Thematische Bibliographien / Politics

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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Politics“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 7. September 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Politics"

OLIVEIRA, Marcos Antônio Bessa. „(Des)política para corpos-política na arte, na cultura e na educação“. INTERRITÓRIOS 6, Nr. 10 (14.04.2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.33052/inter.v6i10.244891.

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RESUMOArte, Educação, Política compõem uma tríade compreendida historicamente no Ocidente como interdependentes. Entretanto, arte, educação e políticas ocidentais não estão compreendidas para corpos aquém dos padrões de raça, gênero e classe edificados pelo pensamento que arquitetou o projeto moderno europeu levado à expansão em todo mundo no século XVI. Igualmente, histórico e contemporaneamente, políticas têm definido, no caso do Brasil em níveis federal, estaduais e municipais, atuações e ações de corpos e sobre os corpos na arte, na educação e na própria política. Considerando a histórica indissociação entre a tríade arte, educação e política, mas também a atual e fascista dissociação das políticas em relação aos corpos que atuam nas artes e na educação em contexto brasileiro contemporâneo, este artigo discuti, por uma perspectiva descolonial de abordagem bi(os)bliográfica, a falta de arte em política, educação em política e corpos em política que consideram as diferenças culturais e coloniais porque não contemplam o padrão de arte, educação, corpo e política modernos. Arte. Educação. Política. (Dis) politics for political bodies in art, culture and education ABSTRACT Art, Education, Politics make up a triad historically understood in the West as interdependent. However, Western art, education and politics are not understood for bodies below the standards of race, gender and class built by thought that architected the modern European project led to expansion around the world in the sixteenth century. Similarly, historically and contemporatically, policies have defined, in the case of Brazil at federal, state and municipal levels, actions and actions of bodies and on bodies in art, education and politics itself. Considering the historical indissociation between the triad art, education and politics, but also the current and fascist dissociation of policies in relation to the bodies that work in the arts and education in a contemporary Brazilian context, this article discussed, for a decolonial perspective of bi(os)bliographical approach, lack of art in politics, education in politics and bodies in politics that consider cultural and colonial differences because they do not contemplate the standard of modern art, education, body and politics.Art. Education. Politics. (Des) política para cuerpos-políticos en arte, cultura y educación RESUMENArte, educación, política producen un trío históricamente entendido en el Occidente como interdependientes. Pero, el arte, la educación y las políticas occidentales no están incluidas para cuerpos con padrones inferiores a las normas de raza, género y clase construidas por el pensamiento que he producido el proyecto moderno europeo expandido en todo el mundo desde el siglo XVI. Asimismo, se han definido políticas históricas y contemporáneas, en el caso de Brasil, a nivel federal, estatal y municipal, actividades y acciones de cuerpos y sobre los cuerpos en el arte, en la educación y en la política. Considerando la indisociación histórica entre el trío arte, educación y política, pero también la actual y fascista desagregación de las políticas con relación a los cuerpos que actúan en las artes en la educación en el contexto brasileño contemporáneo, este artículo discutió, bajo un enfoque descolonial de abordaje bi(os)bliográfica, la ausencia de arte en política, educación en política y cuerpos en política que consideran las diferencias culturales y coloniales, porque no contemplan el estándar del arte, educación, cuerpo y política modernos.Arte. Educación. Política.(Des) politica per gli organi politici nell'arte, nella cultura e nell'educazioneSINTESE Arte, educazione, politica producono un trio storicamente inteso in Occidente come interdipendente. Ma l'arte occidentale, l'istruzione e la politica non sono incluse per gli organismi con standard inferiori agli standard di razza, genere e classe costruiti dal pensiero che ho prodotto il moderno progetto europeo ampliato in tutto il mondo dal XVI secolo. Allo stesso modo, le politiche storiche e contemporanee sono state definite, nel caso del Brasile, a livello federale, statale e municipale, attività e azioni di corpi e di corpi nell'arte, nell'istruzione e nella politica. Considerando la dissociazione storica tra arte, istruzione e trio politico, ma anche l'attuale e fascista disaggregazione delle politiche in relazione agli organismi che agiscono nelle arti nell'educazione nel contesto brasiliano contemporaneo, questo articolo discute, sotto un approccio decoloniale approccio bi-os, assenza di arte in politica, educazione in politica e corpi politici che considerano le differenze culturali e coloniali, perché non contemplano lo standard dell'arte moderna, dell'educazione, del corpo e della politica.Arte. Istruzione. Politica.

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Bonefeld, Werner. „The Politics of Novelty“. Historical Materialism 3, Nr. 1 (1998): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920698100414248.

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AbstractThe ‘politics of novelty’ seems a somewhat strange if not straightforwardly bizarre topic. What is meant by ‘novelty’ and under what sort of conditions would one be able to think of ‘novelty’ in terms of a politics? What does politics have to do with ‘novelty’, and conversely, ‘novelty’ with ‘polities’?

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Garver, Newton. „Politics, Politics, Politics“. International Studies in Philosophy 29, Nr. 1 (1997): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil19972913.

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Kishore, Jugal. „Politics of COVID-19: Political Epidemiology of and Pandemics“. Epidemiology International 05, Nr. 04 (20.11.2020): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.24321/2455.7048.202025.

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Dr. Kosim. „LAW POLITICS IN SHARIA PERSPECTIVE“. Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, Nr. 4 (07.09.2019): 297–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7438.

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Purpose: Law politics is an attempt to create regulations in line with the circumstances and the situation at a time, becoming law politics is a step for the government to establish a legal system to achieve state goal. The scope of political law can’t be separated from other policies. The preparation of law politics must always be sought along with aspects of policies in the field of economy, politic, social, culture, technology and so on and political law as the direction of law development policy of a country and political law is defined as a relationship of mutual influence between law and politic. Political law in shariah perspective can be understood from the text of holy Al-Qur’an, An-Nisa (women) verse 58-59 namely trustworthy and ulil amri (government) namely ulil amri is responsible for the politics of law on its territory. In the development of siyasah Syar'iyah included in the law political science taqnin al Ahkam namely knowledge about the ways Islamic sharia into law. In understanding the scholars that Islamic Sharia law in the political is permitted to benefit the people but still may not be contrary to the Islamic sharia. Methodology: The method used in this study qualitatively with data sources consisting of secondary data, namely the results of literature studies and search for documents and articles in the media. Main Findings: Law Politics is an attempt to create regulations appropriate to the circumstances and the situation at a time, making the law a step politically for the government to establish a legal system in order to achieve state goals. Implications/Applications: The scope of Law politics is that law politics cannot be separated from other policies in the field. Preparation of law politics must always be sought along with aspects of policies in the field of economy, politics, social, culture, technology, and so on and law Politics as the direction of a country's legal development policy and the law Politics is defined as the relationship of mutual influence between law and politics.

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Edward Mallot, J. „BODY POLITICS AND THE BODY POLITIC“. Interventions 8, Nr. 2 (Juli 2006): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698010600780992.

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AGUIRRE, BASILIA, und FABIANA DA CUNHA SADDI. „A fantasia política ou a política da fantasia?“ Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 18, Nr. 2 (Juni 1998): 362–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31571998-1275.

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RESUMO Este artigo é uma resposta ao comentário de Velloso ao nosso artigo publicado anteriormente sobre o II PND. Discordamos de Velloso em seu contra-argumento às nossas conclusões, pois o comentário não melhorou a discussão nem trouxe novos dados que desmentem nossas descobertas.

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Dewantara, Agustinus Wisnu. „POLITIK MENURUT FOUCAULT DALAM “THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE” DAN RELEVANSINYA BAGI MULTIKULTURALISME INDONESIA“. JPAK: Jurnal Pendidikan Agama Katolik 15, Nr. 8 (10.11.2018): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.34150/jpak.v15i8.81.

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Political science, the study of politics, examines the acquisition and application of power. Related areas of study include political philosophy, which seeks a rationale for politics and an ethic of public behavior, political economy, which attempts to develop understandings of the relationships between politics and the economy and the governance of the two, and public administration, which examines the practices of governance. Many have dream up the idealization of the politics realization. Politics should not dirty! But, the fact, actually in Indonesia, politics are corruption, abuse of power, and immoral. Is that only one paradigm of politics? Indonesia must learn to Foucault to build the good governance. Specially, i hope, the discussion of this theme can give any contribution for Indonesian politic and social lives, of which to be felt decline in any ways progressively.

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Zhifeng, Peng. „Formation and evolution of informal politics in Kazakhstan“. BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 145, Nr. 4 (2023): 154–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2023-145-4-154-164.

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Kazakhstan’s informal politic has experienced a long-term historical development. According to the principle of the organization, the informal politic of Kazakhstan isn’t limited only to clan, political, economic, and other structures, but also manifests itself in the form of «teams». According to the form of the operation, the informal politic of Kazakhstan manifests itself in the form of “patron-client», which includes three forms, such as «blood ties», «promises of the leader» and «pro-presidential parties». The characteristics of Kazakhstan’s informal politic are pluralism-internal mobility, and closeness to ordinary people. The informal politic is a tool of the President of Kazakhstan to overcome the crisis of political transformation, it is an addition to immature formal politics, but it also generated a wave of elite teams fighting and caused doubts in society about its legitimacy. To solve the above problems, the first President of Kazakhstan — N.Nazarbayev tried to implement the “integration” of informal and formal politics, and Tokayev promoted the transition from informal to formal politics through “infiltration”. The organic interaction of the two types of politics has once again stimulated the viability of Kazakhstan’s development as a whole. Tokayev filled a gap in the benign interaction between society and the government and reflected a completely new direction of modernization of the political system of Kazakhstan. Nevertheless, as long as the «infiltration» does not lead to qualitative changes, the complementarity and competition of the two policies will remain the political reality of the country in the long term.

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Dean, Jodi. „Politics without Politics“. Parallax 15, Nr. 3 (August 2009): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13534640902982579.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Politics"

Cristancho, Mantilla Camilo. „Political disagreement in contentious politics“. Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/283430.

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El desacuerdo es un componente central de la política en cuanto se extiende y persiste a través de todas las posturas ideológicas y los asuntos de política pública. Desafiar puntos de vista opuestos y defender posturas personales, tanto en contextos electorales como en la política contenciosa, determina en gran medida la forma en que experimentamos la política diariamente. En consecuencia, la aceptación del desacuerdo es un requisito fundamental para un aspecto normativo de cómo se concibe la democracia: la toma de decisiones que considera posiciones contrapuestas. Esta tesis se centra en una dimensión actitudinal del desacuerdo político que involucra procesos cognitivos que pueden ayudar a entender mejor a los demás y a reconocer activamente las diferencias: la toma de perspectiva. Esta tesis aborda la investigación previa sobre el desacuerdo político considerando la toma de perspectiva como un tema relevante de estudio, y de esta manera contrapone actitudes generales tales como la tolerancia y la empatía, con objetos de actitud específicos, tales como posiciones contrarias y adversarios políticos. Esta tesis propone principalmente estudiar las consecuencias potenciales del desacuerdo en circunstancias particulares y explorar las percepciones de atribución culpa en asuntos que dividen la opinión pública. El diseño de investigación se basa en el contexto de la protesta política con el fin de aprovechar los casos en los que la opinión pública está claramente dividida y donde el desacuerdo entre las posiciones es evidente. Esta tesis se compone de tres artículos. El primer artículo se centra en issue publics y sus interacciones con las organizaciones mediante el análisis del entorno informacional de asuntos específicos. Más concretamente, se evalúa la exposición de las personas al desacuerdo político en la movilización a la protesta investigando el rol de las organizaciones en la vinculación de posiciones opuestas. Se encuentra una relación positiva entre la exposición al desacuerdo y la toma de perspectiva en el contexto de la movilización en los casos de las manifestaciones por la independencia catalana y el aborto en España. El segundo artículo proporciona una medición única de la toma de perspectiva basada en una mención directa de los adversarios políticos con el fin de estudiar en qué grado se relacionan la disposición a tomar la perspectiva de los adversarios con las motivaciones para protestar y para participar en un referéndum sobre la independencia catalana. El estudio se basa en datos de una encuesta transversal en Cataluña con el fin de confirmar el potencial efecto desmovilizador de la exposición al desacuerdo político. En contraste con estudios anteriores de comportamiento electoral, el efecto potencial en este estudio depende del estatus del grupo. En particular, aunque los defensores del status quo están menos dispuestos a manifestarse o a participar en el referendo, los retadores no tienen una menor disposición cuando consideran puntos de vista opuestos al suyo. Este efecto es mediado por la identidad de grupo, lo cual confirma la importancia del contexto particular en la hipótesis de presiones cruzadas. El tercer artículo investiga el desacuerdo político mediante la identificación de los factores individuales, organizacionales y contextuales que explican las diferencias entre las atribuciones de culpa en asuntos de posición. Los datos de encuestas a manifestantes que participaron en eventos de protesta a gran escala en ocho ciudades europeas entre 2009 y 2011 revelan diferencias entre las percepciones con respecto a los adversarios políticos, en la percepción de los manifestantes sobre el desacuerdo, y sobre la manera en que estas percepciones varían de acuerdo con el asunto, con los diferentes niveles de vinculación con las organizaciones, y de acuerdo con cada contexto. La tesis avanza la investigación sobre los componentes actitudinales de la exposición, las posibles consecuencias sobre el comportamiento y las percepciones del desacuerdo político. Centrarse en las actitudes hacia el desacuerdo y hacia los adversarios políticos en el contexto de la protesta en asuntos altamente divisivos ofrece una nueva perspectiva para las preguntas centrales de la literatura sobre el desacuerdo político. Las conclusiones de la tesis también pueden ampliar nuestra comprensión de la política contenciosa y del desacuerdo cotidiano, la cual no es evidente al estudiar las dinámicas electorales. Las conclusiones sobre el rol de las organizaciones políticas también plantean implicaciones prácticas a la luz de su papel de significación del conflicto político y de mediación entre adversarios políticos. Establecer el potencial de influencia estos roles sobre las actitudes individuales es relevante no sólo para la investigación académica, sino que también puede guiar políticas que busquen promover el civismo.
Disagreement is a central component of politics, for it extends and persists across all ideological stances and all issues of policy. Challenging opposing views and defending personal perspectives, both in electoral contexts and in contentious politics, greatly determine how we experience politics daily. Consequently, negotiating disagreement is an underlying requisite for a normative aspect of how we tend to conceive democracy: considerate decision-making. This dissertation focuses on an attitudinal dimension of disagreement that involves cognitive processes that, in turn, can help people to better understand others and actively acknowledge differences: perspective taking. This dissertation addresses previous research on political disagreement by considering perspective taking as a relevant subject of study and, in doing so, shifting from general attitudes, such as tolerance and empathy, to particular attitude objects, such as opposing stances and political adversaries. This dissertation chiefly proposes to address potential attitudinal and behavioral consequences of disagreement in particular circumstances and to explore perceptions of blame attribution in highly divisive issues. Its design is grounded in the context of protest politics in order to leverage cases in which both public opinion is clearly divided and disagreement between positions is highly evident. This dissertation is composed of three papers. Paper 1 focuses on issue publics in their actual interactions with organizations by analyzing the informational environment of their specific issues. More specifically, it assesses individuals’ exposure to political disagreement in protest mobilization by questioning the role of organizations in linking opposing stances in such mobilization. As a result, it finds positive relationships between exposure to disagreement and perspective taking in the context of such mobilization, particularly in cases of demonstrations for Catalan independence and abortion in Spain. Paper 2 provides a unique measure of perspective taking built on direct mentions to political adversaries in order to gauge the extent to which mentioning adversaries relates to individuals’ motivations to demonstrate and turnout for a referendum on Catalan independence. The study draws upon data from a cross-sectional survey in Catalonia in order to confirm a demobilizing effect of exposure to political disagreement. In contrast to previous studies of voting behavior, the potential effect in this study depends upon group status. In particular, though defenders of the status quo become less resolved to demonstrate or to turn out, challengers do not when considering opposing viewpoints. This effect is mediated by group identity, which confirms the importance of the issue context in the cross-pressures hypothesis. Paper 3 investigates political disagreement by identifying individual, organizational, and contextual factors that explain differences between blame attributions in position issues. Data from protest surveys of demonstrators who participated in large-scale events in eight European cities between 2009 and 2011 reveal differences among perceptions regarding political adversaries, how demonstrators perceive disagreement, and how these perceptions vary among issues, organizational involvement, and contexts. As a result, the dissertation as a whole advances the research of attitudinal components of exposure, potential behavioral consequences, and perceptions of disagreement. Focusing on attitudes toward disagreement or political adversaries in the context of protest politics and highly divisive issues provides new insight into core questions of the literature addressing political disagreement. The dissertation’s findings can also broaden our understanding of contentious politics and everyday disagreement that might not be captured by electoral dynamics. The findings regarding the role of politically motivated organizations also pose practical implications in light of their roles in providing meaning to political conflict and mediating political adversaries. Establishing the potential influence of these roles on individual attitudes is relevant not only for academic research; it can also guide policy in order to promote civility.

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Cohen, Joshua. „Money, Politics, and Political Equality“. MIT Press, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/5446.

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Crago, Tom. „The politics of political mistakes /“. Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arc8848.pdf.

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Steward, Aaron L. „Political warfare and contentious politics“. Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45947.

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This thesis examines if increased Department of Defense (DOD) involvement in political warfare (PW) is justified through a qualitative, comparative analysis of U.S. PW actions conducted by the Department of State, Central Intelligence Agency, and DOD in two Cold War cases: Italy from 1943–1948 and Chile from 1961–1973. Concepts of strategy and social movement models of Doug McAdam, Charles Tilly, and Sidney Tarrow are applied to historical PW actions, both overt and covert. The case-study analysis clarifies each agency’s conduct of PW and develops analytical tools to classify PW actions by approach and impact within the political setting. Data was collected from archives, declassified government documents, and expert analyses. Results indicate that, compared to other U.S. agencies, the DOD had a limited direct role in PW in the cases studied, but was an important enabler. In applying models of social movement theory to historical analysis, this thesis identifies and develops the contentious politics mobilization model’s potential use in planning and evaluating PW strategies.

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Khnifess, Amir. „Israel and the Druze political action : between politics of loyalty and politics of violence“. Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2015. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/22832/.

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The political actions of the Druze of Israel have formed the focus of a large body of research. Despite this, academic studies to date have failed to explain why so many Druze resorted to a politics of loyalty when Israel was first established but have, in more recent years, resorted to a politics of violence. The research herein proposes that a model of the politics of accommodation is able to explain the political actions of the Druze during the first three decades of the Israeli state. Data from The Israel State Archives and the archives of leading Druze families show that many Israeli-Druze resorted to a politics of loyalty. This loyalty was inextricably linked to the perception of the new state and its government's policy as creating a new structure of opportunity for the economic, social and political progress of the Druze community whilst also safeguarding the Israeli-Druze community as a distinctive cultural and religious group on its own land. Similarly, it is proposed that the ethnic state supremacy model is able to explain the recent rise in the politics of violence within the Israeli-Druze community. Data from personal interviews with state officials and Druze activists confirmed that many Israeli-Druze resorted to a politics of violence because they perceived the Israeli government's policy as a threat to their preservation as a cultural and religious group on its own land. This study of Druze political action is intended as a contribution to the debate surrounding the Israeli state's politics in relation to Israel's Arab minority. This research also seeks to address wider issues in that it proposes a model that is applicable to the general question of ethnic conflict resolution in divided societies and polarised states.

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Woodcraft, David Robert. „A 'politick engine' : astrology and politics 1678-1715“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 1997. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4198/.

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Historians have long been familiar with the link between astrology and politics, especially during the Civil War and Interregnum. By contrast, the link between them during the later seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries has been neglected by historians. This thesis sets out to bridge an historical gap. It provides a detailed study of astrology and politics between 1678, with the Popish Plot, and 1715. It examines the extent to which astrology was used as political propaganda during these years through a close study of the works published by the leading astrological polemicists, focusing particularly on their annual almanacs. It also examines the role religion played in politics, and the way in which the astrologers' religious outlooks and beliefs shaped their political views. The vitriolic feuds between leading astrologers on opposite sides of the divide are also examined in detail. This thesis is divided into four chapters. The first elucidates the outlook of the astrologers writing in the last years of Charles H's reign, covering the Popish Plot and Exclusion Crisis, and the period of Tory ascendancy between 1681 and 1685. The second chapter assesses how astrologers reacted to the succession of the Catholic James 111, and his attempts to give Catholic subjects equality with their Protestant counterparts. Chapter three examines reactions to the Glorious Revolution and the reign of William 111, and chronicles astrologers' attitudes toward the succession, war and the Church. The final chapter deals with the reign of Anne, focusing on the ferocious party battles for which it is notorious. It assesses the extent to which these were reflected in the works of the astrologers and examines their arguments as the battle lines were drawn. The thesis argues that the stormy nature of politics between 1678 and 1715 ensured that the link between astrology and politics, which had become much weaker following the Restoration, was reforged and rendered as strong as it had ever been. Indeed the period witnessed a final renaissance in political astrology.

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Bonagura, Antonio <1958&gt. „WELFARE MUNICIPALE “Politica Locale, tra politics e Policy”“. Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/7231.

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La dimensione delle politiche pubbliche locali e con esse le politiche sociali sono state sempre oggetto di particolare attenzione per la qualità dei servizi erogati a favore dei cittadini. Certamente in un clima di "austerità permanente " coniugare risorse erogate e qualità dei servizi non è certo facile per i decisori politici locali che si trovano ad affrontare problemi connessi con la gestione delle scuole, sostegno alle famiglie, accesso ai servizi socio-sanitari, politiche abitative di sostegno ai cittadini in difficoltà economiche. In quest'ottica il ruolo strategico delle politiche locali sono fondamentali per delineare come le ideologie e l'appartenenza partitica dei decisori politici locali incidono nella effettiva pratica delle costruzione del welfare locale. Questo lavoro cercherà di mostrare come le politiche pubbliche locali possono essere influenzate dall'appartenenza politica dei decisori politici. Le complessità delle congiunture economiche attuali non permettono politiche pubbliche espansive e di conseguenza le politiche sociali pongono seri problemi ai politici sul territorio. Partendo da questi assunti, in questo lavoro, cercherò di far emergere le dinamiche che sottintendono il rapporto tra il livello politico e la comunità locale e se il colore politico e l'ideologia di appartenenza hanno influenzato nel corso degli anni le politiche pubbliche locali nel loro complesso e in particolare le politiche sociali sul territorio.

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Sir, Aslan Yavuz. „Political Modernization And Informal Politics In Uzbekistan“. Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608637/index.pdf.

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The objective of this thesis is to examine the political modernization experience of the Uzbeks. In order to do that, first, this dissertation critically analyze the modernization theory, and second, the identity- and socio-political transformation of Uzbeks in the pre-modern and modern eras. The political modernization of Uzbeks and its relation with the peculiar social-political structures, as well as the impact of Tsarist and the Soviet rule on those structures are examined. Moreover, the dissertation analyzes the emergence of an Uzbek political identity and its influence on the post-Soviet independent Uzbekistan. The main argument of this dissertation is that the Uzbek experience under the Tsarist and Soviet rule has inevitably transformed the Uzbek society and achieved relative success in changing the traditional forms into ostensibly modern ones. However, despite the successful political modernization during the Soviet era, the specific socio-political organization, clans and kinship structures inherent in the Uzbek society succeeded adapting and even transforming modern institutions and structures externally imposed by the Soviet. These informal traditional structures emerged as strong institutions in the post-independence era. Moreover, the dissertation claims that the transition and modernization approaches to Post-Soviet Uzbekistan failed in understanding the peculiar socio-political structures and their impact on informal politics in independent Uzbekistan.

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Loudes, C. M. H. „Increasing women's political representation : law into politics“. Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273116.

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Childs, Sarah. „Women's political representation in contemporary British politics“. Thesis, Kingston University, 2000. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20645/.

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The 1997 British general election saw the return of 120 women Members of Parliament. The central question of this thesis is whether this unprecedented number of women MPs makes a difference to the political representation of women. The research is applied political theory, in which conceptual analysis is informed by and informs the empirical research. Pitkin's seminal contribution The Concept of Representation and Phillips' The Politics of Presence are both considered. In particular, Phillips' 'shot in the dark thesis', which makes a link between women's numerical representation and the substantive representation of women by women representatives, is subjected to empirical analysis. The data are drawn from interviews with half of the Labour women MPs elected for the first time in the 1997 election. The introduction in Chapter 1 includes discussions of the research objectives and the research design and methods. Chapter 2 explores women's legislative recruitment within the Labour Party, focusing upon its policy of all-women shortlists. Chapters 3 and 4 examine Pitkin's and Phillips' ideas respectively. The next three chapters (Chapters 5, 6 and 7) utilise the empirical data to analyse in tum symbolic, microcosmic and substantive conceptions of representation. The last of these chapters centres upon the question of whether women representatives seek and are able to act for women at constituency, parliamentary and governmental levels. The analysis broadly supports Phillips' thesis. However, the intersection of party and gender identities is emphasised to a greater extent. It is also argued that women MPs may not have, at least as yet, secured the 'safe spaces' from which to act for women. These conclusions suggest both that the complexity of the concept of representation must be recognised and that combining conceptual and empirical analysis engenders a more sophisticated understanding of women's political representation.

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Jan, Waszink, Hrsg. Politica: Six books of politics or political instruction. Assen (Netherlands): Royal Van Gorcum, 2004.

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Heywood, Andrew. Politics. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25543-6.

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Heywood, Andrew. Politics. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-27244-7.

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Yi-chong, Xu, und Patrick Weller. „Governance: Political, not Politics“. In Inside the World Bank, 175–92. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230100084_8.

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Ekstrand, Thomas. „Political Theology, Theological Politics“. In Encyclopedia of Sciences and Religions, 1782–85. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-8265-8_1190.

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