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Thematische Bibliographien / Politics and culture / Zeitschriftenartikel

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Politics and culture“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 30. Juli 2024

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1

Freeman, Joanne B. „The Culture of Politics: The Politics of Culture“. Journal of Policy History 16, Nr. 2 (April 2004): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2004.0007.

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In a way, there is an unspoken subtext to this “state-of-the-field” panel on political history. For at least some of us, there is a whisper of uneasiness associated with this topic, a small internal voice concerned about the health and survival of political history. In the relatively recent past, the flowering of social history challenged and eventually toppled the dominance of political history—a fine development, given that in the long reach of history politics is only part of the story. Unfortunately, this shift of balance left some scholars with a bad taste in their mouths. Some social historians have retained a lingering antipathy toward political history as a looming presence—an elite-driven, chronologically organized, “imperalist” narrative that threatens to subsume scholarship once again. Some political historians, in turn, feel besieged by social history and its seeming focus on minority and underprivileged populations to the exclusion of much else. Both of these emotionalized outlooks rest on distorted and exaggerated assumptions. But for many political historians, the end result is a current of nervous tension about the place of their field in the larger scheme of historical scholarship.

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2

Christopher Binetti. „Epi-Olmecs and Epi-Romans: The Unified Theory of Politics, History, and the Power of Analogies“. Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics 4, Nr. 2 (22.05.2024): 58–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v4i2.427.

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Scholars are not using the proper analytical tools for comparing polities and cultures even within the same Civilization. The Unified Theory of Politics is a new approach to History and Politics that allows for comparison across the four Civilizations of the world (Western, Central, Eastern, and Mesoamerican). Mesoamerica is a Civilization made up of numerous civilizations. These civilizations are not compared to each other properly, with Mayans, Olmecs, and Epi-Olmecs all considered as equal units of analysis, which is not true. At the same time, within the Western Civilization, ancient Italy is not being properly analyzed either. The Latins, Romans, and Oscans are equal units of analysis either, yet the categorization of cultures and polities here is little better than in ancient Mesoamerica. The Unified Theory of Politics allows us to bridge seemingly impossible differences in culture, time, and place. This gives us the analytical and comparative tools to analogize between Civilizations. This article will show how the Unified Theory of Politics works by demonstrating not only that the Mayans and the Oscans are comparable with each other, but also that Olmecs and Romans are comparable with one another. This leads to the analogy of: “The Mayans are to the Oscans as the Olmecs are to the Romans”. Also, the article will demonstrably prove that Italians are Epi-Romans. This article will thus show that the Unified Theory of Politics allows us to compare any polity or culture with writing to any other polity or culture with writing, regardless of culture, place, or time.

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Gates, Henry Louis, W. Lawrence Hogue und Michael Thelwell. „The Culture of Politics and the Politics of Culture“. Callaloo 14, Nr. 3 (1991): 752. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2931497.

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4

Olasky, Marvin. „Culture or Politics?“ Chesterton Review 23, Nr. 3 (1997): 389–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton199723369.

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5

Martin, Bill. „Politics and Culture“. Radical Philosophy Review of Books 2, Nr. 2 (1990): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrevbooks1990219.

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6

Kofman, Myron. „Culture or politics“. Modern & Contemporary France 1, Nr. 3 (Januar 1993): 318–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489308456133.

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7

Çetinkaya, Yalcin. „Politics or culture“. Index on Censorship 24, Nr. 1 (Januar 1995): 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229508535858.

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8

Nwafor, Okechukwu. „Culture, Corruption, Politics“. Critical Interventions 4, Nr. 2 (Januar 2010): 118–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19301944.2010.10781391.

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9

Fulbright, Harriet Mayor. „Culture and Politics“. Higher Education in Europe 24, Nr. 2 (Januar 1999): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0379772990240209.

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10

G.M.D. „Culture and Politics“. Americas 43, Nr. 2 (Oktober 1986): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500052767.

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11

Berland, Jody. „Politics after Nationalism, Culture after "Culture"“. Canadian Review of American Studies 27, Nr. 3 (01.01.1997): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-027-03-03.

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12

Berland, Jody. „Politics after Nationalism, Culture after ‘Culture’“. Canadian Review of American Studies 27, Nr. 3 (Januar 1997): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras.1997.27.3.35.

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13

Schiller, Nina Glick. „Cultural politics and the politics of culture“. Identities 4, Nr. 1 (August 1997): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.1997.9962580.

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14

Grant, Robert. „High Culture, Low Politics“. Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 58 (März 2006): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100009371.

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My theme at its most general is the relation between culture and power; at its most specific, the relation between a particular type of culture, so-called high culture, and two types of power, namely governmental power, and the related but more diffuse power prevailing in society at large.So-called ‘high’ politics are often (and better) called statesmanship, and are typically, though not invariably, international in scope. By the ‘low’ politics of my title I mean, not democracy specifically, but what politicians engage in at the domestic level, where popularity matters most. Democratic or not, most politics are perforce pretty low, and are justified only because they are preferable to despotism, which in its pure form signifies the absence of politics. Yet most real-life despotisms concede something to the political spirit, since they profit from their subjects' consent, endeavour to cultivate it, and are foolish if they think to dispense with it entirely. In politics proper, however, consent (like consensus) must be sought; in fact, wherever avowed and conflicting interests prefer to resolve matters through negotiation and agreement rather than through force, there we have something like politics. The conditions for consent will usually be ascertained through representative institutions. Their business is to transmit public opinion to the rulers, if those are separate from the representatives, or to act on it, where the representatives are themselves the rulers.

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OLIVEIRA, Marcos Antônio Bessa. „(Des)política para corpos-política na arte, na cultura e na educação“. INTERRITÓRIOS 6, Nr. 10 (14.04.2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.33052/inter.v6i10.244891.

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RESUMOArte, Educação, Política compõem uma tríade compreendida historicamente no Ocidente como interdependentes. Entretanto, arte, educação e políticas ocidentais não estão compreendidas para corpos aquém dos padrões de raça, gênero e classe edificados pelo pensamento que arquitetou o projeto moderno europeu levado à expansão em todo mundo no século XVI. Igualmente, histórico e contemporaneamente, políticas têm definido, no caso do Brasil em níveis federal, estaduais e municipais, atuações e ações de corpos e sobre os corpos na arte, na educação e na própria política. Considerando a histórica indissociação entre a tríade arte, educação e política, mas também a atual e fascista dissociação das políticas em relação aos corpos que atuam nas artes e na educação em contexto brasileiro contemporâneo, este artigo discuti, por uma perspectiva descolonial de abordagem bi(os)bliográfica, a falta de arte em política, educação em política e corpos em política que consideram as diferenças culturais e coloniais porque não contemplam o padrão de arte, educação, corpo e política modernos. Arte. Educação. Política. (Dis) politics for political bodies in art, culture and education ABSTRACT Art, Education, Politics make up a triad historically understood in the West as interdependent. However, Western art, education and politics are not understood for bodies below the standards of race, gender and class built by thought that architected the modern European project led to expansion around the world in the sixteenth century. Similarly, historically and contemporatically, policies have defined, in the case of Brazil at federal, state and municipal levels, actions and actions of bodies and on bodies in art, education and politics itself. Considering the historical indissociation between the triad art, education and politics, but also the current and fascist dissociation of policies in relation to the bodies that work in the arts and education in a contemporary Brazilian context, this article discussed, for a decolonial perspective of bi(os)bliographical approach, lack of art in politics, education in politics and bodies in politics that consider cultural and colonial differences because they do not contemplate the standard of modern art, education, body and politics.Art. Education. Politics. (Des) política para cuerpos-políticos en arte, cultura y educación RESUMENArte, educación, política producen un trío históricamente entendido en el Occidente como interdependientes. Pero, el arte, la educación y las políticas occidentales no están incluidas para cuerpos con padrones inferiores a las normas de raza, género y clase construidas por el pensamiento que he producido el proyecto moderno europeo expandido en todo el mundo desde el siglo XVI. Asimismo, se han definido políticas históricas y contemporáneas, en el caso de Brasil, a nivel federal, estatal y municipal, actividades y acciones de cuerpos y sobre los cuerpos en el arte, en la educación y en la política. Considerando la indisociación histórica entre el trío arte, educación y política, pero también la actual y fascista desagregación de las políticas con relación a los cuerpos que actúan en las artes en la educación en el contexto brasileño contemporáneo, este artículo discutió, bajo un enfoque descolonial de abordaje bi(os)bliográfica, la ausencia de arte en política, educación en política y cuerpos en política que consideran las diferencias culturales y coloniales, porque no contemplan el estándar del arte, educación, cuerpo y política modernos.Arte. Educación. Política.(Des) politica per gli organi politici nell'arte, nella cultura e nell'educazioneSINTESE Arte, educazione, politica producono un trio storicamente inteso in Occidente come interdipendente. Ma l'arte occidentale, l'istruzione e la politica non sono incluse per gli organismi con standard inferiori agli standard di razza, genere e classe costruiti dal pensiero che ho prodotto il moderno progetto europeo ampliato in tutto il mondo dal XVI secolo. Allo stesso modo, le politiche storiche e contemporanee sono state definite, nel caso del Brasile, a livello federale, statale e municipale, attività e azioni di corpi e di corpi nell'arte, nell'istruzione e nella politica. Considerando la dissociazione storica tra arte, istruzione e trio politico, ma anche l'attuale e fascista disaggregazione delle politiche in relazione agli organismi che agiscono nelle arti nell'educazione nel contesto brasiliano contemporaneo, questo articolo discute, sotto un approccio decoloniale approccio bi-os, assenza di arte in politica, educazione in politica e corpi politici che considerano le differenze culturali e coloniali, perché non contemplano lo standard dell'arte moderna, dell'educazione, del corpo e della politica.Arte. Istruzione. Politica.

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Ahmad, Aijaz. „The Politics of Culture“. Social Scientist 27, Nr. 9/10 (September 1999): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3518104.

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17

Floyd, Virginia Davis. „Food, Culture and Politics“. Journal of the Association for the Study of Food and Society 1, Nr. 1 (März 1996): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/152897996786623408.

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18

Strunc, Abbie. „The Politics of Culture“. Journal of Culture and Values in Education 2, Nr. 1 (06.05.2019): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.46303/jcve.02.01.6.

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Using Van Dijk’s sociocognitive theory as a framework for discourse analysis, the state-mandated standards were examined to determine how the educational culture is impacted by the social studies curriculum. The process to revise the curriculum in Texas is highly politicized and outside interest groups, such as Mel and Norma Gabler’s Educational Research Analysts, have inserted their own cultural perspective over the last 50 years. The article considers the impact of this influence and discusses the norms and power structures produced. Keywords: discourse analysis, social studies, Texas, culture

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19

Gruneau, Richard, Raphael Samuel und Gareth Stedman Jones. „Culture, Ideology and Politics“. Labour / Le Travail 18 (1986): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142712.

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20

Handler, Richard, und Ernest Gellner. „Culture, Identity, and Politics.“ Man 23, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1988): 771. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2802615.

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21

Gruenwald, Oskar. „Culture, Religion and Politics“. Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 21, Nr. 1 (2009): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2009211/21.

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This essay proposes that while a "Christian" democracy may be too idealistic, liberal democracy presupposes transcendent moral and spiritual norms, in particular a Judeo-Christian foundation for human dignity and human rights. A Biblical understanding of human nature as fallible and imperfect susceptible to worldly temptations, emphasizes free choice and personal responsibility, and the imperative to limit the temporal exercise of power by any man or institution. Maritain's concept of integral or Christian humanism is founded on personalism, the unique value and dignity of each human being created in the image of God, and the need for community. The major challenge for literal democracy is how to reconcile individual freedom with socio-economic-political-legal institutions and processes which require the constraint of man-made laws and the exercise of authority and power The essay condudes that perhaps the major legacy of the American founding is the notion of the priority of liberty which offers the best prospects for conjoining reason and faith, the secular and the sacred, Athens and Jerusalem, The priority of liberty also animates Maritain's vision of a "Christianly-inspired" personalistic society capable of advancing both individual human flourishing and the common good.

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22

Escobar, Arturo. „Culture, Practice and Politics“. Critique of Anthropology 12, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1992): 395–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x9201200402.

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23

Hutnyk, John. „Media, Research, Politics, Culture“. Critique of Anthropology 16, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1996): 417–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x9601600406.

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24

Matar, Dina. „Communicating Politics in Culture“. Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 1, Nr. 2 (2008): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398608x335847.

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25

Rodman, David. „History, Politics and Culture“. Israel Affairs 12, Nr. 2 (April 2006): 341–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120500535449.

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26

Rodman, David. „Politics, History and Culture“. Israel Affairs 13, Nr. 1 (Januar 2007): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120601063515.

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27

Rodman, David. „Politics, History and Culture“. Israel Affairs 14, Nr. 1 (Januar 2008): 150–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120701705965.

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28

Rodman, David. „Politics, History and Culture“. Israel Affairs 14, Nr. 2 (April 2008): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120801900359.

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29

Rodman, David. „Politics, History and Culture“. Israel Affairs 15, Nr. 3 (Juli 2009): 305–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120902983056.

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30

Jefferess, David. „Violence, Culture, and Politics“. Peace Review 13, Nr. 2 (Juni 2001): 195–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402650120060373.

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31

Moray, Neville. „Culture, politics and ergonomics“. Ergonomics 43, Nr. 7 (Juli 2000): 858–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/001401300409062.

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32

Whitaker, Mark P., und Brett Williams. „The Politics of Culture.“ Man 28, Nr. 2 (Juni 1993): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2803466.

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33

Street, John. „Global culture, local politics“. Leisure Studies 12, Nr. 3 (Juli 1993): 191–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02614369300390191.

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34

Tsoi, Ling Yu Debbie, und Fung Ming Christy Liu. „Translation, culture and politics“. Translation Spaces 8, Nr. 2 (05.11.2019): 280–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ts.18009.tso.

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Abstract This article analyzes the election slogans of Hong Kong chief executives and the titles of their policy addresses since Hong Kong’s handover to mainland China in 1997, from the point of view of translation methods, cultural implications and reader responses. It finds that literal translation dominates in the translation of election slogans and policy address titles, that translated slogans and titles portray Hong Kong as a collectivist society with low power distance, and that choices between domestication and foreignization are dependent upon individual chief executives (or nominees). The article discusses the growing importance of the role of readers and proposes an inductive framework of interactive responses to represent the reality of political translation in the new era brought about by digitalization.

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STAGGENBORG, SUZANNE. „BEYOND CULTURE VERSUS POLITICS“. Gender & Society 15, Nr. 4 (August 2001): 507–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089124301015004002.

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36

Grant, Robert. „High Culture, Low Politics“. Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 58 (Mai 2006): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246106058103.

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My theme at its most general is the relation between culture and power; at its most specific, the relation between a particular type of culture, so-called high culture, and two types of power, namely governmental power, and the related but more diffuse power prevailing in society at large.

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Davis, Graham. „History, Politics And Culture“. Irish Studies Review 15, Nr. 3 (30.07.2007): 377–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670880701461910.

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38

He, Baogang. „Deliberative Culture and Politics“. Political Theory 42, Nr. 1 (11.11.2013): 58–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591713509251.

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39

GAGE, J. „Whose Politics? Whose Culture?“ Oxford Art Journal 16, Nr. 2 (01.01.1993): 76–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/16.2.76.

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Vyrypaev, Ivan, und Susanna Weygandt. „The Politics of Culture“. Theater 48, Nr. 2 (Mai 2018): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01610775-4352707.

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41

Goren, Lilly J. „Politics and Popular Culture“. Society 53, Nr. 5 (02.09.2016): 482–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-016-0053-1.

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42

Mirsky, Yehudah. „Democratic politics, democratic culture“. Orbis 37, Nr. 4 (September 1993): 567–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0030-4387(93)90081-m.

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43

Murphy, John W. „Culture, identity, and politics“. History of European Ideas 9, Nr. 6 (Januar 1988): 759–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(88)90130-1.

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44

Belous, Vladimir. „Political Culture or the Culture of Politics? Polemical notes on a trivial topic“. Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, Nr. 2 (2021): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.201.

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The author’s idea of revising the dictionary of modern Russian political science is a reaction to the mismatch of international and domestic discursive practices. The article deals with a critical attitude to “political culture”. This concept was introduced into circulation by scientists at that moment when political theory was in the stage of formation. The problem is that a concept designed to reflect the objective nature of politics is unambiguously related to the nature of culture. Meanwhile, culture and politics are the universal forms of human activity, each of which has its own specificity. Accordingly, the areas of social science also differ. To determine the specifics of political knowledge, the author suggests answering simple questions. What exactly does a political scientist measure: culture by politics or politics by culture; a political element in culture or the cultural (conscious, value, semantic) content of politics? Since the answers reflecting the subject priority of politics for a specialist in this field of knowledge are obvious, it is proposed to use the concepts of “culture of politics”, “cultural dimension of politics” and “cultural-political” instead of the concept of “political culture”. These expressions neutralize the formalism of the problem of “primary” and “secondary” in relations between culture and politics, politics and culture. From the perspective of the practical realities of Russian politics, the article examines such topical cultural and political aspects of modernity as the crisis of culture, the image of the future, the problem of distinguishing between transcendental and immanent political ideals. According to the author, a common theme for the modern domestic culture of politics should be an orientation towards a citizen as an immanent goal of the development of Russian statehood.

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Feriandi, Yoga Ardian. „Revitalisasi moral kewarganegaraan dalam ungkapan Jawa sebagai sumber pembentukan civic culture dan politic culture“. Jurnal Civics: Media Kajian Kewarganegaraan 14, Nr. 2 (31.10.2017): 176–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/civics.v14i2.15323.

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This article aims to understand and multiply the moral values that exist in the expression of Java. Of the values excavated the hope can be a reference as the formation of civic culture and politic culture. The type of research used in this research is qualitative research, with descriptive-critical method, which in his explanation more emphasis on the power of data analysis on existing data sources. This study is based on library research. The object of the studies in the form of notes, transcripts, books, Journal of Research and so on which is linked to the study of Javanese culture, civic culture and politics culture. From the results of the discussion then known some phrases like aja dumeh, mendhem jero mikul dhuwur, jer basuki mawa bea. Having moral universal citizenship values so as to become a reference in order to form the civic culture which could further impact on politics culture as an effort to civil society in the Republic of Indonesia.

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Rowe, Kristin Denise. „“Unmanageable”: Exploring Black Girlhood, Storytelling, and Ideas of Beauty“. Open Cultural Studies 6, Nr. 1 (01.01.2022): 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2022-0160.

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Abstract This article explores how Black women use storytelling to construct their Black girlhood on the axes of Black hair and beauty politics. The study includes a discourse analysis of a series of focus groups with a student organization dedicated to Black women’s natural hair at a midwestern predominantly white institution. I ask: How do young Black women use storytelling as a tool to construct, recall, and (re)negotiate their childhood experiences of hair and beauty politics? I explore the ways these women use storytelling to articulate how their Black girlhood was in part shaped by encounters with hair politics and constructions of beauty. These “hair moments” that they recall reveal complex negotiations of standards of beauty. I analyze three themes that emerge from these conversations: (1) shared experiences around play, imagination, and relationship to images of mainstream beauty; (2) family as a social unit that socializes Black girls around beauty; and (3) adolescence, prom, and contested notions of appropriate “formal” adornment. These themes among these young women illustrate shared experiences, negotiation/critique, and meaning making around concepts of beauty. This study contributes to conversations around beauty culture, Black hair politics, and the bourgeoning field of Black girlhood studies. Through understanding how Black women reflect on their girlhood experiences of the politics of hair and beauty, we can better understand the inner experiences of Black girls, and the complexities of how they come to know and understand their bodies.

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Kirchanov, M. V. „Memory Policy in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) in the XXI Century“. Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, Nr. 5 (07.11.2022): 593–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-5-593-601.

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This article features the contemporary politicy of memory in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), as well as the role of historical politics in the development of national memory and identity. Methodologically, the research relied on the principles of the memorial turn and memory policy within the paradigm of intellectual history and the history of ideas. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of common and unique features of historical politics as a politics of memory in Yakutia because non-European cultures still remain underrepresented in historiography. The author also analyzed the role of state strategies and media actors in the development of collective historical memory, as well as the role of state events in the local memorial policy, e.g., the 100th anniversary of the Republic of Sakha. The author believes that historical politics contributes to the development of national identity via the culture of memory and the memorial canon. The results of the study suggest that elites became the main actor of historical policy because they shape the local memorial culture in an attempt to legitimize their own status with the help of various memory tools, including narrative practices and their visualization.

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Rachleff, Peter J. „Rethinking Cultural Politics and the Politics of Culture“. Callaloo 23, Nr. 4 (2000): 1516–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cal.2000.0221.

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Rose, G. „Locality, Politics, and Culture; Poplar in the 1920s“. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 6, Nr. 2 (Juni 1988): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d060151.

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The relationship between a local polity and its civil society is explored, and it is argued that local polities cannot be understood in isolation from the specific institutions, practices, and culture of the locality. This is no longer a particularly novel claim to make, of course; yet it is a claim interpreted in a peculiarly narrow way by current theorists of the locality and the local state, who see the influence of civil society on local politics wholly in terms of class. The author begins this paper by offering an alternative theoretical framework which unites locality, politics, and culture, In the second section the political beliefs and policies of the Labour Party in the cast London borough of Poplar in the 1920s are examined and it is shown how local cultural values and ways of understanding the world shaped those political commitments to a very large degree. In the third part the social power relations are explored which developed between the Labour-controlled local state and the institutions of its civil society and which sprang from those local Labour Party values, These power structures changed during the 1920s, shifting from a participatory form of mass politics in the early 1920s to a much more exclusionary and elitist mode later in the decade. It will be argued that both types of power relations can be linked very closely to Poplar's local culture, and in the final section some conclusions will be drawn from this about the politics of local culture.

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Hershberg, Eric. „Culture of Politics, Politics of Cultures: Re-visioning Latin American Social Movements:Culture of Politics, Politics of Cultures: Re-visioning Latin American Social Movements.“ American Anthropologist 101, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1999): 868–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1999.101.4.868.2.

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