Dissertationen zum Thema „Politics and Government - Civil rights and citizenship“
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Malloy, Tove. „The 'politics of accommodation' in the Council of Europe after 1989 : national minorities and democratization“. Thesis, University of Essex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369369.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBIRNIE, Rutger Steven. „The ethics and politics of deportation in Europe“. Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/61307.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleExamining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Matthew Gibney, University of Oxford; Professor Iseult Honohan, University College Dublin; Professor Jennifer Welsh, McGill University (formerly European University Institute)
This thesis explores key empirical and normative questions prompted by deportation policies and practices in the contemporary European context. The core empirical research question the thesis seeks to address is: what explains the shape of deportation regimes in European liberal democracies? The core normative research question is: how should we evaluate these deportation regimes morally? The two parts of the thesis address each of these questions in turn. To explain contemporary European deportation regimes, the four chapters of the first part of the thesis investigate them from a historical and multilevel perspective. (“Expulsion Old and New”) starts by comparing contemporary deportation practices to earlier forms of forced removal such as criminal banishment, political exile, poor law expulsion, and collective expulsions on a religious or ethnic basis, highlighting how contemporary deportation echoes some of the purposes of these earlier forms of expulsion. (“Divergences in Deportation”) looks at some major differences between European countries in how, and how much, deportation is used as a policy instrument today, concluding that they can be roughly grouped into four regime types, namely lenient, selective, symbolically strict and coercively strict. The next two chapters investigate how non-national levels of government are involved in shaping deportation in the European context. (“Europeanising Expulsion”) traces how the institutions of the European Union have come to both restrain and facilitate or incentivise member states’ deportation practices in fundamental ways. (“Localities of Belonging”) describes how provincial and municipal governments are increasingly assertive in frustrating deportations, effectively shielding individuals or entire categories of people from the reach of national deportation efforts, while in other cases local governments pressure the national level into instigating deportation proceedings against unwanted residents. The chapters argue that such efforts on both the supranational and local levels must be explained with reference to supranational and local conceptions of membership that are part of a multilevel citizenship structure yet can, and often do, come apart from the national conception of belonging. The second part of the thesis addresses the second research question by discussing the normative issues deportation gives rise to. (“Deportability, Domicile and the Human Right to Stay”) argues that a moral and legal status of non-deportability should be extended beyond citizenship to all those who have established effective domicile, or long-term and permanent residence, in the national territory. (“Deportation without Domination?”) argues that deportation can and should be applied in a way that does not dominate those it subjects by ensuring its non-arbitrary application through a limiting of executive discretion and by establishing proportionality testing in deportation procedures. (“Resisting Unjust Deportation”) investigates what can and should be done in the face of unjust national deportation regimes, proposing that a normative framework for morally justified antideportation resistance must start by differentiating between the various individual and institutional agents of resistance before specifying how their right or duty to resist a particular deportation depends on motivational, epistemic and relational conditions.
Han, Christine Mui Neo. „Education for citizenship in a plural society : with special application to Singapore“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7f4b512c-f457-46fa-8980-f5d5e80feb45.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAydinli, Ersel. „Political globalization versus anarchy : an operationalization of the transformationalist approach through the Turkish case“. Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82825.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMassé, Sylvain. „Démocraties et minorités linguistiques : le cas de la communauté franco-manitobaine“. Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66189.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKenny, Christina Mary. „'They would rather have the women who are humbled': Gendered citizenship and embodied rights in post-colonial Kenya“. Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148124.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleFox, Lisa Ann. „Cracking the Closed Society: James W. Silver and the Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28419/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRamos, Howard. „Divergent paths : aboriginal mobilization in Canada, 1951-2000“. Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84541.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSharifi, Sirwa. „The possible implementation of a federalist model and the Kurdish claims to self-determination : a comparative study of Iran and Turkey“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96122.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Kurds, numbering somewhat 40 million, are the largest stateless nation worldwide. As smaller minorities, they are mainly spread in Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey in the Middle East. The Kurdish claims for self-determination have been a century-long struggle, and at the moment only the Kurds in north-Iraq have achieved the establishment of the semi-autonomous territory of Kurdistan, and the Kurds in Syria have autonomous control over the Kurdish region. Iran and Turkey with their significant Kurdish communities have not been successful in addressing the Kurdish claims of selfdetermination in an efficient and structural manner. This thesis assessed the possibilities of a successful implementation of a federal model in Iran and Turkey in order to address the Kurdish claims for self-determination. The main finding of this thesis is that the current political atmosphere in each country is not ready to make the necessary accommodations, as the transition to a federal system requires, and consequently will not be successful in addressing the Kurdish claims of self-determination. In Iran, it is found that the union between religion and politics, and consequently, the controlled nature of the theocratic system, will not accommodate for a society along federalist principles in which rule is divided amongst groups in society. In Turkey, it is found that while the political rule in Turkey is different from that in Iran, it is however believed that not even a possible transition to a direct Presidential system will change the governments fears of separatism, or the constitutional constraints which further hinders a federal transition. As seen from the assessment of the case studies, a federal implementation is not foreseen in Iran and Turkey within the nearest future, and will subsequently fail in addressing the Kurdish claims of self-determination. A transition of this manner requires dedication and willingness, and this research presents recommendations for the road towards a federalist political arrangement and greater Kurdish self-determination in order to reach a peaceful solution to the century-long Kurdish issue.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Koerde wat 40 miljoen lede het is die grootste staatlose nasie in die wêreld. Hulle word hoofsaaklik in Iran, Irak, Sirië en Turkye in die Midde-Ooste aangetref. Die Koerde se aanspraak vir selfbeskikking is ‘n eeue-lange stryd: op die oomblik het slegs die Koerde in Noord-Irak die vestiging van die semi-outonome gebied van Kurdistan terwyl die Koerde in Sirië outonome beheer het oor die Koerdiese gebied. Beide Iran en Turkye het aansienlike Koerdiese gemeenskappe, maar was onsuksesvol om die Koerdiese se aanspraak op selfbeskikking aan te spreek. Hierdie tesis assesseer die moontlikheid vir die suksesvolle implimentering van ‘n federale model in Iran en Irak om die Koerdiese aanspraak vir selfbeskikking aan te spreek. Die hoof bevinding van hierdie tesis is dat die huidige politieke klimaat in elkeen van hierdie lande ongunstig is: hierdie lande is nie gereed om die oorgang tot ‘n federale sisteem te maak nie, en sal gevolglik onsuksesvol wees in die aanspreek van Koerdiese aanspraak op selfbeskikking. In Iran is daar geen onderskeid tussen godsdiens en politiek nie: die streng beheerde teokratiese sisteem sal nie die ontwikkeling van ‘n samelewing langs federale beginsels toelaat waar mag tussen verskillende groepe in die samelewing verdeel is nie. In Turkye waar die politieke sisteem verskil van dié van Iran, sal ‘n moontlike oorgang na ‘n Presidensiële sisteem nie die vrese van separatisme verander of die grondwetlike beperkings verander wat ‘n federale oorgang verhinder nie. Soos uit die gevallestudies blyk kan ‘n federale sisteem nie in die nabye toekoms in Turkye en Iran voorsien word nie en sal hierdie lande gevolglik misluk in die aanspreek van die Koerdiese aanspraak op selfbeskikking. ‘n Politieke oorgang van hierdie soort benodig toewyding en bereidwilligheid, en hierdie navorsing stel aanbevelings voor vir die pad na ‘n federale politiese ooreenkoms en groter Koerdiese selfbeskikking. Dit is nodig indien ‘n vreedsame oplossing vir die eeuelange Koerdiese kwessie gevind moet word.
Campero, Chloée. „De San Andrés Larrainzar à San Andres Sakamch'en de los Pobres : la transformation du discours politique Mexicain“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0021/MQ54982.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSeleoane, Lebohang Clyde. „The implementation of socio-economic rights in South Africa : a meta-analysis“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51985.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleENGLISH ABSTRACT: Socio-economic rights are the subject of much debate in South Africa and elsewhere. At first they were simply denied the status of any rights at all. Lately, there is a fair amount of recognition for them as rights. The tendency is, however, to relegate them to paper rights and invest very little effort in bringing about their actual realisation. In this thesis I inquire into the question of what a human right, properly so called, is, and then whether, in the light of that inquiry, there is a basis for the reluctance to embrace socio-economic rights. South Africa is uniquely fortunate in having a constitution that gives recognition to socio-economic rights and requiring the Human Rights Commission to monitor their implementation. But again there is a risk that the recognition of socioeconomic rights is left as a constitutional matter, and nothing or little is done for their practical implementation. Therefore I inquire into the manner in which the Human Rights Commission monitors the implementation of these rights. The inquiry into the Human Rights Commission's monitoring role is largely a question of methodology. Whether, in other words, the methods of the Commission are such as to yield reliable information on the subject. I also inquire whether the government's budgetary allocations indicate a serious approach to these rights. The budgetary allocations that are brought under the microscope relate to the seven core rights enshrined in the constitution, namely, housing, health care, food, water, social security, education, and environmental rights.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sosio-ekonomiese regte is die onderwerp van vele debatte in Suid-Afrika en elders. Aanvanklik was daar nie erkenning gegee aan die status van hierdie regte nie. Hierdie situasie het die afgelope tyd begin verander. Die tendens is egter steeds om dit te sien as regte slegs op papier en daar word nie 'n poging aangewend vir die realisering van hierdie regte nie. Ek ondersoek in hierdie tesis die kwessie van wat 'n mensereg, korrek so genoem, is en ook of, in die lig van hierdie ondersoek, daar 'n basis is vir die huiwering om sosio-ekonomiese regte te aanvaar. Suid-Afrika is uniek in die sin dat die konstitusie erkenning gee aan sosioekonomiese regte en die Waarheid-en Versoeningskommissie opdrag gegee het om die implementering daarvan te monitor. Daar is egter weereens die risiko dat die erkenning van sosio-ekonomiese regte slegs gesien word as 'n konstitusionele aangeleentheid en dat niks of baie min gedoen word rakende die praktiese implementering daarvan. Ek stel daarom ook ondersoek in na die wyse waarop die Menseregtekommissie die implementering van hierdie regte moniteer. Die ondersoek na die monitering van die Menseregtekommissie is hoofsaaklik metodologies van aard; dus of die metodes wat gebruik is, deur die Menseregtekommissie, betroubare inligting verskaf. Ek ondersoek ook of die regering se begrotingallokasies 'n ernstige ingesteldheid jeens hierdie regte toon. Die begrotingsaspekte wat ondersoek word hou verband met die sewe kernregte soos vervat in die konstitusie naamlik behuising, gesondheidsorg, voedsel, water, sosiale sekuriteit, opvoeding en omgewingsregte.
Wright, Nicholas A. „The Black Middle Class: A Continuous Product of Government Policy, Influence and Action“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/265.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleNiyazbekov, Nurseit. „Protest mobilisation and democratisation in Kazakhstan (1992-2009)“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:494a3742-e7d6-4adf-8728-e644a3f7f249.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleNgcukaitobi, T. „Judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights under the 1996 constitution : realising the vision of social justice“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003204.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAdkins, Edward. „Opening Pandora's box : Richard Nixon, South Carolina, and the southern strategy, 1968-1972“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:594d27ff-85d8-4a72-9f99-a8d9ffd563e3.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRigo, Karina Borges. „Instrumentos jurídicos para a garantia do direito ao lazer e qualidade de vida no meio ambiente urbano“. reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2016. https://repositorio.ucs.br/handle/11338/1140.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior, CAPES.
Le droit au loisir comme maximum de les droits sociaux fondamentaux positivisées à l'article 6 de la Constitution Brésilienne Fédérale de 1988, mais n'a pas encore perpétré dans la société brésilienne contemporaine, est le principal sujet de discussion de ce travail . Toujours en se concentrant sur l'environnement urbain , posents sur des questions sur le bien-être, la qualité de vie , le temps libre et les loisirs des citoyens dans le contexte dans lequel ils vivent, en suivant de la question principale est dans quelle mesure un environnement urbain qui permet à ses citoyens le droit aux loisirs contribue à la réalisation et la consolidation des concepts de citoyenneté , bien-être et la qualité de vie dans le contexte brésilien? Donc, le Droit Urbain apparaît dans la pensée qui est la municipalité, par l'adoption de l'universalisation de politiques publiques et des instruments juridiques tels que le plan directeur et le zonage urbaine, le chargé de veiller à l'exercice du droit aux loisirs par le citoyen . Ainsi , la citoyenneté , de l'urbanisme et des instruments juridiques à sa garantie deviennent figures relatifs à des discussions sur les villes durables, bien-être et la qualité de vie de tous les citoyens.
Wenhold, Marece. „The Black Sash : assessment of a South African political interest group“. Thesis, Link to the online version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1304.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleGivens, John Wagner. „Suing dragons? : taking the Chinese state to court“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a016f84a-3df8-4df7-88bb-4475372022f0.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRodriguez, Fernandez Gisela Victoria. „Reproduciendo Otros Mundos: Indigenous Women's Struggles Against Neo-Extractivism and the Bolivian State“. PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5094.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRoyeppen, Andrea Leigh. „How does security limit the right to protest? : a study examining the securitised response to protest in South Africa“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013071.
Der volle Inhalt der QuellePICCOLI, Lorenzo. „The politics of regional citizenship : explaining variation in the right to health care for undocumented immigrants across Italian regions, Spanish autonomous communities, and Swiss cantons“. Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/53404.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleExamining Board: Prof. Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Maurizio Ferrera, University of Milan; Prof. Andrew Geddes, European University Institute; Prof. Liesbet Hooghe, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Over the last forty years, regions in Europe have acquired an increasingly important role in the provision of rights that were traditionally used by states to define the boundaries of national citizenship. Despite this trend, there are still few comparative examinations of what citizenship means for subnational actors, how these affect the provision of rights, and what the consequences of this process are for internal solidarity, the democratic process, and ultimately the constitutional integrity of modern states. These are important questions at a time when ideas about membership and rights within multilevel polities are vigorously contested in courts, legislative chambers, and election booths. Instances of these contestations are the Spanish Constitutional Court’s decision on the legality of subsequent referendums on Catalan secession in 2014 and 2017; the ongoing standoff between the state of California and the American federal government over who ought to regulate the rights of undocumented immigrants; and the Scottish and UK referendums on independence and exit from the European Union, respectively. This dissertation sets out to explain under what conditions, how, and with what kind of consequences some regions are more inclusionary than others in their approach to what citizenship entails and to whom it applies. This is what I refer to as the politics of regional citizenship. The empirical analysis focuses on subnational variations in the realisation of the right to health care for undocumented immigrants in three multilevel states where regional governments have some control over health care and, within these, on pairs of regions that have been governed by either left- or right-wing parties and coalitions: Lombardy (Italy, conservative government from 1995), Tuscany (Italy, progressive government from 1970), Andalusia (Spain, progressive government from 1980), Madrid (Spain conservative government from 1995), Vaud (Switzerland, progressive government from 2002) and Zürich (Switzerland, conservative government from 1991). Evidence is collected via the analysis of over 31 legislative documents and 62 interviews with policy-makers, health care professionals, and members of NGOs. The comparison shows that the interaction of political ideologies at different territorial levels leads to the emergence of contested ideas about citizenship through the use that regional governments make of the distinct traditions of regional protection of vulnerable individuals like minor children, the disabled, and the homeless. The comparison also shows that the structure of the territorial system of the state plays an important role in determining the direction of the politics of regional citizenship. The value assigned to territorial pluralism within a country, in particular, determines whether regional citizenship is developed against the state, as a strategy to manifest dissent and mark the difference—as is the case in Spain and, to some extent, in Italy—or, instead, together with the state, as an expression of multilevel differentiation—as in Switzerland. Importantly, however, regional citizenship does never develop in complete isolation from the state because it always represents an attempt to weaken or reinforce the policies of the central government.
Atkinson, Doreen. „Cities and citizenship : towards a normative analysis of the urban order in South Africa, with special reference to East London, 1950- 1986“. Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/6413.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleGökalp, Deniz 1978. „Beyond ethnopolitical contention: the state, citizenship and violence in the 'new' Kurdish question in Turkey“. Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3720.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleLogan, Ryan Iffland. „"Cuando Actuamos, Actuamos Juntos": Understanding the Intersections of Religion, Activism, and Citizenship within the Latino Community in Indianapolis“. Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5502.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleUndocumented immigration from Latin America is a heated and divisive topic in United States' politics. Politicians in Washington, D.C. are debating new legislation which would provide a pathway to citizenship for some 11 million undocumented immigrants. While several federal immigration reform bills were debated in the early 2000s, each one failed in either the House of Representatives or in the Senate. The Indianapolis Congregation Action Network (IndyCAN), a grassroots activist group in Indianapolis, is organizing the Latino community through faith and shared political goals. Undocumented Latino immigrants are utilizing IndyCAN as a method to influence progressive policy change. However, anti-immigrant groups challenge these efforts by attempting to define who can be considered an "American" and are attempting to block legislation due to their negative perceptions of Latinos. Debates about citizenship have racial discourses and reveal the embeddedness of race and ethnicity. Despite this, many Latino immigrants are forging their own identities in the United States and are engaging in a political system that refuses to grant them a legal status. Through an enactment of activism called la fe en acción [faith in action], these immigrants ground their political organizing with IndyCAN and attempt to appeal to the religious faith of politicians. I explore issues of race, political engagement, and religion in the lives of Indianapolis’ Latino community. In this case study, I demonstrate that IndyCAN is acting as a vehicle through which undocumented Latino immigrants are engaging in the political process. This political involvement occurs through religious strategies that seem apolitical yet are implicitly an enactment of activism. Ultimately, I reveal how undocumented Latino immigrants in Indianapolis are impacting the political process regardless of their legal status.
al-Ḥasīrī, Tāriq Abu Bakr. „Mafāhim ʻaṣrīya lil-siyāsāt al-sharʻīyat“. Diss., 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/11887.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelleالحمدُ لله الذي أكْرَمَنَا بِنُورالعلمِ المُبَدِّدِ للظُلمات, وعصَمَنا به من الأهواءِ المُرْدِية والآراءِ المُضلة رافع الإصْرَ عنَّا, جاء بالدين الوَسَطِ وحَذَّرَ من الوَكْسِ والشَطَطِ وبعدُ : فإنَّ أحقَ العلومِ بالتَّسْطِيرِ وأنفَسهَا عند الجَمْعِ والتَّحْبِيرِ , تِبْيَان وجهِ الحقِّ فيما تتعَاورهُ الأفهام بالجهلِ تار ة , وتار ة بما عرض لها من الأَوْهَامِ , ومن المهم تَجْديد وتَرْسِيخِ المفاهيم السياسية في ضوء نظام الشريعة الإسلامية, مِفْتَاح الهداية ونَهْجِ السعادة, بل وتصحيحها مما اعْتَراهَا من التشويه والزَّيفِ إذ ذاك من أفضل النوافل وأعظمها نفعا وعائدة, وأوفرها خيرا وفائدة. واعلم أن الناس أصنافٌ مختلفون وأطوارٌ مُتباينون يتقاطعون بالإيثار تابعا ومتبوعا ويتساعدون على أعمالهم آمِرا ومَأْمُور ا , فكان لزاما أن أحرر بحثا للرسالة, وانْصَبَّ الإختيار على السياسة ليوافق المقال الحال, فالإنتفاضات والثورات الشعبية تَتْرَا في دولنا الإسلامية, والمرحلةُ تستلزم المشاركة وتوضيح المفاهيم الشرعية, وجلاء الحقائق وإسْقَاطها على الواقع وتصحيح المسارات, فالرأي العام بين مُوجِبٍ ومُبيحٍ للثورات, وسَاكتٍ ومُطيعٍ لهذه الحكومات. لذلكَ ارتأيتُ أن أُبْحِرَ في خِضمِّ هذه الأمواج الفكرية المُتلاطمةِ , وأُشَمِرَعن ساعدي راجيا أن أبلغ الحقيقة الصائبة, وأُرْشِد القارىء الكريم إلى فَهْمِ السياسةِ الراشدة
Recent political turmoil and developments in the Muslim World have motivated me to present this dissertation aimed at renewing, correcting and deepening an understanding of political concepts in light of the Islamic code. It is thus my endeavour to relate them to current reality as I perceive it. A primary concern that I address herein are debates revolving around political rebellion; namely, their permissibility or the need to remain sycophantic towards prevailing political authorities.
Religious Studies & Arabic
M.A. (Islamic Studies)
Johnson, Hume Nicola. „When citizen politics becomes uncivil between popular protest, civil society and governance in Jamaica /“. 2006. http://adt.waikato.ac.nz/public/adt-uow20070716.124418/index.html.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRafaat, Aram. „Independence : the ultimate goal of the Kurds in post-invasion Iraq“. 2007. http://arrow.unisa.edu.au:8081/1959.8/49073.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleYitay, Binyam Agegn. „The critical analysis of the judicial enforceability of socio economic rights in Ethiopia“. Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/726.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMurray, Laura Rebecca. „Not Fooling Around: The Politics of Sex Worker Activism in Brazil“. Thesis, 2015. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8TQ60PZ.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleLanglois, Anthony J. „Who defines justice? the philosophical issues raised by Asian interpretations of human rights“. Phd thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148014.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleWard, Charlie R. „Gurindji people and Aboriginal self-determination policy, 1973-1986“. Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.7/uws:47353.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleVan, Heerden Michael 1953. „The Bill of Rights in public administration“. Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/979.
Der volle Inhalt der QuellePublic Administration
D. Litt et Phil.(Public Administration)
Keady, Joseph. „A Translation of Dominik Nagl’s Grenzfälle with an Introductory Analysis of the Translation Process“. 2020. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/masters_theses_2/881.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMangani, Dylan Yanamo. „Changes in the Conception of Nationalism in Zimbwabwe: A Comparative Analysis of ZAPU and ZANU Liberation Movements 1977-1990“. Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11602/1525.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleDepartment of Development Studies
No serious study into the contemporary politics of Zimbabwe can ignore the celebrated influence of nationalism and the attendant role of elite leaders as a ‘social force’ in the making of the nation-state of Zimbabwe. This study analyses the role played by nationalism as an instrument for political mobilisation against the white settler regime in Rhodesia by the Zimbabwe African People Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Therefore, of particular importance is the manner in which the evolution and comprehensive analysis of these former liberation movements, in the political history of Zimbabwe have been viewed through the dominant lenses of nationalism. Nationalism can be regarded as the best set of beliefs and the worst set of beliefs. Being an exhilarating force that led to the emergence of these nationalist movements to dismantle white minority rule, nationalism was also the same force that was responsible for dashing the dreams and hopes associated with an independent Zimbabwe. At the centre of this thesis is the argument that there is a fault line in the manner in which nationalism is understood as such it continued to be constructed and contested. In the study, nationalism has been propagated as contending political narratives, and the nationalist elite leaders are presented as a social force that sought to construct the nation-state of Zimbabwe. Thus, the study is particularly interested in a comparative analysis of the competing narratives of nationalism between ZAPU and ZANU between the period of 1977 and 1990. This period is a very important time frame in the turning points on the nationalist political history of Zimbabwe. Firstly, the beginning of this period saw the struggle for the liberation of Zimbabwe climax because of concerted efforts by both ZAPU and ZANU. Secondly, the conclusion of this period saw the death of ZAPU as an alternative to multi-party democracy within the nationalist sense and the subsequent emergence of a dominant socialist one-party state. Methodologically, a qualitative approach has been employed where the researcher analysed documents.
NRF
Dekete, Winnie. „An investigation into the extent to which the Zimbabwean Government and civil society have implemented Millennium Development Goal Number 3 (gender equality and empowerment to women) : the case of Ward 33 of Mt Darwin District in Zimbabwe“. Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/13632.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleDevelopment Studies
M. Admin. (Development Studies)
Abatneh, Abraham Sewonet. „Disarmament, demobilization, rehabilitation and reintegration of Rwandan child soldiers“. Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1398.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSociology
MA (Sociology)
Matsinhe, David Mário. „Pitfalls of national development and reconstruction : an ethical appraisal of socio-economic transformation in post-war Mozambique“. Diss., 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18173.
Der volle Inhalt der QuellePhilosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology
M. Th. (Theological Ethics)