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1
Jogerst, Meredith Brandes. „Political Culture in the United States: A Reexamination of Elazar's Subcultures“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500578/.
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This thesis discusses the use of Daniel Elazar's theory of political subcultures in the United States. The first chapter is an introduction to the concept of political culture. The second chapter discusses Elazar's theory and method. The third chapter points out the problems in Elazar's theory and his method with a discussion of recent studies. The fourth chapter outlines the present analysis and the method used. The fifth chapter sets out the conclusions and offers avenues of new direction in the study of political culture.
2
Reyes, Eric Estuar. „The politics of globalization in Filipino American culture /“. View online version; access limited to Brown University users, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3134344.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Brown University, 2004.Available in film copy fromProQuestDissertation Publishing. Vita. Thesis advisor: Neil Lazarus. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-235). Also available online.
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Scott-Smith, Giles. „The politics of apolitical culture : the United States, Western Europe and the post-War 'Culture of Hegemony'“. Thesis, Lancaster University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286995.
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4
Connors, Maureen E. „Vox populi the classical idiom in early American public opinion articles, 1789-1791 /“. Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3224.
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Thesis (M.A,)--George Mason University, 2008.Vita: p. 116. Thesis director: Rosemarie Zagarri. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Aug. 28, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-115). Also issued in print.
5
Cho, Hyojung. „Policy system and political dynamics of heritage conservation in the United States“. Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1181789281.
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6
Kabala, James Stanley. „A Christian nation? : church-state relations in the early American republic, 1787--1846“. View abstract/electronic edition; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318336.
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Hoffacker, Jayna C. „Catholicism and Community: American Political Culture and the Conservative Catholic Social Justice Tradition, 1890-1960“. Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/42.
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The prevailing trend in the historiography of American Catholicism has been an implicit acceptance of the traditional liberal narrative as formulated by scholars like Louis Hartz. American Catholic historians like Jay Dolan and John McGreevy have incorporated this narrative into their studies and argue that America was inherently liberal and that the conservative Catholics who rejected liberalism were thus fundamentally anti-American. This has simplified nuanced and complex relationships into a story of simple opposition. Further, the social justice doctrine of the Catholic Church, although based on undeniably illiberal foundations, led conservatives to come to the same conclusions about social and economic reform as did twentieth-century liberal reformers. These shared ideas about social reform, though stemming from conflicting foundations and looking toward vastly different goals, allowed conservative Catholics to play a role in what are seen as some of the most sweeping liberal reforms of the twentieth-century.
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Mast, Jason L. „Politics and performance the cultural pragmatics of the Clinton presidency /“. Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1835265231&sid=4&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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9
Streator, Campbell. „"Pig-Sawce" and Politics: The History of Barbecue as a Political Institution in the United States“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1920.
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This thesis examines the history of barbecue as a political institution in the United States. It pulls from a wide variety of cultural and political sources to trace the story of barbecue’s evolution in America from cooking structure to social gathering, and addresses barbecue’s varied political meanings and implementations from before the American Revolution through the twentieth century. Along the way, it discusses the ways in which barbecue as a political institution has been used to cultivate an American identity, played a role in the development of personality driven politics in the United States, and found itself at the center of debates over race and equality in America.
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Saldaña, Martín Marta. „Rentierism and political culture in the United Arab Emirates“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/15847.
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This dissertation discusses United Arab Emirates (UAE) state-society relations in historical perspective; analyses qualitatively the Emirati political culture; examines how the latter affects governmental policies in the UAE; and evaluates both qualitatively and quantitatively the political orientations and values of the Emirati educated youth. Through a discussion of existing theoretical and conceptual approaches, and the observation of the UAE case study, it argues that an important and overlooked dimension among students of state-society relations in authoritarian rentier states is citizens’ political culture, which should nonetheless be examined within a more integrative framework of analysis. Accordingly, this study employs a refined version of the holistic ‘state-in-society’ approach (Kamrava, 2008), in combination with rentier state theory (RST) and the political culture perspective (Almond & Verba, 1963), to qualitatively discuss the general Emirati political culture (agency/input), and assess how the latter affects governmental performance/policies (output); and to evaluate, both qualitatively and quantitatively, the political culture of the educated Emirati youth as the main potential supporters or opponents (agency/input) of the ruling elite. Adding to the debate around the continued significance and scope of RST, the dissertation concludes that the rentier nature of a state does not necessarily determine its people´s lack of interest in politics, but can actually empower them to challenge authoritarianism through political socialization. The historical approach to UAE political movements and discussion about contemporary political standpoints demonstrate that governmental policies (redistributive, co-optative, repressive, or reformist) are mainly driven by domestic pressure and run parallel to historical development of domestic political activism. Hence, rentierism by itself does is not sufficient to explain state-society relations in the Gulf region. Finally, the analysis and measurement of cognitive, affective and evaluative political orientations of Emirati UAEU students reflects that there is adherence to ‘post-materialistic’ and ‘self-expression’ values among important sectors of the Emirati educated youth, which are associated with the emergence of a participative political culture (Inglehart & Welzel, 2005): an ‘aspiring participant’ political culture.
11
David, James Corbett. „Dunmore's new world: Political culture in the British Empire, 1745--1796“. W&M ScholarWorks, 2010. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623561.
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Despite his participation in the Jacobite Rebellion of 1745, John Murray, fourth earl of Dunmore, eventually became royal governor of New York (1770-1771), Virginia (17711783), and the Bahama Islands (1787-1796). His life in the British Empire exposed him to an extraordinary range of political experience, including border disputes, land speculation, frontier warfare and diplomacy, sexual scandal, slave emancipation, naval combat, loyalist advocacy, Amerindian slavery, and trans-imperial filibusters, to say nothing of his proximity to the Haitian Revolution or his role in the defense of the British West Indies during the French Revolutionary Wars. Quick to break with convention on behalf of the system that ensured his privilege, Dunmore was an usually transgressive imperialist whose career can be used to explore the boundaries of what was possible in the political cultures of the Anglo-Atlantic world at the end of the eighteenth century.;Remarkably, Lord Dunmore has not been the subject of a book-length study in more than seventy years. With a few exceptions (the work of African American historians notable among them), modern scholars have dismissed him as a greedy incompetent. While challenging this characterization, the dissertation makes several arguments about the weakness of royal authority in pre-Revolutionary New York and Virginia, the prominent and problematic role of the land grant as a mechanism of political consent, the importance of Dunmore's proclamation of emancipation, and the endurance of British ambition in North America after 1783. It seeks to make a methodological contribution as well. By positioning Dunmore as the epicenter of a web of interrelations, one reflected in a variety of historical texts and involving people at all levels of the imperial social structure, the dissertation suffuses a host of elements and actors within a single biographical narrative. This integrated approach can serve to counter the excessive compartmentalization that has marked some academic history in recent decades.
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Petrafesa, Jennifer Leigh. „The Death of John Pierce and the Political Culture of the Early Republic“. W&M ScholarWorks, 2012. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626688.
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Riddington, William. „The right, rights and the culture wars in the United States, 1981-1989“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/278057.
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This thesis explores how the American right fought the culture wars of the 1980s in the context of the rights revolution and the regulatory state. It does so by examining divisions over anti-abortion measures in Congress, controversies surrounding allegations of discriminatory withholding of medical care from disabled newborns, debates over the extent to which Title IX and other federal anti-discrimination regulations bound Christian colleges that rejected direct federal funding, and the interplay between rights and education during the AIDS crisis. In doing so, it contributes to the still-growing historiography on both American conservatism and the culture wars. Firstly, it adds shades of nuance to the literature on the American right, which has, until recently, posited the election of Ronald Reagan as the beginning of an era of untrammelled conservative ascendancy. However, these case studies reveal that despite Reagan’s resounding electoral success and the refiguring of the Republican party along conservative lines, the 1980s right was forced to fight many of its battles on terrain that remained structured by the liberal legacy. This finding also contributes to recent trends in the historiography of the culture wars, which have added a great depth of historical understanding to America’s interminable conflicts over abortion, evolution, equal marriage and other social issues. By examining how the right conceived of and reacted to the enduring influence of the rights revolution and the regulatory state in the culture wars of the 1980s, the centrality of the right to privacy becomes clear. Acknowledging the importance of this right leads to the conclusion that the fundamental restructuring of relations between the federal government and the states that had taken place during the 1960s gave rise to the culture wars of the 1980s.
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Garcia, Maria E. „Governing Gambling in the United States“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/3.
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The role risk taking has played in American history has helped shape current legislation concerning gambling. This thesis attempts to explain the discrepancies in legislation regarding distinct forms of gambling. While casinos are heavily regulated by state and federal laws, most statutes dealing with lotteries strive to regulate the activities of other parties instead of those of the lottery institutions. Incidentally, lotteries are the only form of gambling completely managed by the government. It can be inferred that the United States government is more concerned with people exploiting gambling than with the actual practice of wagering.
In an effort to more fully understand the gambling debate, whether it should be allowed or banned, I examined different types of sources. Historical sources demonstrate how ingrained in American culture risk taking, the core of gambling, has been since the formation of this nation. Sources dealing with the economic implications of gambling were also studied. Additionally, sources dealings with the political and legal aspects of gambling were essential for this thesis. Legislature has tried to reconcile distinct problems associated with gambling, including corruption. For this reason sports gambling scandals and Mafia connections to gambling have also been examined.
The American government has created much needed legislature to address different concerns relating to gambling. It is apparent that statutes will continue to be passed to help regulate the gambling industry. A possible consideration is the legalization of sports wagering to better regulate that sector of the industry.
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Ellery, Margaret. „Making the frontier manifest : the representation of American politics in new age literature“. University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0043.
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This thesis explores the history of the New Age movement through a political analysis of influential New Age books. By drawing upon cultural, religious and American studies, and concepts from literary criticism and political science, a new understanding of the movement becomes possible. This thesis analyses the ideological representations and rhetorical strategies employed in both New Age literature and American presidential discourse. It is argued that their shared imagery and discursive features indicate that New Age writings derive their ideological underpinnings and textual devices from dominant beliefs of American nationalism. This historical examination begins with the Cold War in the late 1940s and ends with the 1990s. Each chapter traces parallels between a particular presidential discourse and New Age texts published in the same decade commencing with Dwight D. Eisenhower and The Doors of Perception and finishing with William J. Clinton and The Celestine Prophecy: An Adventure. It argues that the appropriation of particular spiritualities in New Age texts is closely related to contemporary American geo-political interests and understandings. Major New Age spiritual trends are derived from regions, most often in the third world, which are considered to be under threat from forces such as Communism. New Age writings construct an imaginary possession of these worlds, reconfiguring these sites into frontiers of American influence. In particular, this study examines the influence of the jeremiads and the ensuing Monroe Doctrine and Manifest Destiny ideologies upon post-war national beliefs and the extent to which these understandings of nationalism inform New Age discourse. Representations of time and space, destiny and landscape, and self and other in these literary and political contexts are analysed. From this perspective, the eclecticism that marks the New Age can be historically understood as a shifting cultural expression of Cold War and post-Cold War political responses. Consequently, New Age literature is one of the means by which dominant American identity is reproduced and disseminated in what seems to be an alternative spiritual context.
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Magnúsdóttir, Berglind Ró́s. „The cultural politics of middle-classes and schooling : parental choices and practices to secure school (e)quality in advanced neoliberal times : a US case-study“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648849.
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Forgash, Rebecca 1970. „Marine violence and the politics of meaning during the United States occupation of Haiti, 1915-1934“. Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291839.
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The United States Marine Corps occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934. During that period, Marine brutality became a key issue in the debate between those who supported the Occupation and those who opposed it. By studying the conflicting perspectives on Marine coercion, the author hopes to access the complex field of political and social forces which governed perceptions of the Occupation. Supporters of the Occupation considered Marine coercion to be a "necessary," though unpleasant, accessory to U.S. expansion. Within this discursive framework, the victims of Marine brutality were ignored, and Haitians were reduced to a homogenous "type" of inferior colonized person. In contrast, those who opposed the Occupation emphasized the physical harm done to the victims of Marine violence and asserted the uniqueness of Haitian culture. Using this strategy, dissenters effectively countered the dehumanizing power of the discourse of U.S. expansion by undermining the logic of "necessary" Marine coercion.
18
Rynhold, Jonathan M. „Israeli political culture in Israel's relations with the United States over the Palestinian question 1981-96“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1998. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1517/.
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This thesis makes a contribution to the study of Israeli foreign policy, Israeli-American relations and the role of Israeli political culture in foreign policy. First, all the works on American-Israeli relations focus on American policy. Second, works examining the role of Israeli values in foreign policy focus primarily on the values of the Israeli right, usually purely in regard to the Palestinian question and use a concept of political culture that is static. In contrast, this thesis examines, US-Israeli relations from the Israeli view point and encompasses the impact of the Israeli left's values on policy. Moreover, it uses a concept of political culture that is fluid rather than static. Following a brief introductory section outlining the interpretative concept of political culture employed, the thesis turns towards a section on Israeli political culture. Here two main sub-cultures are identified; a universalist orientation which views Israel as a normal country and which aspires to normalisation and a particularist orientation which sees Israel as 'a nation that dwells alone', with a particular mission to fulfil. From this basis, four approaches within the Israeli elite towards relations with the United States over the Palestinian question are drawn out. The next section then examines and accounts for shifts in Israeli political culture, first towards particularism and then towards universalism, as well as the impact of these shifts on underlying foreign policy attitudes and their political strength. The third section consists of a number of chapters which demonstrate the role of the various approaches, motifs, values, and developments within Israeli political culture on relations with the United States over the Palestinian question 1981-96. It covers the main issues that arose in that period including the Lebanon War, the London agreement, the Madrid Conference, the loan guarantees question and the Oslo accords. The final part of this section focuses on relations between Israel, pro-Israel groups in the US and Congress.
19
Rodríguez, Russell C. „Cultural production, legitimation, and the politics of aesthetics : mariachi transmission, practice, and performance in the United States /“. Diss., Digital Dissertations Database. Restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
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Beliso-De, Jesú́́́s Aisha Mahina. „Becoming Santeria : a transnational study of cultural politics, media and religion in Cuba and the United States /“. May be available electronically:, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.
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Son, Jessica. „Determinants of citizen well-being in the U.S. states : do policy liberalism and political culture matter? /“. View online version, 2009. http://ecommons.txstate.edu/arp/314.
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Gómez, Benavides Juan Carlos. „Explaining democratic divergence : the impact of elite political culture and political institutions on the democratic performance of Colombia and Venezuela“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/95997/.
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The aim of this thesis is to explain and assess, from a comparative perspective, the drivers behind the process of democratic divergence experienced by Colombia and Venezuela from the mid-1990s until 2010. This thesis claims that in order to understand this phenomenon it is necessary to study this observed occurrence from two complementary perspectives. First, it introduces the ‘Circular Causality Model’ as an alternative theoretical framework to explain the opposite democratic paths taken by these cases. It critically argues that traditional strands of literature such as modernisation theory, resource curse theory, institutional theory, and political culture theory cannot, individually, provide compelling answers to explain divergence. Instead, it claims that the best explanation to be offered lies in combining, or merging, two important and contested theories; namely, institutional and political culture theories. Hence, it argues that not only structural factors, but also agency ones are important to fully understand this phenomenon. Therefore, it groups together elite political culture, the enactment of new constitutions and electoral system as the independent variables to explain democratic divergence. The causality offered by this circular model is one in which the renewal of political elites (agency) – which occurred during the 1990s in both countries- has effects over the functioning of the mentioned key subset of political institutions (structures) which taken together will help explain democratic divergence. The second part of the thesis introduces a multivariate regression model to assess the statistical significance of the independent variables included in the theoretical Circular Causality Model to explain divergence. By building from the scratch an entirely new dataset, seven different empirical models offer a rather new approach to operationalise and measure the independent variables contained in the theoretical model. The estimation of the regression model proves that the independent variables that make up the theoretical model are statistically significant and correctly predict the opposite democratic path followed by Colombia and Venezuela during the 'divergence period'.
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Hartmann, Douglas Robert. „Golden ghettos : the cultural politics of race, sport, and civil rights in the United States, 1968 and beyond /“. Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9808983.
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Madigan, Corinne James. „The "M" Word: An Analysis of Gay Marriage in the United States“. Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/698.
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Thesis advisor: Donald HafnerThere is perhaps no issue more controversial in the so-called American culture war than that of gay marriage. In the last five years, four states have legalized same-sex marriages and several more appear poised to follow suit. This paper creates an analytical framework with which to evaluate the chances of successful gay marriage initiatives in any given state. Demographics, political institutions, and state-specific variables make up the three parts of the framework, which is then applied to three case studies in which gay marriage has already been addressed: Massachusetts, Vermont, and California. A fourth case, Maine, serves as a prediction state to test the validity of the framework. The paper’s conclusions indicate that, in the current political and cultural domain, there is a set of factors that tend to promote the legalization of gay marriage. The demographics of a population need to be such that they qualify as a “tolerant citizenry,” people who are hesitatingly accepting of gay marriage and can be persuaded to support that legalization. On the political side, a positive evaluation of gay marriage by the state supreme court that then passes on responsibility to the state legislature is the most conducive to legalization. The court provides the constitutional and legal grounds for gay marriage, while the legislature acts as an intermediary between the justices and the wider population. Finally, states in which the constitutions are difficult to amend, and which amendment procedures are controlled by the legislature, are the most likely to legalize gay marriage. The application of the framework to the three case studies illustrates this complex process
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science Honors Program
Discipline: Political Science
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Walker, Corey D. B. „"The freemasonry of the race": The cultural politics of ritual, race, and place in postemancipation Virginia“. W&M ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623392.
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African American cultural and social history has neglected to interrogate fully a crucial facet of African American political, economic, and social life: African American Freemasonry. "The Freemasonry of the Race": The Cultural Politics of Ritual, Race, and Place in Postemancipation Virginia seeks to remedy this neglect. This project broadly situates African American Freemasonry in the complex and evolving relations of power, peoples, and polities of the Atlantic world. The study develops an interpretative framework that not only recognizes the organizational and institutional aspects of African American Freemasonry, but also interprets it as a discursive space in and through which articulations of race, class, gender, and place are theorized and performed.;"The Freemasonry of the Race" presents a critical cartography of African American Freemasons' responses to the social and political exigencies of the postemancipation period. The study connects the developments of African American Freemasonry in the Atlantic world with the every day culture of African American Freemasonry in Charlottesville, Virginia from the conclusion of the Civil War until the turn of the century. Utilizing African American Freemasonry as a critical optic, the major question this study attempts to respond to is: How can we historicize and (re)present African American Freemasonry in order to rethink the cultural and political space of the postemancipation period in the United States?;Borrowing and blending a number of methodologies from social history, literary theory, and cultural studies, "The Freemasonry of the Race": The Cultural Politics of Ritual, Race, and Place in Postemancipation Virginia presents a set of analytic essays on African American Freemasonry, each intimately concerned with deciphering some of the principles that organized and (re)constructed various regimes of power and normality along the fault lines of race, sex, gender, class, and place. By thinking and working through African American Freemasonry in such a manner, this project seeks to open up new interdisciplinary horizons in African American cultural and social history.
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Hendricks, Craig Darren. „Political culture and nuclear proliferation: Juche and North Korea’s foreign and nuclear policy“. University of the Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6687.
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Magister Commercii - MComNorth Korea has against the numerous warnings of the international community, protocols and sanctions tested nuclear and missile devices. The purpose of this study is to explain how the political ideology of Juche informs North Korea’s nuclear weapons programme. Using a qualitative analysis, this study analyzed the origin of Juche and its impact on North Korea’s foreign and nuclear policies through the years. The social values underlying Juche were found to be the foundation of North Korea’s nuclear and missile ambitions. Juche itself has evolved as a framework that informs North Korea’s international relations and the study traces this evolution through the different Kim presidencies.
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Andrews, Dennis L. „A qualitative study of the political knowledge of adults“. Virtual Press, 1994. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/917827.
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This qualitative research focused on the political knowledge holdings of adults. The research was conducted from the perspective and for the field of adult education. A purpose of this dissertation research was to provide a new and expanded footing for future inquiry and to enhance the further development of both theory and practice. The methodology was selected with that in mind.This study involved two distinct components. Part one involved a systematic random sample of 30 adults from a small midwestern city. A 16 question telephone survey was administered to each of the 30 adults. The survey consisted of the type questions used by previous researchers to measure political knowledge. The questions required respondents to identify political figures and election issues. Respondents were also asked to answer political parties questions and civics questions.The qualitative component, part two, was the primary thrust of this research. Seven informants were identified from different life circumstances. The informants and the 30 randomly selected adults resided in the same community. A minister, a law enforcement officer, a small business person, a retired person, a minimum wage worker, a factory worker, and an adult college student were individually interviewed on twoseparate occasions. Each interview was transcribed and analyzed by the researcher. At the conclusion of each informant's final interview, the 16 question survey, previously given to the 30 telephone respondents, was administered to each informant.Conclusions of this study were not generalized beyond the study's research participants. The informants were found to have varying areas of political knowledge. These varying areas of political knowledge arose from the informants varying personal experiences and life circumstances. Informants were not well informed, nor were they equally informed, across multiple areas of political knowledge. The seven informants performed virtually the same as did the thirty telephone respondents on the sixteen question survey.This study demonstrated that qualitative research methodology can illuminate and make meaningful that which is undetected through the use of questionnaires. Where the results of the questionnaires reflected a sameness between and among the informants and telephone respondents, the seven case studies uncovered distinct differences.Department of Educational Leadership
28
Ellery, Margaret. „Making the frontier manifest : the representation of American politics in new age literature /“. Connect to this title, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0043.
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Roy, Oindrila. „EXPLORING THE INFLUENCE OF FAITH ON FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES IN THE UNITED STATES“. Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1416593434.
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Kanzler, Katja, und Marina Scharlaj. „Between Glamorous Patriotism and Reality-TV Aesthetics: Political Communication, Popular Culture, and the Invective Turn in Trump’s United States and Putin’s Russia“. De Gruyter, 2017. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A38600.
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This article proceeds from the observation that Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin—two politicians frequently correlated and compared since Trump’s bid for the Presidency—have been remarkably successful in mobilizing support for their politics and in seemingly immunizing their rhetorics against vernacular critique. To work toward an understanding of this phenomenon, we propose to look at how political communication by and around the two politicians draws on forms and venues of popular culture. Both contexts, we will argue, have developed new strategies for the instrumentalization of popular culture, strategies that, while actualized differently in the two settings, revolve around an ‘invective turn’ in political communication—a radicalization of the familiar nationalist rhetoric of ‘us versus them’ that seems specifically fueled by pop-cultural forms. To explore this traffic between pop and politics, this article puts into conversation two case studies: On the one hand, of Trump’s campaign speeches which, we contend, symbolically organize around the logic of agôn—of the competitive game—as it has coagulated in the reality-tv genre of the gamedoc. On the other hand, we look at (state-controlled) pop music in the Russian genre of Ėstrada which, thus our argument, advertises a distinct form of patriotism through the principle of ‘glamour.’ Glamour, in Putin’s Russia, operates simultaneously as a style and as an ideology of self-glorification. The article will outline how reality tv’s logic of agôn and patriotic pop music’s aesthetics of glamour each fuel a qualitatively new orientation of political discourse toward the aesthetically charged, affect-saturated denigration of others and valorization of self.
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Scheffler, Lisa K. (Lisa Kathryn). „A Study in Cultural Conflict: the Controversy Surrounding Martin Scorsese's The Last Temptation of Christ“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278589/.
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When the filmed version of The Last Temptation of Christ was released in the United States, it met with significant protests from conservative Christians who felt it was blasphemous. Using the controversy surrounding the film and its reception in Austin, Texas, this is a case study in censorship as a social process and in the cultural conflict it signifies. Certain societal factors must converge to create an art controversy. Through an examination of the film, the groups involved in the protest, and the social and political climate at the time, some of these factors are described. Imbedded in this controversy are the underlying tensions that permeate many modern cultural debates: shifting ideas of the sacred and the profane and definitions of moral authority.
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Stephan, Laurie Ann. „Political correctness vs freedom of speech : language ideologies and their social uses /“. Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9394.
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Dirnfeld, Rebecca B. „Controlling the "Chinese" of the eastern states? Maine's constitutional amendment of 1893, electoral reform, and anti-French-Canadian bias“. Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28124.
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This thesis examines a constitutional amendment adopted by the State of Maine in 1893 as part of an electoral reform package. It stated that any man who could not read the State Constitution in English or write his name on or after January 3, 1893 was not qualified to vote. Although some of the amendment's supporters claimed the measure would raise the quality of the state electorate, most supported it because it targeted immigrants, more particularly, French Canadian immigrants. Anglo-Republicans who supported the amendment discriminated against French-Canadians, who were Catholic, spoke French, and chose acculturation rather than assimilation. The amendment was meant to disenfranchise a large proportion of these voters, as many of them were illiterate, French speaking migrants. However, the impact of the amendment proved to be limited. It did not affect Franco-American allegiances to politicians or political parties they thought best supported their wants and needs. This may be why the amendment was quickly forgotten and is not mentioned in any published history of Maine. Statistics collected from the 1910 census, English and French language newspapers of Lewiston, and an out of state newspaper provide much of the primary sources for this work.
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Zhan, Mei. „The worlding of traditional Chinese medicine a translocal study of knowledge, identity, and cultural politics in China and the United States /“. online access from Digital dissertation consortium, 2002. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3067989.
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Volkmann, Abigail J. „River Basin Management and Restoration in Germany and the United States: Two Case Studies“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/165.
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The uses and management of water resources play an important role in the development of a culture and the health of its environment and population. Humans throughout history have consistently exploited rivers, which degrades water quality and leads to water scarcity. This thesis is an examination of two river restoration projects, one on the Oder River in Germany and the other on the Klamath River in the United States, that represent each country's efforts to reverse river exploitation. These cases in Germany and the United States demonstrate the importance of achieving a better understanding of the political instruments and strategies for mitigating environmental issues on a global scale.
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Stewart, Matthew D. „"A continuing survey of the farce" "The New Pantagruel" and the carnivalesque tradition /“. Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1939351851&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Gibbs, David R. „Richard John Neuhaus his religious and political thought as it informs an understanding of the "legitimation crisis" in America, 1984-1997 /“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1998. http://www.tren.com.
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Cantzler, Julia Miller. „Culture, History and Contention: Political Struggle and Claims-Making over Indigenous Fishing Rights in Australia, New Zealand and the United States“. The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306269394.
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Musselwhite, Paul Philip. „Towns in Mind: Urban Plans, Political Culture, and Empire in the Colonial Chesapeake, 1607--1722“. W&M ScholarWorks, 2011. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623587.
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This dissertation charts the contested political and cultural meaning of urbanization in the emerging plantation societies of Virginia and Maryland. Scholars have long asserted that Chesapeake planters' desire for lucre led them to patent huge tracts of land, disperse across the landscape, and completely dismiss urban development. However, through 17 pieces of legislation, colonists, governors, and London administrators actually encouraged towns in the Chesapeake through the seventeenth century. Despite the environmental and agricultural constraints of tidewater tobacco, both colonies wrestled with a perceived need for towns, which consistently appeared to represent the best means to engineer the region's political economy and local social order. Shifting demographics, a changing labour system, religious conflict, and increasing imperial pressure for control created an atmosphere in which the promise of urbanization could be a powerful tool for various Atlantic actors seeking to shape the emerging plantation system to their purposes. They shared a desire to urbanize the region, but quarrelled because they had contradictory definitions of precisely what a town was, how it should function, and how it should be governed. These divergent visions sprang from and contributed to a contemporaneous European contest between ancient boroughs and modern cities, civic humanism and the emerging nation-state. Towns in the Chesapeake only became widespread in the mid-eighteenth century, once the broader questions of political order in England's boroughs and its plantation empire had been resolved.;Piecing together a range of sources, this dissertation emphasizes the political, economic, and cultural context of the region's many urban plans---and especially the subtle differences in context between Virginia and Maryland---in order to demonstrate how and why town building remained a vital weapon in broader constitutional and commercial disputes. its transatlantic source base connects the Chesapeake's planners and proposals with the contests in English boroughs and Whitehall; spatial, ceremonial, sensory, and cultural analyses uncover the overlooked significance of urban foundations that remained only paper plats or collections of warehouses. The project highlights how proto-urban spaces fit within, or challenged, the emergence of a plantation landscape on the physical, cultural, and political levels.;Part 1 explores urban plans in seventeenth-century Virginia, their connections to English commercial and political rivalries during the Civil War, their role in provoking Bacon's Rebellion, and finally their part in a 1680s transatlantic contest over corporate government. Part 2 offers a parallel story of town-founding efforts in Maryland, exploring how Lord Baltimore's proprietary authority distinguished the complexion of urban development there. Part 3 addresses the entire Chesapeake region after 1689 (once both colonies had fallen under royal control), tracing Governor Francis Nicholson's efforts to reshape the definition of urbanity in the empire by founding Annapolis and Williamsburg and demonstrating how they pushed the concept of the imperial city to the centre of Atlantic political discourse. The fault lines of this debate had become so entrenched by the 1710s that it was abandoned entirely, and during the eighteenth century both colonies developed new kinds of plantation cities, freed from the bitter Atlantic disputes of the previous century.
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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. „Shaping the Nation: Early 19th Century America“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/731.
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Busse, Michele Conrady. „Got Silk?: Buying, Selling, and Advertising British Luxury Imports During the Stamp Act Crisis“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3993/.
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Despite the amount of scholarship on the Stamp Act Crisis, no study has used advertisements as a main source. This study attempts to show that a valuable, objective source has been overlooked, through the quantitative analysis of 5,810 advertisements before, during and after the Stamp Act Crisis from five port cities: Boston, Charleston, Philadelphia, New York, and Portsmouth. The findings reveal the colonists' strong connection to imported British luxury goods, and a lack of interest in American-made goods, especially before and after the boycott. Advertisements also demonstrate that the decision of many merchants to place the needs and expectations of their community before their own personal gain offered a rare economic opportunity for others. The colonists' devotion to imports tested the strength of the boycott, especially among Boston merchants, who continued to advertise imported goods a good deal more than any other city. This lack of dedication to the boycott on the part of the Boston merchants shows disunity among the colonies, at a time when many argue was the first instance of colonial nationalism. Capitalism challenged and undermined a commitment to communal sentiments such as nationalism. Moreover, if Americans did share a sense of nationhood during the Stamp Act Crisis, it cannot be gauged by a rejection of "Englishness."
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Morbi, Chiara. „Domestic political culture and US-Italian relations in the early Cold War : a new perspective of analysis“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8652/.
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This thesis focuses on US-Italian relations and cultural diplomacy in the early Cold War. Particular attention is devoted to the Congress for Cultural Freedom, an organization of left-wing anti-Communist intellectuals established in 1950 and financed by the CIA. Instead of looking at this organization from a transnational perspective, this work has as the starting point the local dimension of it. In particular, the Italian branch of the CCF: Associazione Italiana per la Libertà della Cultura and the journal Tempo Presente. Differently from other European contexts, the Italian cultural experiment failed in promoting a transnational anti-Communist culture due to domestic factors such as: the political establishment, non-governmental groups with a socialising function and the political culture of the country. This is a contribution taking further the investigation of the Cold War by emphasizing the importance of going “local” for a thorough understanding of transnational relations.
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Hayaud-Din, Mian Ahad. „U.S. Foreign Policy in Islamic South Asia: Realism, Culture, and Policy Toward Pakistan and Afghanistan“. [Tampa, Fla. : s.n.], 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000074.
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Torrubia, Rafael. „Culture from the midnight hour : a critical reassessment of the black power movement in twentieth century America“. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1884.
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The thesis seeks to develop a more sophisticated view of the black power movement in twentieth century America by analysing the movement’s cultural legacy. The rise, maturation and decline of black power as a political force had a significant impact on American culture, black and white, yet to be substantively analysed. The thesis argues that while the black power movement was not exclusively cultural it was essentially cultural. It was a revolt in and of culture that was manifested in a variety of forms, with black and white culture providing an index to the black and white world view. This independent black culture base provided cohesion to a movement otherwise severely lacking focus and structural support for the movement’s political and economic endeavours. Each chapter in the PhD acts as a step toward understanding black power as an adaptive cultural term which served to connect and illuminate the differing ideological orientations of movement supporters and explores the implications of this. In this manner, it becomes possible to conceptualise the black power movement as something beyond a cacophony of voices which achieved few tangible gains for African-Americans and to move the discussion beyond traditional historiographical perspectives which focus upon the politics and violence of the movement. Viewing the movement from a cultural perspective places language, folk culture, film, sport, religion and the literary and performing arts in a central historical context which served to spread black power philosophy further than political invective. By demonstrating how culture served to broaden the appeal and facilitate the acceptance of black power tenets it is possible to argue that the use of cultural forms of advocation to advance black power ideologies contributed significantly to making the movement a lasting influence in American culture – one whose impact could be discerned long after its exclusively political agenda had disintegrated.
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Morris, Granville R. „Dr. Tichenor’s ‘Lost Cause’: The Rise of New Orleans’s Confederate Culture during the Gilded Age“. ScholarWorks@UNO, 2019. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2626.
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Serving three times as president of the Cavalry Association, Camp Nine of the United Confederate Veterans (UCV), George Tichenor was instrumental in forging Lost Cause ideology into a potent social force in New Orleans. Though more widely remembered in New Orleans for his antiseptic invention, his support of Confederate monuments, Confederate activism, and his wife Margret’s role as vice-president of a chapter of the Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) are lesser known aspects of Tichenor’s life in New Orleans. This paper examines the cultural changes taking place in New Orleans that allowed Tichenor to become a leader of the Lost Cause movement that transformed New Orleans, with a focus on social networking via the United Confederate Veterans and the collaborative nature of their work with the UDC in New Orleans, a collaboration that opened a cultural and societal pathway for Lost Cause ideology to permeate Southern cities and influence national thinking on how to interpret the history of the Civil War.
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Shepherd, Keegan J. „Measuring Up: Standardized Testing and the Making of Postwar American Identities, 1940-2001“. Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7086.
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Standardized testing is a defining feature of contemporary American society. It not only governs how people are channeled through their schooling; it amplifies existing social disparities. Nonetheless, standardized testing endures, namely because it has served as a vital tool for the post-1945 American state. The postwar state prioritized, on the one hand, the cultivation of intellects resilient enough to sustain American geopolitical supremacy through scientific discovery and technological innovation and, on the other hand, the maintenance of an obedient population that would not disrupt existing social hierarchies. Standardized testing helped the postwar state solve this mind-body dilemma. As a function for social order, standardized testing provided the means for governing bodies to make sense of their citizens—particularly to gauge the skills, knowledge, and ability youth could eventually bring into a labor force. Standardized testing thus makes it clear not just who the so-called best and brightest are, but how well a population of students has adjusted to a set of educational norms the state has deemed necessary for future social success. Standardized testing is thus a way to monitor and enforce educational compliance with projected state and social needs.
This dissertation examines how standardized testing became a vital instrument for the postwar state—and, in turn, how this state dependence on standardized testing fueled several larger postwar political cultures. This dissertation also focuses on the tension between the ways the state made sense of its citizens and the ways citizens made sense of society through standardized tests. Standardized testing acted as a massive social sorter in postwar America, but with time, many groups of Americans began to question the wisdom of educational reliance on standardized testing, as well as challenge the foundational assumptions about what testing actually measured. African-Americans, women, and working-class Americans pursued legal, legislative, and academic methods to push back against unjust standardized testing practices. This resistance also often provoked responses from those who had great stakes—whether socioeconomic or corporate—in maintaining the use and meaning of standardized tests. Politicians, parents, consumer advocates, academics, educational reformers, feminists, civil rights activists, entrepreneurs, and white supremacists all interpreted standardized testing scores and trends for larger political ends, often using similar information as their opponents to stake far different positions about race, gender, class, and merit. Yet, as more Americans questioned the legitimacy of standardized testing, they often reinforced standardized testing data’s use as a rhetorical tool, ultimately entrenching testing data as a way to make sense of society, even as more and more Americans find testing regimes purposeless.
This dissertation shows that, by the beginning of the twenty-first century, standardized testing data had become a potent tool for contending who mattered and who did not for America’s future. Because debates about standardized testing’s social utility often hinged on the meaning of test data—whether it reflected objective truths about the natural distribution of mental aptitudes or, instead, exposed the biases psychologists built into their devices as well as the prejudicial baggage that informed laypeople’s interpretation of statistical information—standardized testing itself continues to have value as a political weapon. Whether or not one has a specific policy proposal for the future use of standardized testing, its rhetorical function as a symbol for what is wrong with America will continue to fuel numerous, often oppositional, debates.
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Smith, Shahriyar. „Contexts of Reception and Constructions of Islam: Second Generation Muslim Immigrants in Post-9/11 America“. PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3766.
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The World Trade Center attacks on September 11, 2001 fundamentally transformed the context of reception for Muslim immigrants in the U.S., shifting it from neutral to negative while also brightening previously blurred boundaries between established residents and the Muslim minority. This study explores how second-generation Muslim immigrants have experienced and reacted to post-9/11 contexts of reception. It is based on an analysis of ten semi-structured in-depth interviews that were conducted throughout the Portland Metropolitan Area from January to April of 2016. It finds experiences of discrimination to be primarily affected by two factors: public institutions and gender. It also finds, furthermore, that research participants react to negative post-9/11 contexts of reception by redrawing bright boundaries to include themselves within the American mainstream. Because Islam itself has become politicized within post-9/11 contexts of reception, this study also explores how second-generation Muslim immigrants construct and maintain religious meaning as a form of political identity. It finds that research participants unilaterally construct a Localized Islam that is dynamic and variable in its response to familial and social pressures. The thesis concludes by putting forward a typology outlining its four primary forms of localization within contemporary social and political environments.
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Souza, Andréa Silveira de. „O legado fundamentalista do Seminário Teológico de Westminster : reformistas x reconstrucionistas no espaço público americano“. Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2017. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/4483.
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
O objetivo geral da presente tese consiste na análise dos elementos teológicos e políticos que animam e que marcam o antagonismo entre as correntes fundamentalistas reformista e reconstrucionista no espaço público americano. Neste sentido, buscamos verificar como estas duas perspectivas, que se alimentam da mesma fonte teológico-filosófica, o pensamento do teólogo presbiteriano Cornelius Van Til, interpretam este pensamento de maneira tão distinta e concebem duas formas opostas de abordagem e inserção religiosa, sociopolítica e cultural. O intuito de nossa pesquisa é verificar, por meio da análise do discurso de Cornelius Van Til e de dois dos mais proeminentes representantes das correntes reformista e reconstrucionista, o teólogo Francis Schaeffer e o economista e teólogo Gary North, de que forma essas duas correntes fundamentalistas interpretam, porque assim interpretam, e também como e porque estabelecem suas ações sociais e políticas de maneiras opostas, tendo como base uma mesma perspectiva teológica.
The general goal of this dissertation is to analyze the theological and political elements that inspire and define the antagonism between the reformist and reconstructionist fundamentalist currents in the American public sphere. In this way, we seek to verify how these two perspectives, which feed themselves on the same theological-philosophical source, the thought of the Presbyterian theologian Cornelius Van Til, interpret this thinking in such a different way and conceive of two opposing forms of religious, sociopolitical and cultural approach and insertion. The purpose of our research is to verify, through the analysis of the discourse of Cornelius Van Til and two of the most prominent representatives of the reformist and reconstructionist currents, theologian Francis Schaeffer and the economist and theologian Gary North, how these two fundamentalists currents interpret, why they do it, and also how and why they establish their social and political actions in opposite ways, based on the same theological perspective.
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Rodrigue, Matthew M. „THE SEARCH FOR ANTI-RACIAL EXOTICISM : BLACK LEISURE TRAVEL, THE CARIBBEAN, AND COLD WAR POLITICS, 1954-1961“. Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/89131.
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HistoryM.A.
By the mid-1950s leisure travel became both a new arena in the civil rights movement as well as a tactic in that struggle. Middle class African Americans felt their travel (both domestic and international) constituted both a critique of race relations at home and a realization of their rights as citizens. Alongside this development, I argue, was the proliferation of black travel columns and travel ads that simultaneously upheld the Caribbean as a model of racial progressivism while reinforcing its status as an exotic location dedicated to the pleasure of American tourists. By 1960 this ostensibly apolitical movement became politicized when ex-boxer Joe Louis met resistance from the mainstream press after promoting Fidel Castro's Cuba as a black American playground. In this second section I argue that the scandal surrounding Louis' PR campaign was revelatory of white unease regarding the transnational racial/political connections being forged between a selection of African Americans and Castro, thus constituting the story as yet another episode in the entangled development of the Cold War and the civil rights movement.
Temple University--Theses
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Smith, Courtney Paige 1979. „The politics of the marked body: An examination of female genital cutting and breast implantation“. Thesis, University of Oregon, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10266.
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xiv, 246 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.This project is a critical and comparative investigation of Western and non-Western practices of body modification. Situated in the realm of feminist political theory, the project engages the literature and debates concerning embodiment, or the symbolic and concrete meanings of women's bodies. I specifically explore two examples of the physical construction of women's bodies: breast implantation in the United States and female genital cutting (FGC) in Senegal. I demonstrate that each of the practices molds bodies into preexisting naturalized forms. For this project, I conducted eighty in-depth, open-ended, and semi-structured interviews with women and men in twelve different locations in Senegal. Then, I carried out sixty-five in-depth, open-ended, and semi-structured interviews with American men and women from twenty-one different cities. I argue that the information that emerges from looking at body normalization comparatively allows me to make two important claims. The first is that the material that originates from interviews in this comparative study disrupts existing hegemonic discourse on sex-based body modifications. In particular, the comparative findings challenge the viewpoint that espouses a "Western women are free, African women are oppressed" binary. Second, examining FGC in Senegal alongside breast implantation in the US can uncover normalization that is invisible within social fields, or in the lives of women and men. Normalization is hard to see when in it, but easier to see if an individual steps outside of herself, her context, and her patriarchy. Thus, though many women do not recognize the normalizing structures within their own lives, they often are able to see these hegemonic structures in the lives of others. Women stepping outside of their own contexts can provide fresh, critical eyes that recognize embedded normalizations and oppression in other contexts. Further, this realization also can push them to return that critical gaze onto their own environment, which is the beginning of locating mechanisms of control within their own field. The construction of sex and the imprinting of gender norms upon bodies are manifestations of regulation and normalization that occur within socio-cultural contexts, and which individuals can potentially locate through a comparative conversation of this type.
Committee in charge: Dennis Galvan, Chairperson, Political Science; Julie Novkov, Member, Political Science; Leonard Feldman, Member, Political Science; Stephen Wooten, Outside Member, Anthropology