the political process.Résumé.Les citoyens ne sont pas plus satisfaits du processus politique ni du comportement des politiciens depuis que l'éthique politique est plus réglementée. Nous étudions la prémisse selon laquelle la réglementation produit, en ce qui a trait à l'éthique politique, une convergence des attitudes et des attentes entre les politiciens et l'électorat. Deux conceptions distinctes de l'éthique politique émergent de notre propos: celle qui renvoie aux politiques en tant que telles et celle qui renvoie au processus politique. Sur la base de cette distinction, nous dérivons ainsi deux modèles et les examinons dans le contexte de données recueillies au Canada. Nous observons entre les politiciens et l'électorat certaines différences dans des domaines essentiels et ces différences transcendent les lignes partisanes. Nos conclusions soutiennent, avec quelques réserves, le modèle des “mondes à part” et mettent en garde contre une surenchère de la réglementation de l'éthique pour restaurer la confiance de l'électorat envers le processus politique.
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Surahio, Muhammad Kashan, Shengyu Gu, Hakim Ali Mahesar und Mansoor Mumtaz Soomro. „China–Pakistan Economic Corridor: Macro Environmental Factors and Security Challenges“. SAGE Open 12, Nr. 1 (Januar 2022): 215824402210798. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440221079821.
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Pakistan, excepting external issues, has been enduring from chronic problems, that is, political-military anarchy, bad-governance, interprovincial conflicts, social divisions, sectarian influence, and terrorism resulting negatively on inland politics, economics, socioculture, and techno-industry (PEST). This amplified domestic instability and governmental dependency toward external support. Appropriately, China’s recent FDI for CPEC is aimed to revive Pakistan’s energy, transport, infrastructure, industries and also procure China’s energy and trade transmission, and opportunities. So far, some studies separately have reported favorable and unfavorable effects emerged between projects and local PEST domains. Apart from numerous advantages, the drawbacks are also found many that are not limited to institutional concerns, project misappropriations, ethnic and provincial reservations, opposition, and targeted terrorism. Therefore, current study systematically revolves around exploring, comparing, and analyzing the cross-impact among CPEC, PEST, and Security concomitantly. Employing qualitative interviews, all-round literature, and statistical index datasets, study determines that the security risk is critical for Chinese manpower whereas the concerns of inter-government, projects, institutions, civil-military, and ethnicities are somehow manageable. Results show positive trend in Pakistan’s many PEST indicators except political violence, corruption, security costs and threats, electricity costs and supply, debts, imports, and forestry that are in continuous negative impact. Moreover, opposition, trust-deficit, and attacks against CPEC are yet unchanged factors. The study, therefore, argues that if negative impact factors are recognized for elimination, the CPEC as a result will improve the both host and investor environments with promised socioeconomic advantages, and minimize challenges including terrorism. In last, study also suggests various practical and policy implications.