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1
Tiongson, Antonio T. „Filipino youth cultural politics and DJ culture“. Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3199265.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed February 28, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 206-220).
2
Wiggins, Sarah Lynn. „Politics and political culture in English women's colleges, 1890-1914“. Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408731.
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3
Mulholland, Mary-Lee. „Sensuous politics, salsa as culture critique“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ36839.pdf.
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4
Szemere, Anna. „Pop culture, politics, and social transition /“. Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9820881.
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5
Green, D. A. „The politics of tragedy : child-on-child homicide and political culture“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599651.
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This thesis is a comparative study of the cultural, political and media impacts of two child-on-child homicides—the 1993 English case of James Bulger and the 1994 Norwegian case of Silje Redergård. A discourse analytic approach is used to study the meanings and effects of newspaper coverage of both homicides in order to explain the cases’ dissimilar effects. Discourse theory provides insights into how the culturally distinct language used to describe social problems implies concordant solutions. The intention is to compare the intra-and inter-jurisdictional ways in which each homicide was contextualised in the broadsheet and tabloid press coverage. These case studies are the vehicles by which the culture-specific penal sensibilities governing penal policy decision-making are assessed and compared. The politicisation of penal policy debates in England has meant that policymakers now defer to assessments of public opinion to an extent unseen in earlier post-war decades. The media has simultaneously expanded its influence on public affairs, often speaking for the public, and politicians court the public via the media, often conflating the two. Lost in these interactions is both a sense of the unmediated and informed public will, and a public forum where the issues are engaged on a level of proportionate to their importance. The first aim of this research is to describe a set of interlinked problems facing professional experts and penal policymakers, most of which are more acutely experienced in England than in Norway. Adversarial political culture, the media, and poor measures of public opinion each constrain the range of choices available to policymakers, minimising opportunities for the deliberative consideration of all available knowledge. The second aim is to provide ameliorative proposals to broaden the range of choices policymakers consider to include knowledge’s politicians often ignore, the media often overlook, and opinion polls often fail to measure. The ‘Deliberative Poll’ is one promising means to facilitate ‘public judgement’, a more durable assessment of the informed public will which appears less susceptible to populist manipulation and distortion than current, weaker assessments. Providing opportunities for public deliberation could also generate the kind of trust among citizens that characterises those nations where the politicisation of crime is not so pressing an issue.
6
Garner, Ben James. „Trade, culture and the new politics of cultural development at UNESCO“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/trade-culture-and-the-new-politics-of-cultural-development-at-unesco(f12e638b-a9d4-403b-bc2f-c3a17728e745).html.
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In the late 1990s an attempt got underway to develop a new paradigm for cultural development policy at the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). The fruit of these efforts was the adoption of the Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, which entered into force in 2007. This binding international treaty has been welcomed for restoring a degree of cultural policy sovereignty to states against some of the pressures of contemporary globalisation, and celebrated for burying some of the political differences between North and South that had pulled UNESCO apart in the 1970s and 1980s. As an instrument with widespread political support the Convention on cultural diversity has also marked something of a landmark event in the more general controversies over the nature of contemporary cultural change and the role of cultural policy in the era of neoliberal globalisation. This thesis is a response to these developments over the last decade, based on a series of studies looking at the processes that led to the formation of the Convention and examining some of the effects of the new framework as they are becoming apparent in the first years following its adoption and entry into force. It looks in particular at the precise points of consensus between North and South that have been found in the new framework of cultural development, examining some of its measures and the way they are coming to feature - or not - in the work of international development agencies, policymakers and cultural industry stakeholders. These observations are developed through two main case studies looking at contemporary attempts at cultural policy reform in China and the Caribbean. The thesis also attempts to offer an alternative perspective to the legal and international relations analyses that have surrounded the Convention and its political controversies so far by approaching them within the framework of social and cultural theory, engaging in particular with recent claims about the transformation of culture into a 'resource' for trade and development in the new global economy. I argue that the new framework tends to conflate cultural rights and recognition with the right of the state to protect and promote activities that it deems worthy of recognition on cultural grounds: this has offered a welcome development to those that have come to have a privileged role to play in the contemporary concern to promote enterprise, production and trade in the knowledge-based economy of content and intellectual property creation, but it has also tended to weaken the position of others whose claims to cultural recognition are inseparable from demands which have little or no protagonism in this framework.
7
Crider, Jonathan B. „Printing Politics: The Emergence of Political Parties in Florida, 1821-1861“. Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/427023.
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HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation makes three key arguments regarding politics and print culture in antebellum Florida. First, Florida’s territorial status, historic geographical divisions, and local issues necessitated the use of political parties. Second, Florida’s political parties evolved from a focus on charismatic men and local geographic loyalties to loyalty to party regardless of who was running to national and regional loyalties above local issues and men. Lastly, the central and most consistent aspect of Florida’s political party development was the influence of newspapers and their editors. To understand Florida politics in the nineteenth century it is necessary to recognize how the personal, geographical, and political divisions in Florida’s territorial past remained a critical factor in the development and function of national political parties in Florida. The local divisions within Florida in the 1820s created factions and personal loyalties that would later help characterize national parties in the 1840s. Political leaders, with the help of editors and their newspapers, created factions based more on personal loyalties than on ideology. By the 1850s party loyalty became paramount over personal or regional loyalties. In the last years before the Civil War Democrats linked Southern loyalty to the Democratic party and accused their opposition of treason against the South leading Florida and the nation to Civil War. Yet, throughout these political changes, editors and their newspapers remained central to political success, becoming the voice of political parties and critical to attracting and maintaining potential voters. In addition to understanding how politics functioned in antebellum Florida, this dissertation contributes to our larger understanding of the Second Party System and the South. An underlying argument of this dissertation is that while the Democrats tended to be better organized and more ideologically coherent, the Whigs suffered from constant in-fighting and splintering. This led to the Democratic domination of politics and, in the South, the ability of secession supporters to control the public conversation during the Sectional Crisis of the 1850s and lead the nation to war. This dissertation also claims that there is not just one South but many and exposes the myth of a changeless and monolithic South.
Temple University--Theses
8
Reeves, Donna Marie. „U.S. culture and the politics of wilderness“. Connect to online resource, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3337061.
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9
Tok, Nafiz. „Culture, identity and politics : an identity-based approach to culture-related issues“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365174.
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10
Lam, Wai-man, und 林蔚文. „Rediscovering politics in Hong Kong (1949-1979): the paradox of political indifference“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31241918.
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11
Lam, Wai-man. „Rediscovering politics in Hong Kong (1949-1979) the paradox of political indifference /“. Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2000. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B22805485.
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12
Rampini, Elisabete Aparecida. „Currículo e identidades docentes = o caso da proposta curricular da Secretaria da Educação do Estado De São Paulo“. [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/251146.
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Orientador: Maria Inês de Freitas Petrucci dos Santos RosaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T09:44:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rampini_ElisabeteAparecida_M.pdf: 1455102 bytes, checksum: a2e6ae0ee0b21351b4ccdf7f2e43d846 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011
Resumo: Esse trabalho envolve uma investigação acerca da reforma curricular implementada em 2008 pela Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo. O foco principal da pesquisa e o conjunto de documentos curriculares denominado Caderno do Professor, que, no contexto da citada reforma, e o material distribuído para todos os professores da rede publica paulista do ensino básico com o conteúdo de cada bimestre e orientações as aulas dos professores. A investigação esta articulada, do ponto de vista teórico, a noção de identidade docente. O aporte teórico metodológico de pesquisa esta focado nas contribuições de Michel de Certeau e de Walter Benjamin. Foram entrevistados professores experientes do Ensino Médio que narraram como consomem as praticas identitárias docentes expressas no Caderno do Professor, como isso se traduz em suas praticas pedagógicas nas disciplinas de Língua Portuguesa e Matemática. Os resultados dessa investigação trazem indícios de que a experiência sofre um processo de apagamento com a utilização do Caderno do Professor, pois esse assume o lugar do docente na sala de aula. As praticas identitárias que são expressas no material didático Secretaria de Educação do Estado de São Paulo são os objetivos desejados para o mundo globalizado.
Abstract: This work involves a research about the curriculum reform implemented in 2008 by the Secretary of Education of the State of Sao Paulo. The main focus of the research and the set of curricular documents called Teacher's Guide, which, in the context of the reform, and the material is distributed to all the teachers in the public network of State of Sao Paulo of basic education with the content of each two months and guidance to teachers' classes. The research is articulated, from a theoretical point of view, the concept of teacher identity. The theoretical methodological research is focused on the contributions of Michel de Certeau and of Walter Benjamin. Were interviewed teachers experienced in the Middle School that recounted how they consume the practices identity teachers expressed in the Specification of the Teacher, as it translates into their teaching practices at the disciplines of Portuguese Language and Mathematics. The results of this research provide evidence that the experience undergoes a process of erasure with the use of the Teacher's Book, because it takes the place of the teacher in the classroom. The practices of identity that are expressed in didactic material the Secretary of Education of the State of Sao Paulo are the desired goals for the globalised world.
Mestrado
Ensino e Práticas Culturais
Mestre em Educação
13
Jones, Tod. „Indonesian cultural policy, 1950-2003: culture, institutions, government“. Thesis, Curtin University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/403.
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This thesis examines official cultural policy in Indonesia, focussing on the cultural policy of the national governments from 1950 until 2003. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s writings about government and debates about cultural policy in Cultural Studies, the study proposes that the features of cultural policy in Indonesia are primarily determined by the changing ways that the state has put culture to work in its versions of modern governance. Part I of the thesis provides a history of official cultural policy, including a background chapter on the late colonial era and the Japanese occupation. Although contemporary cultural policy was first articulated within Western liberal democracies to shape self-governing national citizens, the Dutch colonial cultural policy differed in that it assumed indigenous subjects had reduced capacities and focussed on managing ethnic populations. The cultural policies of subsequent governments maintained the twin imperatives of ‘improving’ individuals and managing populations, but with different understandings of both imperatives. While a more autonomous subject was assumed during Constitutional Democracy, Guided Democracy exercised greater state guidance as part of Sukarno’s mobilisation of the population behind his political program. Cultural policy during the New Order era rejected Sukarno’s ‘politicisation’ of culture, replaced ‘improvement’ with ‘development’ and further strengthened the role of the state in providing cultural guidance, a move justified by designating Indonesians backward by modern standards.The Japanese administration was the first government to address a national population. Relations among indigenous ethnic populations and between ethnicity and the nation were addressed in cultural policy from 1956 and were central to cultural policy throughout the New Order era. Part II of the thesis consists of two case studies of cultural programs in the New Order and Reform eras: (1) the arts councils and cultural parks and (2) a cultural research project. It explores New Order centralism, demonstrating the heterogeneity between different levels of the state and how governmental goals imbued particular practices and objects with special significance and meaning by constructing them as culture. Cultural policy in the post-Suharto period is addressed in both Parts I and II. While the practices of the New Order era are generally continuing, decentralisation created the possibility of a plurality of cultural policies across Indonesia, as lower levels of government are responsible for administering cultural policy. Decentralisation could result in a more participatory cultural policy as more cultural practices are addressed or a narrowing of cultural policy if conservative ethnic identity politics drives changes.
14
Ford, Jonathan. „The politics of print culture: Southey and Shelley“. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493318.
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15
Rose, Gillian Cathryn. „Locality, politics and culture : Poplar in the 1920s“. Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1989. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1706.
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The thesis begins with a discussion of the literature on local working-class politics, which includes the work of labour historians, political geographers and locality-study writers. The latter have been especially keen to acknowledge the unique causal powers of the social formations of specific localities and to explore the implications of these for local political behaviour. Nonetheless, locality studies share with other approaches to local politics an interest in class to exclusion of other bases of social action, and a structuralism which denies human agency. The history of Poplar in the 1920s denies such explanatory logic. The Labour Party came to power in the borough in 1919. Yet although the class and economic structure of Poplar was very similar to that of the rest of east London, Poplar Labour Party was unique in the degree of its militancy. In order to explain this radicalism, the thesis turns away from structural analysis and towards cultural interpretation, exploring Poplar's politics in terms of local culture and civil society, focussing on five themes: the politics of class and of gender, the discourses of citizenship, the morality of the neighbourhoods and the religious faiths. The influence of these cultural 'communal sensibilities' on Poplar Labour Party are traced in order to stress the complexity and contingency of the relationship between a locality and its politics. That contingency is further emphasised in the conclusion, which describes the shift in Poplar Labour Party away from a left-wing and participatory form of politics and towards a right-wing and elitist mode as the 1920s progressed. It is concluded that both types of politics were closely linked to Poplar's culture and that, although local culture in all its complexity is vital for the understanding of local politics, there is no necessary relationship between a culture and the form of political expression it may take.
16
OLIVEIRA, BERNARDO CARVALHO. „THE DESPERATE WAR: CULTURE AND POLITICS IN NIETZSCHE“. PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2011. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=18629@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIORPROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
A princípio não existe razão para considerar a filosofia de Nietzsche de um ponto de vista político, em virtude, sobretudo, de seus elogios à escravidão e a um individualismo estético que despreza o caráter mediador e humanitário da política moderna. Caberia, portanto, insistir na afirmação de que há uma dimensão política em sua crítica da cultura, mesmo após os mal-entendidos e acidentes que fizeram de Nietzsche um autor problemático para o pensamento político? Se sua crítica da cultura detecta na política moderna mais um sintoma do niilismo moderno, podese perceber também, nesta mesma crítica, uma dimensão política intrínseca, vinculada a outras possibilidades de cultivo e aperfeiçoamento da cultura e dos indivíduos. A preocupação com a constituição de uma cultura forte o suficiente para afirmar e projetar uma vida ativa e criadora é pano de fundo e princípio geral para qualquer avaliação da política em Nietzsche, tanto no que diz respeito à apreciação que ele faz da situação política de seu tempo quanto nas possibilidades de efetivação da Grande Política.
At a first glance, there is no reason to consider the Nietzsche s philosophy in a political point of view, due mainly to his praises to slavery and aesthetic individualism, that disregards the mediating and humanitarian character of modern politics. Therefore would it insist on the claim that there is a political dimension to his critique of culture, even after the misunderstandings and accidents that made him an problematic author for political thought? If your critique of culture detects another symptom of modern nihilism, can also be noticed in this same criticism, a political dimension intrinsically linked to other possibilities of cultivation and improvement of culture and individuals? The concern with the creation of a culture strong enough to assert and project an active and creative life is the background for any evaluation of Nietzsche s political philosophy, both regards the assessment he makes of the political situation of his time as the possibilities of realization of his Great Politics.
17
Glaser, Clive L. „Youth culture and politics in Soweto, 1958-1976“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272663.
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18
Reyes, Eric Estuar. „The politics of globalization in Filipino American culture /“. View online version; access limited to Brown University users, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3134344.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Brown University, 2004.Available in film copy fromProQuestDissertation Publishing. Vita. Thesis advisor: Neil Lazarus. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-235). Also available online.
19
Horne, Gerald S. „Discourse about cultural policy and the politics of culture in Saskatchewan 1944-1987“. Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61830.
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20
Tiedje, Kristina. „Mapping nature, constructing culture : the cultural politics of place in the Huasteca, Mexico /“. view abstract or download file of text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3147836.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2004.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 469-511) and glossary (leaves 455-462). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
21
Lee, Theng-Boon Terence. „Politics, governmentality & cultural regulation in Singapore /“. Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl4771.pdf.
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22
Vernon, James. „Politics and the people : a study of English political culture and communication, 1808-68“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303531.
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23
Howell, Philip M. R. „'A free trade in politics' : a geography of Chartism's political culture, c.1838-1848“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272582.
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Groves, Leroy. „The politics of cultural policy“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2001. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3504/.
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Over the past twenty years the arts and culture have become a popular vehicle through which local economic development can be pursued. Whilst this relatively new local economic development tool has generated much interest amongst academics, many have been content to simply provide descriptive accounts of its development. Where theoretical frameworks for analysis have been applied, they have failed to adequately examine and assess those local factors which have contributed to the development of these strategies. Interestingly, the evolution of arts policy as a vehicle through which to pursue economic development, has been mirrored by proliferation In coalitions as preferred vehicles through which governing decisions, at the local level are effected. Current debates surrounding the New Urban Politics have focused on the degree to which current modes of governance reflect: widened representation; increased community empowerment; and increased local autonomy. By employing regime theory as a framework for analysis, this thesis will examine how those local political factors in two cities have influenced the development of cultural strategy. Such an exercise will enable a comment to be made on the degree to which cultural strategies reflect more co - operative forms of decision making, increased access to new forms of expertise and community empowerment.
25
Jones, Tod. „Indonesian Cultural policy, 1950-2003 : culture, institutions, government /“. Curtin University of Technology, Department of Media and Information, 2005. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=16663.
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This thesis examines official cultural policy in Indonesia, focussing on the cultural policy of the national governments from 1950 until 2003. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s writings about government and debates about cultural policy in Cultural Studies, the study proposes that the features of cultural policy in Indonesia are primarily determined by the changing ways that the state has put culture to work in its versions of modern governance. Part I of the thesis provides a history of official cultural policy, including a background chapter on the late colonial era and the Japanese occupation. Although contemporary cultural policy was first articulated within Western liberal democracies to shape self-governing national citizens, the Dutch colonial cultural policy differed in that it assumed indigenous subjects had reduced capacities and focussed on managing ethnic populations. The cultural policies of subsequent governments maintained the twin imperatives of ‘improving’ individuals and managing populations, but with different understandings of both imperatives. While a more autonomous subject was assumed during Constitutional Democracy, Guided Democracy exercised greater state guidance as part of Sukarno’s mobilisation of the population behind his political program. Cultural policy during the New Order era rejected Sukarno’s ‘politicisation’ of culture, replaced ‘improvement’ with ‘development’ and further strengthened the role of the state in providing cultural guidance, a move justified by designating Indonesians backward by modern standards.The Japanese administration was the first government to address a national population. Relations among indigenous ethnic populations and between ethnicity and the nation were addressed in cultural policy from 1956 and were central to cultural policy throughout the New Order era. Part II of the thesis consists of two case studies of cultural programs in the New Order and Reform eras: (1) the arts councils and cultural parks and (2) a cultural research project. It explores New Order centralism, demonstrating the heterogeneity between different levels of the state and how governmental goals imbued particular practices and objects with special significance and meaning by constructing them as culture. Cultural policy in the post-Suharto period is addressed in both Parts I and II. While the practices of the New Order era are generally continuing, decentralisation created the possibility of a plurality of cultural policies across Indonesia, as lower levels of government are responsible for administering cultural policy. Decentralisation could result in a more participatory cultural policy as more cultural practices are addressed or a narrowing of cultural policy if conservative ethnic identity politics drives changes.
26
Stevenson, Nicholas. „Culture, ideology and politics : Raymond Williams and E.P. Thompson“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294431.
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27
Williams, Abigail. „Whig literary culture : poetry, politics, and patronage, 1678-1714“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339967.
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28
Bradley, J. M. „Religious identity in modern Scotland : culture, politics and football“. Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1993. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21296.
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The central argument of this thesis is that football in Scotland has acquired characteristics which make it a nationalistic, political and cultural repository. This has its origins in the post-Reformation period in Scotland, Irish immigration into Scotland and Scotland/Britain's historically contentious relationship with Ireland. Part one examines the present situation as regards religious identity in Scotland. It reflects on the development and pervasiveness of Protestantism within society, emphasising its anti-Catholic dimension. Irish immigration to Scotland in the 19th and 20th century is briefly reflected upon within the context of a growing ethno-religious cleavage. The second part of the thesis concentrates upon football. It particularly addresses the 'Old Firm' of Glasgow Rangers and Celtic though substantial reference is made to other clubs and to the Scottish international arena. Here, much of the analysis is based upon an original survey of the political and social attitudes of a sample of the supporters of the nine largest clubs in Scotland. The penultimate section focuses specifically upon anti-Catholicism in Scotland and the present character of Irish identity, particularly in the west of Scotland. The nature of the cleavage between both cultures is explored. Various Protestant and Catholic social and political groupings were also surveyed and the results are reported in this section. The context within which anti-Catholicism in Scotland has developed is established together with the main tenets of the contemporary Irish Catholic identity in part four. The conclusion establishes that previous studies have utilised a flawed approach to analysing religious identity in modem Scotland. Despite being a secular country, religious identity is a dominant cultural idiom in Scotland and its academic neglect has resulted in its miscomprehension of the nature of Scottish society and politics. In sum the thesis suggest five major conclusions: 1) Although the term sectarianism has major limitations it also has relevance for religious identity in Scotland. 2) Football is a crucial element of ethno-religious identity in Scotland, and national, cultural, social and political expressions become more explicit in the Scottish football arena. 3) Anti-Catholic culture runs deep in Scotland. This thesis -has located it in its historical context, explained its wider ideological underpinnings and reflected its complexity and variability in modern society. 4) The term 'sectarianism' has the function of shrouding the character of the Irish immigrant experience and identity. It has also served a long term ideological purpose in its debasement of the Irish identity in Scotland. 5) Identity is a much more useful concept than sectarianism for our understanding of religious cleavage and cultures in Scottish society.
29
MacCarthy, Conor. „Failed entities : culture and politics in Ireland 1969-1991“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.309443.
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Price, T. „The politics of culture : 'Saturday night and Sunday morning'“. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.380137.
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Quinlan, Tim. „Marena a Lesotho: chiefs, politics and culture in Lesotho“. Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23740.
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'What is a chief?' and 'what do chiefs do?' are the two questions which begin this study of political authority in rural Lesotho. These questions are contained within a broader one, 'why do villagers often hold chiefs, individually and generally, in contempt but recoil at the suggestion of dissolution of the chieftainship?' The latter question arose from the author's initial field experiences to become the basis for a study which examines the history of the chieftainship in Lesotho. This history is seen as a dialectical process involving a struggle over, and a struggle for, the chieftainship. The former struggle refers to the interventions of elites in society, namely senior chiefs, colonial government officials and, in more recent times, post-independence governments and foreign aid agencies. The latter struggle refers to the interventions of chiefs and the rural populace. Having outlined different ethnographic descriptions of Lesotho's chieftainship, in order to illustrate the different criteria of authority which were applied in the making of the chieftainship, the study goes on to consider the efforts of different agencies to make the chieftainship in the image they desired. The contradictions within, and between, these interventions are explored as the study moves towards consideration of why rural Basotho still support the chieftainship. This analysis takes the discussion from the colonial context, during which Basutoland and the chieftainship were created, to contemporary regional and local rural contexts, in which the chieftainship exists. The discussion illustrates how chiefs have been personifications of family and society, and how this representation is being challenged amongst the rural populace today. The multiplicity of forces which have shaped the chieftainship are then drawn together in a conclusion which examines the pivotal role of the chieftainship in the creation of a national identity and in the crisis of legitimacy facing the contemporary state in Lesotho. The study is informed by a marxist theoretical perspective, but it is also influenced by the debate on postmodernism in Anthropology. This leads the study to acknowledge the current context of theoretical uncertainty for ethnographic research, and the opportunities this affords for exploration of new perspectives. One result is that the study examines tentatively the role of bio-physical phenomena in the way Basotho have constructed society and nature, and represented this construction in their collective understanding of political authority.
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Kronenberg, Clive. „Manifestations of humanism in Cuban history, politics, and culture“. Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/8095.
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The thesis explores what it deems are some of the most perceptible humanistic features in Cuban history, politics, and culture, less specified, or highlighted, or generally not presented in a cohesive body of knowledge in the western scholarly world. In the context of its subject, the thesis embraces rational-critical thinking and supports the custom of non-violent dispute. Insofar as the Cuban Constitution incorporates a range of goals structured on socialist principles, the thesis sets out to scrutinise manifestations in Cuban thinking emblematic of the Marxist-humanist and/or anti-Stalinist philosophical traditions of revolutionary praxis. The thesis' main body investigates, illustrates, and analyses the presence of such features, focussing predominantly on the period 1959 to the late 1960s. Where the thesis does delve into timeframes beyond this era, it endeavours to show the continuity of relevant facets previously identified. Preceding the main examination, the thesis looks into what is widely perceived as the main roots of the country's humanist tradition, the moral ideas and standpoints of Jose Marti, the country's national hero. A further objective of this thesis lies in the belief that aspects of Cuba's national cultural policy in large measure addresses historical issues post-Apartheid South Africa confronts today.
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Holberton, Edward. „Poetry and the Cromwellian protectorate : culture, politics, and institutions /“. Oxford : Oxford university press, 2008. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41310920f.
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Stade, Ronald. „Pacific passages : world culture and local politics in Guam“. Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Socialantropologiska institutionen, 1998. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-45875.
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Gilbert, Francis Bertrand. „A culture of chaos: The politics of dynamic space“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187356.
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This discussion of chaos theory is concerned with two major issues. On the one hand, I explore what kind of knowledge is linked to chaos theory, and more specifically how as a science it informs the cultural discourses created by postindustrial societies. On the other hand, I probe chaos theory's potential as a model for challenging the existing conception of our world within the prevailing epistemologies of order and predictability. Both of these issues are addressed with in mind the broader framework and question concerning social relations, especially to the extent that those relations, in their spatial dimension, have become an object of scientific discourse. My approach to chaos theory is purposefully eclectic, conjoining the scientific with the social and the political. I believe that chaos theory points to a dynamic, intertextual, and multidimensional universe, and therefore, my interest lies in these connections, in bridging the various elements working together to create our contemporary, postmodern world. Science creates theories and images of nature that have been used to subordinate and control segments of the population through theories of race and sexuality. Thus, to recognize the existence of complexity and instability is to give away powerful conceptual means of political and social control, a strategy in which Western science has been an active participant.
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Maasri, Zeina. „Cosmopolitan promises : visual culture and politics in 1960s Beirut“. Thesis, University of Brighton, 2016. https://research.brighton.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/e769d5ba-6f45-4904-bb51-72bb732cc17d.
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Komba, Willy Lazaro Mbunju. „Changing politics and political culture in Tanzania : the impact on political education and civics curricula 1967-1994“. Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018447/.
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This thesis examines the limits of the curriculum in Tanzania's socio-political reforms as the country moves from a single- party socialist to a multi-party liberal and market oriented system. It focuses on the dominant influence of political culture on the curriculum process. The study was suggested by syllabus changes at all levels from primary through to university, and drew from one of the observations made by the Presidential Commission's Report of 1991 that Tanzanian political culture was authoritarian/quiescent, and that the curriculum could contribute to the realization of a society which would allow political choice. In view of the fundamental pedagogical implications, the study contrasted the West European liberal concept of choice with the collectivist Tanzanian political culture, its manifestation in the educational philosophy, and examined how it was internalized by educators. Specifically, it investigated teachers' perception of the curriculum changes, and of their role in a changed political environment. Through a conceptual model derived from the literature, the data (obtained from documentary sources, interviews, and from a questionnaire administered to 100 school teachers and 35 teacher trainees) were analyzed and interpreted. The findings suggested that teachers had internalized the authoritarian values concerning the outcomes of teaching and learning of Civics (e.g. unconditional obedience/loyalty to authority). It was argued that changing national political ideologies required not only surface changes in national politics but also in deeper values of the society as a whole, and that the facile association of Political Education with authoritarianism or Civics with democracy was unsustainable. As this study was limited by the size of the sample and type of respondents, broad based research on the residual political cultures in Tanzania and on African concepts of political choice or pluralism might yield more convincing evidence of the political values identified in this study.
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Feng, Dongning. „Text, politics and society : literature as political philosophy in post-Mao China“. Thesis, University of Stirling, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2216.
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The purpose of this study is to arrive at a critical overview of politics and literature in the Chinese context. The relationship has increasingly become a "field" of studies and theoretical inquiry that most scholars in either disciplines are wary to tread. This thesis tries to venture into this problematic field by a theoretical examination as well as an empirical critique of Chinese literature and politics, where the relationship seems even more paradoxical, but adds more insight into the argument. The Introduction and Chapter One set up a framework by asking some general but fundamental questions: what literature is, and how it is to be related to politics. Chapter Two examines the historical function of literature and Chinese writers in society to establish the basis of argument in the Chinese context. Chapter Three focuses the discussion on the relationship between politics and literature during the Mao era and after. Chapters Four analyses the literary works published during the post-Mao period to establish the argument that literature, as part of our perception of the world, is most concerned with human society and social amelioration and participates in the socio-political development by contributing to it through a discourse that is otherwise inaccessible. Chapter Five explores the argument further by extending it into the field of cinema, which basically comes from the same narrative tradition of prose literature, but offers a wider and different dimension to the argument pursued. Chapter Six and the Conclusion try to draw together the argument by examining literature as both form and content to argue how and why literature is related to politics and how it has functioned in a political manner in Chinese society. To summarise, Chinese literature in this period will b& shown to be involved In a process of political reform and development by way of bringing the reader to participate in a critical and philosophical dialogue with power, history and future. In the long run, it offers emancipating visions and possibilities revealed to the reader in ways that are historical, developmental, philosophical and comparative. This study focuses on the prose fiction published in this period, for it is the leading force in China's cultural development and constitutes the major trunk of the modern Chinese canon. In addition, the research also extends to drama and films, and the way they, together with prose fiction, make up the most popular perception and intellectual discovery of contemporary Chinese society and politics and best inform the argument of the study of politics and literature.
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Yang, Hsin-Yen. „Re-interpreting Japanomania: transnational media, national identity and the restyling of politics in Taiwan“. Diss., University of Iowa, 2010. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/765.
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This dissertation offers a historical and cultural analysis of the highly controversial Japanomania (ha-ri) phenomenon in East Asia with a special focus on post-authoritarian Taiwan. Despite its colonial relations with Japan and its relatively small population of twenty-three million, Taiwan has become the largest market for Japanese trendy dramas outside Japan in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Attracted by these Japanese idol dramas, pop music and fashion, many Taiwanese youths became loyal to anything Japanese. The Japanomania phenomenon in Taiwan aroused stringent public condemnation for being detrimental to national pride and was commonly regarded as a social pathology. I offer my intervention into this debate by arguing that Japanomania consumption has little to do with nostalgia towards Japanese colonization. Rather, Japanomania is best understood as a response to the particular, lived conditions of the generation of Taiwanese who came of age in the 1990s. Given the prevalence of Japanomania among this generation, and given the fact that this was the same generation of young voters who were key to the election of the first opposition party President in 2000, it is remarkable that the connections between these two significant youth movements have been overlooked in existing scholarship. Based on my research and on my own lived experience and participation in both of these movements, I argue that Japanomania discourse in fact played a crucial role in Taiwan's democratization and nation-building in the 1990s.
To de-mystify the intensive consumption of Japanese popular culture in Taiwan, I critically analyze interviews, online Bulletin Board Systems (BBS), historical archives, Japanese TV dramas, and political campaign materials. Such mediated forms give us access to the fluid and mobile field of subject formation in a transitional society. I conclude that transnational culture serves as a medium for Taiwanese politics, and for the current fourth generation in particular. In addition, I suggest that transcultural consumption has political potential not only in Taiwan but also in other contexts such as the United States, Latin America, Europe, and Southeast Asia. This dissertation tackles some of the most fundamental questions in communication studies: the influence of media on politics and the role that people play in making meaning in the context of democratization and globalization. By creating a dialog between this East Asian cultural phenomenon and Western critical theories of culture and globalization, my research also contributes to the development of a multilevel and multicultural approach to discourse, audience studies and globalization studies.
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Kidwell, Kirk S. „Reading the state writing: Michel Foucault and the production of American political culture“. The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1060889599.
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Brunet-Jailly, Emmanuel. „Political culture in Italy“. Thesis, This resource online, 1988. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-04122010-083632/.
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Mulrooney, Kyle Jonathan Daniel. „Resisting the politics of punishment : political culture and the evolution of Canadian criminal justice policy“. Thesis, University of Kent, 2017. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/67338/.
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Background: The Canadian jurisdiction has a long history of stable imprisonment rates, facilitated in part by policymakers and successive governments advocating for restraint on the use of incarceration and advancing a moderate and balanced approach to crime and its control more generally. However, between 2006-2015, the country saw a complete shift in thinking and action around crime control towards more punitive ends with the election of the new Conservative Party of Canada (CPC). Yet, despite a decade of tough on crime rhetoric and the passing of 42 criminal justice bills, the prison population did not rise appreciably and there has been no discernable change in public opinion. Moreover, throughout this era, the CPC was one voice among many and faced a significant amount of discursive and legal resistance. Today, crime control no longer occupies the political arena and, more optimistically, with the election of the Liberal Party of Canada in 2015 the country appears to have reverted back to its roots in penal moderation. This decade of CPC power, therefore, provides the ideal case study from which to explore what drives and affects penal change around the world and more specifically to highlight the necessary factors and conditions behind the varying 'success' of penal populism as a governing strategy. Methods: This thesis relies predominately on a thematic analysis of discourse. The analysis proceeded in four separate, yet interconnected parts. Part one examines the 'official discourse' surrounding crime and its control prior to 2006. The data drawn upon comes from a sample of formal statements of criminal justice policy issued over the past century (N=47) and the political manifestos (N=52) and Throne Speeches (N=147) of the governing parties during this era. Part two explores the discourse surrounding crime and its control coming from the CPC between 2006-2015, comparing and contrasting it to that of the past. The data drawn upon in this analysis comes from a sample of Prime Ministerial speeches (N=60) and the government's political manifestos (N=4), Throne Speeches (N=7) and press releases (N=420). For contextual purposes, both of the above samples were complemented by a survey of key criminal justice reforms and legislation introduced and passed into law during these respective time periods, as well as some of the parliamentary debates surrounding these reforms. Part three examines the print-media's coverage and commentary of the criminal justice platform, policy pursuits and associated discourse of the CPC. The data utilized in this analysis comes from a sample of newspaper articles (N=863) spanning 2005-2015. Finally, part four explores court challenges to the CPC's 'law and order' legislation, with particular attention to the Supreme Court of Canada cases (N=10). Lower court challenges and other cases with subject matter outside of the 'law and order' category were included for contextual purposes. Findings: The data indicates that during the era of the CPC, thinking and action around crime and its control changed dramatically. Specifically, prior to 2006 crime was predominately seen as the product of wider social forces and offenders themselves as in need of assistance. Subsequently, the key aim of criminal justice was that of reintegration, facilitated through restraint on imprisonment and the advancement of rehabilitative ideals, and an ethos of balance and moderation guided policy-making. By contrast, the CPC understood crime as a rational choice and saw offenders as simply 'bad' people, inherently different than the law-abiding. Flowing from this was a criminal justice response that prioritized punishment and exclusion and had little faith in the ability of individuals to change. Naturally then the prison was elevated as the primary means through which to deal with crime and rehabilitative ideals were entirely absent during this era. Within the news media coverage 'experts' and practitioners were elevated in the status hierarchy of discourses, especially relative to the public and victims. Furthermore, the news-media's response to these changes occurring in the criminal justice arena was overwhelmingly negative. Specifically, the CPC was portrayed as being driven by political cynicism and a blind commitment to conservative ideology. Furthermore, the policies themselves were framed as being overtly punitive, expensive, irrational, and, above all, 'Americanized'. Alternative ameliorative solutions advanced in the news-media prioritized notions of reintegration, restraint, rehabilitation and balance which were understood to be inherently tied to Canadian identity and past traditions. Finally, the judicial analysis indicated that the courts struck down a number of the governments' core pieces of criminal justice legislation. In legal terms, the judgments provided indicated that the courts deemed a number of these policies to be excessive in nature and therefore offensive to the principle of proportionality (balance). In realist terms, the judgments highlighted the courts preferences for, and commitments to, the penal values of restraint on the use of imprisonment, rehabilitation, and reintegration specifically and to balance and moderation more generally. Conclusion: The media's coverage of the CPC's discourse and policies during this decade served as a key site of resistance. Specifically, the presence of a counter discourse meant that consumers were presented with an alternative perspective from which they could form opinions and perceptions surrounding issues of crime and punishment. Perhaps the more interesting story told by the data is the surprising absence of support for tough on crime policies in the news-media. Subsequently, a key component of the populist equation was missing. The Supreme Court of Canada's command of the legal arena, and control of political authority more generally, crippled some of the CPC's most potent criminal justice policies. The implications of this cannot be understated. The government's loss record indicates that the court served as a powerful political opposition to the CPC and ultimately served as a significant roadblock to the government's policy agenda. Taken together, both the shift towards a more punitive trajectory and the resistance to these changes must be understood as the product of wider 'political projects'. The new CPC which emerged in 2005 represented a completely different 'breed' of conservatism than Canada had ever seen and subsequently clashed with traditional 'ways of doing politics' and more specifically with deeply ingrained and long-standing commitments to centrism and small-l-liberalism in Canadian political culture. By extension, CPC's thinking and action around crime was confronted by key actors and institutions as culturally inappropriate and ultimately incompatible with reigning sensibilities.
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Gurung, Suresh Kumar. „Ethnic cultural identity and the political process : a study of relationship between ethnic politics and political institutions and organizations of Sikkim“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/205.
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Mascitelli, Bruno. „A re-evaluation of the causes of the Italian political crisis 1992-94 /“. Connect to thesis, 2005. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00001490.
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Andriano-Moore, Stephen Albert. „The professional culture of Hollywood film sound : understanding labor politics and culture through practitioner discourse“. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.574611.
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Within the Hollywood film industry, sound is marginalized as the lowest status craft whose use and functions are often not considered until the last phase of filmmaking. The professional culture of Hollywood film sound is wrought with social, political and occupational misgivings as a result of sound's lower status. This thesis utilizes empirical research in an examination of the professional discourse of film sound practitioners to illuminate the issues, conditions and politics of labor that affect and form the professional culture of Hollywood film sound. Hollywood film sound practitioners critically analyze and theorize over social, occupational and political aspects of their work in email discussion groups such as the Sound Article List and the Sound Design List as well as within the professional journals of the Cinema Audio Society and the Motion Picture Editors Guild. The examination of professional discourse between Hollywood film sound practitioners reveals tension within the professional culture concerning filmmaking practices, work roles, professional identity, creative contribution, recognition and status. An in- depth case study considers the ways in which one leading practitioner, Oscar winning sound designer and re-recording mixer Randy Thorn, actively engages in discourse and activity invested in improving the marginalization of film sound and film sound practitioners. This investigation of industrial reflexive professional discourse and film sound organizations illuminates a dynamic picture of the professional culture of Hollywood film sound and how practitioners conceive and negotiate their professional identities, status within the industry and their impact on film.
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Serizawa, Molly M. „Dialectic of Celebrity Politics: Identifying Public Personalities and Political Performers in Twenty-First Century America“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/254.
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‘Celebrity’ has become a growing field of critical inquiry and cultural interest in twenty-first century society. Celebrities embody a host of meanings and engender larger ideological and discursive practices, in which they articulate expressions of social, cultural and political power that attach meaning to public individuals. Beginning with the late-twentieth century, celebrities have come to occupy spaces that exist beyond popular culture platforms, most notably in politics and international diplomacy. In spite of its typical association with superficial discussions of gossip and cheap entertainment, celebrities have become the site of anxiety in a capitalist society. To come to terms with these growing anxieties concerning celebrity and its accoutrements, this thesis explores the embedded complexities and consequences of the celebrity system within the framework of what has dubiously been called ‘celebrity politics.’ Through a detailed examination of this phenomenon, this thesis explores the coalescing spheres of Hollywood and the White House, where ‘celebrity’ and ‘politician’ have become interchangeable monikers. In addition to examining the historical conditions that have given rise to the phenomenon, this study examines contemporary articulations of the ‘celebrity politician,’ focusing on Angelina Jolie, Sean Penn and President Barack Obama. Discussion of these figures is framed by critical theory and media studies to better understand their location within the contemporary Western landscape.
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Jogerst, Meredith Brandes. „Political Culture in the United States: A Reexamination of Elazar's Subcultures“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500578/.
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This thesis discusses the use of Daniel Elazar's theory of political subcultures in the United States. The first chapter is an introduction to the concept of political culture. The second chapter discusses Elazar's theory and method. The third chapter points out the problems in Elazar's theory and his method with a discussion of recent studies. The fourth chapter outlines the present analysis and the method used. The fifth chapter sets out the conclusions and offers avenues of new direction in the study of political culture.
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Lee, Kit-wai, und 李潔慧. „Power politics in post-colonial narrative“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31953591.
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Lee, Kit-wai. „Power politics in post-colonial narrative“. Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2002. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?
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au, jane lorrimar@challengertafe wa edu, und Jane Lorrimar. „Organisational culture in TAFE colleges : power, gender and identity politics“. Murdoch University, 2006. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070717.145611.
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This study explores the human face of workplace change in two Technical and Further Education (TAFE) colleges in Western Australia. It analyses the impact of neoliberalism on organisational culture by examining the way vocational education and training (VET) reforms influenced the restructuring and orientation of these colleges, and changed their power dynamics and work practices. It presents the accounts of 100 women and men who were interviewed between 2000-2002 about their working lives. Their stories of passion and angst represent a vertical slice of life in TAFE and include responses from administrative staff, lecturers, academic managers, corporate services managers and executives.
This study explores perceptions of power and the mechanisms of control that were exerted upon and within the colleges with a focus on the factors that impact on career satisfaction. In addition, it examines perceptions of fairness in relation to employment, remuneration and promotion issues. Specifically, it reveals a variety of points of view on the attributes of success and outlines the strategies individuals use to get ahead. Furthermore, it seeks to understand the way values and norms guide and justify conduct and how they influence organisational culture. It evaluates whether a climate of sacrifice operates in the colleges and whether individuals will sacrifice personal or professional values to get ahead.
Although much has been written on the impact of neoliberalism on the changing nature of work and organisational culture, there has been little investigation of the TAFE experience at the individual, group and institutional level. It is also less common to find analyses of workplace restructuring that conceptualises the changes from a feminist and sociocultural perspective. By investigating the colleges as sites of gender and identity politics, this study explores the way individuals and groups do gender and describes how gender asymmetry is reproduced through social, cultural and institutional practices. It highlights how individuals construct their professional and worker identity and perceive themselves in relations to others in the social and organisational hierarchy of the colleges.