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Koryushkin, A. I. „The phenomenon of identity crisis of American political science in its discourse and historiography“. Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series: History. Political science 46, Nr. 4 (30.12.2019): 754–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-754-765.
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The paper’s analysis is aimed at the phenomenon of identity crisis in contemporary political science being revealed by the author at the different stages of historical development of American political science, in its discourse and historiography. Interpretation of the history of political science as a search for its identity suggested here makes it possible to trace historical metamorphoses of politico-scientific identity crisis through the prism of the notions of scientific soundness and political relevance of the science of politics. Incomplete or inadequate embodiment of such necessary requirements of political science repeatedly caused the identity crises of American political science in the course of its historical development. Historical analysis of ontological-epistemological, methodological and politico-institutional factors of emergence of the identity crises in American political science presented here might be significant for comprehending problems and crisis phenomena in contemporary political science as a whole.
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Arruzza, Cinzia. „‘Un paradigma in cielo’. Platone politico da Aristotele al Novecento, Mario Vegetti, Rome: Carocci, 2009“. Historical Materialism 21, Nr. 1 (2013): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341269.
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Abstract Vegetti’s book tries to decipher and recast the complex history of the interpretation of the political Plato in a compelling historical and philosophical analysis. This review article presents an intellectual profile of Mario Vegetti and a critical engagement with his historical and politico-philosophical approach. It concludes with the suggestion that we should investigate the vicious circle of philosophy and politics in Plato’s Republic in light of Marx’s Theses on Feuerbach.
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Ahmad, Nadim, und Aziz Ur Rehman. „The emergence of Gandhara Civilization: A Politico-historical discourse“. Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 2, Nr. 2 (17.09.2021): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/2.2.4.
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This paper aims at to investigate the ancient regional political history (600-180 BCE), which seems the foundation of Gandhara Civilization that emerged in the Northwest of the Indian subcontinent. The evolution of Gandhara Civilization and emergence of ancient regional political history deem consolidated. In this paper, it would be endeavoured to address the emergence of ancient regional political history that paved the way for a great civilization. The employed design to address the question is historical and qualitative. For the collection and analysis of the data, the qualitative historical approach is adopted. The edifice of present work is mainly erected on the archival sources, reputed journals, historical literature and version of prominent scholars associated to the field. Gandhara possessed a decent political exposition during its early phase. It remained an empire during Pakosati, a federating unit during Persian, independent kingdoms during the invasion of Alexander and remained central part of Mauryan Empire. The emergence of Gandhara is the exposition of politico-historical discourse of the region, which is the foundation of Gandhara Civilization.
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Bazmi, Saima. „POLITICO-JUDICIAL ACTIVISM IN PAKISTAN: A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW“. Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, Nr. 03 (30.09.2022): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i03.690.
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The purpose of this article is to take a historical overview of Judiciary’s activism in derailing the democratic process in Pakistan. To provide a complete study of judicial activism and its impacts on democracy a glimpse of historical background can help to establish an appropriate point of view that the political history of Pakistan is full of judicial interference. The constitutional and political history of Pakistan has witnessed the murder of political rights by other institutions. The repeated undemocratic acts/episodes of dissolving the elected assemblies by the military or bureaucratic establishment with judicial support can be witnessed throughout the political history of Pakistan. This study shall attempt to find the correlation between the successful democracy and the doctrine of separation of power. By applying the theory of separation of power to this study it shall be concluded that the prime reason of weak democracy is imbalance of power among the three organs of government. This research shall be conducted by utilizing the qualitative methodology. The documentary analysis provides the information to understand historical roots of specific issues. Keywords: Judicial Activism, Political Representation, Separation of power, Suo motto powers, Fundamental rights.
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Hajdú, Zoltán. „A historical and politico-geographical analysis of Hungarian-Polish border before 1939 in the Hungarian historical geography“. Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej 8 (30.12.2019): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2300-0562.08.05.
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The historical development of the common borders took place in many respects simultaneously since the epoch of the two states’ establishment. The territories and borders of both states have greatly changed ever since, yet during the periods of joined kingdom the common borders always showed a high degree of stability.
The first description of the common state borders can be found in the Anonymous Latin Gesta by around 1200 AD. From the 15th century on, the Hungarian Parliament on several occasions appointed and sent different committees by legal acts to the borders of neighbouring countries, including Poland, in order to delimit or adjust its state borders.
Due to the threefold dissolution of the Polish State, the former common border fundamentally changed. After the First World War, the common state border between the reborn Poland and the historical Hungary completely vanished after the latter lost some two-thirds of its territory.
During the Second World War the common borders were restored for a short time through which thousands of Polish escaped to Hungary.
Thus, the partially shared state history and the changing (disappearing and reappearing) common state border represent an international singularity in many respects.
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Özsu, Umut. „Grabbing land legally: A Marxist analysis“. Leiden Journal of International Law 32, Nr. 2 (22.02.2019): 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156519000025.
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AbstractThis article lays the groundwork for a Marxist theory of the international law of land-grabbing. It argues that any comprehensive politico-economic analysis of land-grabbing must also be a politico-economic analysis of the law of land-grabbing. It argues further that Marx’s account of ‘primitive accumulation’ in Capital – an account it presents as an historical explanation of the transition to capitalism as well as a general theory of ‘extra-economic’ force deployed through state power, including, crucially, the power of law – is helpful for developing an analytical framework for understanding the legal facets of land-grabbing. Political economists, rural sociologists, and social and political theorists have argued for and against the applicability of Marx’s theory of ‘primitive accumulation’ to the contemporary wave of global land grabbing. Intriguingly, though, no international lawyers have grappled with the question of whether a specifically Marxist approach to the phenomenon can or should be developed. This article does so, contending that contemporary land-grabbing is unintelligible absent a theory of capitalism, and that the processes whereby capitalism transforms land and labour are unintelligible absent a theory of the periodic waves of legally mediated ‘primitive accumulation’ that propel it forward. The article pays particular attention to the work produced by Olivier De Schutter during his tenure as United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food.
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Embaló, Birgit. „Civil–military relations and political order in Guinea-Bissau“. Journal of Modern African Studies 50, Nr. 2 (18.05.2012): 253–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000079.
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ABSTRACTSince independence in 1974 the military of Guinea-Bissau have succeeded in controlling the political system, even attempting to impose their rule directly in the aftermath of the 1998/9 war. What makes the analysis of civil–military relations and political order in contemporary Guinea-Bissau particularly challenging is the overlapping of political, ethnic and personal considerations of the politico-military elite and their fluctuating and ambiguous short-term alliances. Guinea-Bissau's armed forces include an amalgam of veterans, claiming historical legitimacy from the liberation war, and officers who use their positions for personal gain rather than furthering democracy and national interests. This article examines the logic of civil–military relations against the heterarchical political figuration and the specific character of the politico-military elite of Guinea-Bissau.
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Shah, Nirali. „The political economy of branding: khadi, colonialism and Indian nationhood“. Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 10, Nr. 3 (20.08.2018): 197–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-06-2017-0035.
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Purpose This paper aims to provide an understanding of how brands acquire meanings in a historical context. It examines the politico-economic environment that led to emergence of khadi in India. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses historical data to examine political economy of khadi. The author uses both written text and visuals for data collection and analysis. Findings It elucidates how the significance of khadi changed from being a mere cloth to a product of self-sufficiency and national importance in India’s freedom movement. This work is based on the analysis of Gandhian activities, especially consumption of khadi and usage of spinning wheel, during Indian freedom movement. The work analyzes the evolution of khadi in its historical, social and political context in colonial India. This paper reveals how and why brands acquire certain historical meanings. Research limitations/implications The paper is developed in colonial India. Originality/value This paper examines the role of institutions, social and political movements in the creation, development and nurturing of a brand and its meanings.
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Kowalewski, Jakub. „The Transfigurations of Spacetime: The Concept of Tabor in the Hussite Revolution and its Implications for Philosophy of History“. Praktyka Teoretyczna 39, Nr. 1 (22.05.2021): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/prt2021.1.8.
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In this paper, I aim to show how medieval political theology and contemporary philosophy of history can inform one another. To do so, I examine the concept of Tabor–a notion which emerges among the radical Hussites, known as the Taborites, during the Hussite revolution in medieval Bohemia. I believe that the politico-theological concept of Tabor puts into question modern philosophies which think of history in terms of time, by clearly showing the insufficiency of a purely temporal approach to historical ideas and experiences. To successfully articulate the Taborite concept, we must understand history as structured not only by time but also by space and ideology. Conversely, a historical study guided by the philosophical categories of ideology, space, and time can expand our understanding of Hussite political theology by revealing notions and experiences which cannot be identified by an exclusively ideological, or solely spatial or temporal, analysis.
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Miyawa, Maxwel. „Contested Empowerment of Kenya’s Judiciary, 2010-2015: A Historical Institutional Analysis by James Thuo Gathii“. Strathmore Law Review 3, Nr. 1 (01.06.2018): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/slr.v3i1.105.
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There has been an increasing number of written works deconstructing various transformative values underpinned by the Constitution of Kenya. One of these transformative values is the concept of constitutional supremacy which, arguably, has not received nuanced theoretical attention in Kenya’s constitutional law scholarship. Gathii theorises the unexplored, yet controversial question of judicial empowerment and its centrality in anchoring constitutional supremacy in the post-2010 politico-constitutional order. He provides a well-researched exploratory analysis of the functional, institutional and normative fledgling nature of the Judiciary of Kenya. He does this through an analytical filter that investigates the prominent role that judicial expansion has played in promoting constitutional supremacy and the principle of legality.
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Wolfe, Mikael D. „The Climate of Conflict: Politico-environmental Press Coverage and the Eruption of the Mexican Revolution, 1907–1911“. Hispanic American Historical Review 99, Nr. 3 (01.08.2019): 467–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7573518.
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Abstract This article combines the insights of historical climatology and analysis of press coverage to reexamine the agrarian origins of the Mexican Revolution from 1907 to 1911. Using a collection of hundreds of articles from dozens of newspapers, contemporary meteorological and agricultural bulletins, government correspondence, secondary works, and recent historical climatological data, I argue that environmental dynamics and political processes were intertwined in the four years preceding the revolution. Specifically, I contend that politico-environmental press coverage of drought and frost based on incomplete or misleading regional climatic information strongly influenced the government's relief measures and thereby exacerbated the acute economic and political crises that led to the ouster of the dictator Porfirio Díaz. By analyzing these understudied climate-society dynamics surrounding the Mexican Revolution, the article's aim is to expand understanding of the significance of these dynamics as well as to incorporate the Mexican case into the global historiography on climate and rebellion.
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Chen, Yang. „From Radical Secularism to Islamic NationalismThe Historical Evolution of Politico-Religious Relationship in Turkey“. Sociology of Islam 8, Nr. 1 (24.02.2020): 110–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00801003.
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Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (jdp) has continuously won elections and consolidated its power since 2002, while Turkish society has become increasingly conservative at the same time. The official implementation of the presidential system after June 2018 has triggered the world’s concerns and reflections about the future direction of Turkish society: a secular road, an Islamic road, or a new path of balance between religion and secularism. This necessitates an historical analysis of Turkey’s politico-religious relations. The role of Islam in Turkish society can be roughly divided into the following five stages: the suppression of Islam (1923–1950), the release of Islam (1950–), the re-politicization of Islam (1970–), the co-optation of Islam (1980–), and the new development of political Islam (2002–). During the jdp period, a fragile balance between secularism and Islamism had been achieved. But after the July 15th coup in 2016, the jdp adjusted its ideology from radical secularism to Islamic nationalism. The combination of Islamism and nationalism brings more challenges to the solidarity of Turkish society.
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Aminah, Siti. „Construction of space identity: Socio-historical and political dialectics in the globalisation era“. Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 31, Nr. 2 (30.06.2018): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v31i22018.140-154.
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Every local government in Indonesia seeks to construct a space/place identity. Competition between identities becomes a key element in relation to recognition, differentiation, and commodification in the context of decentralisation’s implementation. This article has studied Mojokerto’s identity development as a part of the territorial administration system with regional autonomy. Policymakers designated Mojokerto as the host of Mojopahit House’s identity. The geographical space of Mojokerto competes in terms of identity, which underwent another comparison and intense competition with other regions’ identities. Why was Mojopahit House determined as the identity of Mojokerto by the government at the national, provincial, and municipal levels? Based on such a question, this paper employed the politico-spatial approach using the qualitative analysis method and interpretive approach. This study found that the policymakers viewed Mojopahit House as the most suitable symbol in the identity competition between regions and autonomous regions. It can be turned into a fundamental icon to project political value, economic value, and/or the place attributes. Mojopahit House has becomes a representative of the local-traditional, global, and political economy identity. To conclude, the development of space identity lies within heritage conservation policy and globalisation pressure.
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Vilkov, Vyacheslav. „DIALECTICAL AND HISTORICAL MATERIALISM IN THE STRUCTURE OF MARXISM-LENINISM PHILOSOPHICAL TEACHING AND POLITICO-IDEOLOGICAL DOCTRINE“. Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, Nr. 4 (2021): 114–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2021/4-12/12.
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The article presents the results of the study of the specifics of the use by V.I. Lenin and I.V. Stalin of the concepts of «dialectical» and «historical» materialism; Stalin's understanding and interpretation of the essence and functions of these two main types of axiomatics of Marxist-Leninist philosophy, which were proposed in his work «Dialectical and Historical Materialism», that was included in «History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks): Short Course» (its first edition was published in 1938) and up to the 11th collection of his works, lectures, articles, speeches, etc. under the title «Concerning Questions of Leninism» (first published in 1939), are analysed in detail. The proposed analysis reveals the Stalinist and post-Stalinist understanding of the essence, structure and functions of dialectical and historical materialism; its theoretical and methodological foundations and status in the structure of Marxist-Leninist philosophy; highlights the Stalinist approach to understanding the relationship of Marxist philosophy with the ideological doctrine of the Communist Party of the USSR and the Communist worldview. The article defines the significant changes in Soviet Marxism from the end of 1953 until the end of the 1980s. It refers to the conceptual interpretation of dialectical and historical materialism, recognised in Soviet times as the basis and two main components of Marxist-Leninist philosophy. In addition, the leading tendencies that were formed among Soviet scientists of the 1960s and 1980s, as new approaches to understanding the nature of the interrelationships of Marxist-Leninist philosophy, primarily "diamat" and "istmat", with the Communist Party ideology and those branches of social studies (mainly «scientific communism»), which formed a single system of philosophical and socio- political knowledge, a complex of sciences and academic disciplines commonly known as «Marxism- Leninism», are highlighted in the article. The main tendencies of the post-Stalinist era in the interpretation of the ideological, theoretical and methodological role of dialectical and historical materialism, their status in the structure of Soviet philosophy and social-political science, as well as the specifics of correcting their ideological and worldview intent during the second half of the twentieth century are characterised. Within the framework of this analysis, the paradigmatic narratives, declared by Ukrainian researchers of the post-Soviet era to assess the role of V.I. Lenin and, especially, I.V. Stalin («Dialectical and Historical Materialism») in the emergence of fundamental problems and negative processes during the development of philosophical and socio-political thought in the USSR for the entire post-Stalin period of history, are identified and summarised. The main research methods are systemic, comparative, discursive, content analysis, prescripts of scientism and the principle of historicism. The study may be particularly relevant for a scientifically balanced, ideologically unbiased, adequate comprehension of the history and logic of the development of philosophical and socio-political thought in the Soviet Union and Ukraine since independence.
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Gifford, Chris. „Political Economy and the Study of Britain and European Integration: A Global-National Perspective“. British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9, Nr. 3 (August 2007): 461–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2006.00266.x.
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An extensive range of evidence and analysis has been employed to understand the complex relationship between Britain and the process of European integration. This article builds on a body of work within the study of European integration that examines British economic interests in European policy-making. However, I show that a comprehensive explanation of this relationship requires the application of a politico-economic analysis on national articulations of global and transnational processes. It is, I propose, Britain's distinctive insertion into the global economy that enables us to understand and explain Britain's problematic relationship to the processes of European integration. This is explored through an analytic narrative of Britain's historical relationship to the process of European integration. From a broad comparative perspective, I emphasise the exceptional character of Britain's globalised political economy.
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Cercel, Cosmin. „Pandemic, Exception and the Law: Notes on the Shattered Nomos of Europe“. Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica 96 (30.09.2021): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6069.96.07.
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In this article I propose a critical evaluation of the current European politico-legal landscape that unfolds under the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic. My aim is to offer an analysis of the symbolic status of legality in this context and to reflect on its historical trajectory, by introducing it in a longer historical timescale than usually proposed as well as by insisting on the specific nexus between emergency legislation and authoritarian ideologies within Europe. In doing so I propose a new genealogy of the state of exception apt to articulate the relationship between the force of law, legal normativity, and ideology in modern capitalism. The thesis that I defend here is a simple one: the ongoing pandemic has operated a historical acceleration that the law, understood here as medium that articulates power symbolically in a public and ostensible manner, is not able to catch up with. To substantiate this thesis, I venture first to take stock of the existing theories, analyses and narratives on the relation between the pandemic and the politico-legal landscape of Europe. In doing so I shall focus first on traditional constitutional law accounts and on Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben’s criticism of the legal responses to the pandemic. Following this analysis, I move towards a situation of the pandemic within the sphere of the multiple crises befalling Europe that have become visible since 2015. At this stage I draw attention to the manifold layers of emergency legality and states of exception that have been sapping the liberal democratic nomos putatively defended within Europe. In a third move, I embark on a synoptical clarification of the relationship between law, ideology and the history of class struggle. In a fourth and last intervention I intend to assess the current nexus between the pandemic, exception and the law as a specific form of dissolution of the liberal nomos.
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Agius, Christine, und Karen Devine. „‘Neutrality: A really dead concept?’ A reprise“. Cooperation and Conflict 46, Nr. 3 (September 2011): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836711416955.
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This article approaches ‘neutrality’ as an essentially contested concept and traces its meaning and purpose over centuries-long historical timelines and situated political, societal and security contexts. It distinguishes neutrality from other concepts such as ‘neutralization’ ‘non-belligerency’, ‘non-alignment’, ‘military non-alignment’, ‘military neutrality’ and ‘non-allied’. The article explains the politics of defining neutrality in the current European political and legal landscape and in the context of shifting definitions and practices of war, peace, security and state sovereignty. This episteme-based analysis focuses on changes to neutrality in accordance with the rise and fall of particular empires and international actors over time, and changes to its status linked to the development and reification of particular meta-theoretically-based subfields of International Relations and Political Science, setting the background to this special issue of Cooperation and Conflict. A renewed emphasis on the normative aspects of neutrality (i.e. the role of domestic values, politics, preferences, history and mass publics in foreign policy formulation) is achieved by employing a range of perspectives, characterized by increased pluralism in levels of analysis and theoretical approaches. Through this pluralism, authors engage with (1) the strategic and normative drivers underpinning the norm of neutrality, (2) the potential for neutrals to serve as norm entrepreneurs in the field of peace promotion, (3) the tenuous legal status of elites’ quasi-neutral foreign policy constructions underpinned by tensions between discourses and practices and (4) the discursive strategies underpinning the move from neutral states’ traditional forms of neutrality to what is termed ‘post-neutrality’ in the current politico-legal context.
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Myrberg, Irina. „On the cultural-symbolic nature of sports: politico-philosophical aspect Irina I. Myurberg“. Chelovek 34, Nr. 2 (2023): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s023620070025534-4.
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The purpose of the study is to revise sports as a phenomenon of European culture, placed in the context of modern socio-political pictures of the world. The relevance and novelty of the goal is ensured by phenomenological approach to the subject of research, supplemented with the historical analysis of the main tasks - those associated with the purpose of revealing cultural and symbolic content of such a concept as “competitive sports”. The research is centered on the task of situating modern approaches with those which associate the phenomenon of sports within F. Nietzsche’s philosophical message. Philosophically topical here are cultural and symbolic meanings (those manifesting themselves in “big-time sports”) surviving as political and normative hallmarks; they empower theory to search for interdisciplinary continuity between the analysis of the socio-political evolution of the changing European world and studies dealing with durable cultural and symbolic meanings.
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Soloviev, Alexey V. „Hybrid Warfare: Politico-Military Pankration of the 21st Century“. Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 64, Nr. 6 (15.06.2021): 56–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2021-64-6-55-73.
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The article is devoted to the phenomenon of interstate confrontation known as “hybrid war.” It attempts to consider this phenomenon in relation to pankration, the ancient Greek martial art with minimum limitations. The paper defines the philosophical and historical preconditions for hybrid war, its epistemological and ideological aspects. The author assesses the statement declaring Russia guilty of waging this type of war. Analysis of relevant sources allows us to answer the question of the theoretical prerequisites for the formation of the concept of hybrid wars and to name the authors who first expressed ideas of the transformation of war into a new type of military confrontation. An attempt is made to perform a comparative analysis of various interpretations of the concept of “hybrid war.” The place of this concept among others that are related to the so-called “new wars” is considered. The author questions a negative connotation to the concept of hybrid war and the legitimacy of attempts by Western countries to attribute the conduct of this type of military action exclusively to Russia. A number of countries attempt to use Russia as a “scapegoat,” and this complex has been described by the French philosopher R. Girard. A broader interpretation of this mechanism leads to sacralization of collective aggression, but not in relation to an individual but in relation to a participant in international relations. Comprehension of the essential features of hybrid war, of its tendencies towards eliminating restrictions and regulating forms and methods of achieving military and political goals makes it possible to identify the possibilities of resisting aggressive aspirations of some countries trying to impose their scenarios for resolving international contradictions on other states.
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HARPAZ, GUY. „The role of dialogue in reflecting and constituting International Relations: the causes and consequences of a deficient European-Israeli dialogue“. Review of International Studies 37, Nr. 4 (13.10.2010): 1857–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510001105.
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AbstractThe rich literature on the problematic aspects of EU-Israel relations focuses on historical, structural, politico-economic, legal, institutional, geo-political and strategic causes. An attempt will be made in this article to contribute to the existing scholarship by focusing on a novel angle, namely the negative role of the lack of adequate and informed European-Israeli dialogue in constituting European-Israeli relations. Against the backdrop of the theoretical analysis of the role of dialogue in International Relations, this article examines the lack of adequate European-Israeli dialogue, analysing its causes and the negative role that it plays in constituting European-Israeli relations. The article demonstrates that such lack of dialogue is caused not only by mutual ignorance, prejudice, misinformation, mistrust and antagonism, but also causes these same factors to characterise European-Israeli relations.
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Kužel, Petr. „Marxist criticism of Soviet-type society in Czechoslovakia: The political thought of Egon Bondy after 1968“. Thesis Eleven 159, Nr. 1 (August 2020): 78–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513620945809.
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This paper focuses on the development of the political thought of Czech Marxist philosopher Egon Bondy. It examines his criticism of state socialism in the Eastern Block from a Marxist perspective, and it outlines the development of his analysis. The study covers the period from the late 1960s until the Velvet Revolution in 1989, a period during which Bondy explored the historical constitution and nature of a ‘new ruling class’ in the USSR, as well as deeper trends of convergence between Eastern and Western politico-economical systems. In the 1980s Bondy analysed the reasons for the eventual collapse of the Soviet Union. Even though Bondy was, during most of the period of state socialism between 1948–89, a forbidden author, he was also one of the main critics of the political approach of Charta 77 and Václav Havel. This criticism is also outlined in the paper.
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Slezhenkov, Vladimir. „Semi-presidential (mixed) republic: historical roots and problematic aspects of terminology (experience of French politico-legal science)“. Advances in Law Studies 7, Nr. 4 (19.12.2019): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/2409-5087-2019-7-4-16-20.
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The article is devoted to the study of the features of the elaboration and introduction into scientific parlance of the concept of a semi-presidential republic (mixed government) by French scientists. In the introductory part of the work, the author noted the socio-historical and political-legal prerequisites for the development of relevant ideas, associated primarily with the affirmation of the specific constitutional regime of the Fifth Republic in France. In the main part of the study, the author highlights the discussion aspects of the concept and essence of the form of government under consideration, as well as the history of the emergence and development of related terminology through the prism of analysis of the work of leading French legal scholars from the 50s - 70s of the 20th century. According to the results of the work, it's identified the problems associated with a modern understanding of the essence of the studied form of government are identified, as well as the possibilities of updating the considered historical and theoretical legal experience to overcome them.
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Ling, Chao. „Imperial Identity and Religious Reformation: The Buddhist Urban Landscape in Northern Wei Luoyang“. Religions 15, Nr. 5 (29.04.2024): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15050551.
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Based on Yang Xuanzhi’s account of the burned-down Luoyang city during the Northern Wei dynasty and contemporary archeological discoveries, this paper tries to decipher the pre-Luoyang memory and imperial identity of the Northern Wei royal family that are embedded in the urban planning of Luoyang city by understanding the reformation of Buddhist politico-religious policy through both a historical approach and literary analysis. Buddhism played a crucial role in the Northern Wei’s campaign of establishing their rulership as a legitimate one from the Chinese perspective. Buddhist temples became structures where commoners interacted on a daily basis, and, in these interactions, the Xianbei rulers managed to bring multiple factors into balance: Northern Wei imperial and Chinese identities and the tension between preserving the ancestral memory and merging the Northern Wei regime into a Chinese political context.
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Birley, Lewis Michael. „Cycles and Transformation“. Journal of World-Systems Research 29, Nr. 2 (22.08.2023): 505–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2023.1172.
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This article offers a new analysis of China’s politico-economic system from a world-systems perspective. My basic argument is that the novelty of China’s system is not, as McNally (2020) argues, its hybrid fusion of neoliberal market dynamics with strong centralized political control. China’s real historical significance comes from the combination of a centralized, state controlled financial governance structure that is highly insulated from the control of outside actors situated within China’s large extended geo-space. I argue that China’s intense state control of economic reality, and especially its “internalization” of financial institutions within its state architecture, can be seen as an adaptive strategy that makes sense from the perspective of the long term development of governance within the capitalist system. I then conclude with observations around the possible consequences for established core powers of China’s structural separation and power in the financial realm.
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Zakharova, Maria, und Vladimir Przhilenskiy. „Anti-Rawls or the Russian Way of Eurasian Integration“. Russian Law Journal 7, Nr. 3 (17.08.2019): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17589/2309-8678-2019-7-3-12-37.
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This article examines Eurasian integration in the context of the ideas which accompany it and make possible the implementation of its practices, especially law-making and law-enforcement practices. The central theme of the article is the competition among values and social technologies claiming to play an integrating role. The starting point of this analysis is the theory of justice by John Rawls presented in the form of many interpretations thereof by legal theorists, as well as experts in the field of political and moral philosophy. It is examined based on assessments made from the standpoint of the politico-legal and socio-historical development of the West, as well as on attempts to look at this theoretical concept from a different cultural and civilizational point of view. Detailed consideration is given to the ideas and images of justice formed within the philosophical symbiosis of Confucianism and Legalism and providing a value-based legal identity of the Chinese civilization. The article shows that the ideas and values of the Rawlsian theory of justice are rooted in the political and legal history of European civilization and the dependence thereof on the philosophical and theoretical language of European enlighteners and even on the Indo-European national language family. As the main alternative to the neoliberal theory of justice, the article studies the philosophical and theoretical and politico-legal heritage of the Eurasianists. The theory of Eurasian law advanced by representatives of this movement is analyzed in depth. This type of legal relations, based on obligations, is considered as a special type of law capable of uniting heterogeneous entities without requiring their full unification or depriving them of their civilizational and value-based peculiarities. The authors analyze the real experience of economic and politico-legal integration, both within the framework of international organizations and at the level of inter-governmental [inter-country] cooperation. An assessment is made of the justifiability of the claims of Eurasianist philosophy regarding its ability to successfully provide integration processes in this part of the world.
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Sorokopudova, Olga E., und Denis V. Mironov. „Study of the Axiological Foundations of Russian Statehood: Prospects for the Application of Politico-Textological Analysis“. RUDN Journal of Political Science 25, Nr. 2 (30.06.2023): 455–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-455-470.
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The study of the historical and axiological foundations of Russian statehood is directly related to problems of national and civic identity and addresses the task of ensuring and protecting political sovereignty and national independence. Based on the analysis of a large corpus of works by Russian thinkers, writers, poets, religious and state figures of the 19th century, the content of such basic values as “freedom”, “truth” and “justice” was reconstructed, which maintained their significance throughout the history of Russia, but were substantively transformed in the public ideological-political discourse. The research was conducted based on the database of the National Corpus of the Russian Language (NCRL). In total, work was done with more than 7500 documents created during the period from 1801 to 1900. The main research methods, in addition to the general scientific methodology, were content analysis and politico-textological analysis. The concept of “freedom” was significant throughout almost the entire history of Russia, and in the 19th century, various aspects of it were addressed not only by thinkers and public figures of different ideological orientations, but also by publicists, poets, and writers. Interestingly, the legal and rational understanding of freedom was almost always combined with a moral and even religious content in the works of the authors of this period. The concept of “truth”, despite being used in its substantive sense much less frequently in the 19th century than in previous centuries, still retains its important axiological value in the Russian intellectual tradition and represents a complex moral-social ideological complex. “Truth” as a socialpolitical concept combines both the values and meanings of the Orthodox righteous way of life of each individual and the principles and goals of a truly just social and state system. The concept of “justice” is a cornerstone of the Russian vision of an ideal social and state structure, along with truth and freedom. The specificity of the domestic ideological-political discourse of the 19th century is that the concept of justice is inseparably linked with both the individual and society and the state, receiving moral justification for the necessity of following this principle first and foremost in the name of the common good, and then, as a consequence, in the name of one’s own well-being.
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Nardelli Debač, Ivana. „The State Awaking Or Stealing?“ Narodna umjetnost 58, Nr. 2 (14.12.2021): 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15176/vol58no203.
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The 2020 parliamentary elections in Croatia were held in an atmosphere marked by fear and anxiety because of negative consequences of the coronavirus pandemic, and riddled with other unresolved socio-economic and political issues. Therefore, choosing appropriate political slogans that would reflect positive messages of hope, encouragement, and safety to the Croatian people seemed of utmost importance. This paper identifies and discusses political discourse strategies behind the creation of selected billboard slogans used in the pre-election period by different political parties and platforms. Taking into account the results of the elections, the research focuses on the negative reactions to the content of the slogans in the Croatian public space. For this purpose, a corpus of readers’ online comments was built and subjected to a computer sentiment analysis. The results show that the majority of citizens in the research sample created negative mental images of political agents and the policies they promote. Further investigation of the reasons for the negative perception and evaluation revealed that the politico-historical and situational contexts play a significant role in shaping the public opinion, specifically in times of crises and threats to public health and wellbeing.
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Chakraborty Mithun, Liton. „Khondakar Ashraf Hossain’s On Behula’s Raft: An Exploration into Socio-Cultural, Political and Economic Aspects of Bangladesh“. Advances in Language and Literary Studies 8, Nr. 2 (30.04.2017): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.8n.2p.77.
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In the volume On Behula's Raft published in 2008 by Khondakar Ashraf Hossain, some significant social, cultural, political and historical aspects of Bangladesh figure repeatedly. This paper tries to explain how these aspects are reflected in Hossain's poems through text analysis of the primary material and some other primary and secondary sources. In this volume, Behula myth is found to be re-created and modified to suit Hossain's exploration into and celebration of, and commitment to Bangladesh, his beloved and beautiful motherland. Some important characters have been highlighted in this volume such as Bangabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina, a victim of fanaticism named Noorjahan, a legendary Bengali female poet called Kankabati and a Dhaka rickshaw-puller named Abushama to present various socio-politico-economic aspects of Bangladesh. Moreover, Bangladesh's liberation war, political reality, problems and potentials have been depicted in most of the poems in the volume. The paper implies that in On Behula's Raft, Hossain (2008) upholds a Bangladesh consciousness on an epical scale which has rendered great significance to the volume.
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Kostiuk, Rouslan. „Left socialists in contemporary Latin America: ideology and politics“. Latinskaia Amerika, Nr. 10 (2021): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0016572-8.
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This scientific article is devoted to the phenomenon of left-wing socialists in modern Latin America. The article shows the continuity of the left-wing socialist ideology and at the same time highlights the elements of its novelty. The author turns to plots related to the historical aspects of the activities of radical socialists in Latin America. The author examines the various forms of organized activities of radical socialists, pointing as examples of the functioning of the independent left-wings socialist parties ant the participation of left socialists in Latin American countries in broader political projects. An important place is given to the consideration of the left socialist proposals for politico-institutional and socio-economic areas. Here analysis confirms that today the radical socialists continue to be in the political area between the radical left and social reformism. The author comes to the conclusion that the left socialists actively advocate strengthening the unity of the left forces both in Latin America as a whole and at the national level.
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Mittica, M. Paola. „Le traduzioni su Zaleuco. Storia politico-sociale di un codice e di un legislatore leggendari“. SOCIOLOGIA DEL DIRITTO, Nr. 3 (Februar 2009): 83–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sd2008-003003.
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- Zaleucus is known to modern historical-legal and philosophical-political literature as the author of the first written code of laws, dating back to the foundation of Epizephyrian Locri in the seventh century BC. The history of these laws, which were drawn up before those of Draco and more extensive, is found in several stories about the city dating back as far as the fourth century BC in Greece. These records are short, fragmentary, often contradictory and scattered in space and time across a multiplicity of sources that provide no coherent picture of the historical and political situation of the Locri colony at the time of its foundation. Even the question of Zaleucus' very existence is enveloped in mystery. As for the celebrated laws of Epizephyrian Locri, while they are sometimes attributed to Zaleucus, on other occasions they seem to be no more than the fruit of good government. Aware that it is only possible to identify narratives, but also of their value for the purpose of tracing stories of a legal nature and their social and cultural function, the author's aim is to restrict her analysis to piecing together some of the threads that contribute the weaving of the pattern. Most of the traditions taken into consideration can be ascribed to the period from the fifth to the third centuries BC and concern not only Zaleucus himself, but the context of the culture of and knowledge about Epizephyrian Locri and its laws. In conclusion, this story's great relevance in modern times is illustrated by examining a reconstruction of Zaleucus' Code made in 1800 by one Bonaventura Portoghese, a royal judge of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and an enthusiastic scientist and archaeologist.
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Peppin, Soosai, und Vaishali Singh. „Changing role of public bureaucracy in India: A federal polity perspective“. International Journal of Public Policy and Administration Research 10, Nr. 2 (12.06.2023): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18488/74.v10i2.3395.
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In a federal polity, the role of bureaucracy is ineluctable to cement the centre-state relations. Being the primary catalyst for social change and nation building, Indian bureaucracy is stitched into the federal fabric. The bureaucratic system as well as its potential for public welfare is greatly influenced by the power dynamics in the centre-state relations. Therefore, the paper examines the role of public bureaucracy from the vantage point of centre-state relations. The study synthesizes the literature on the subject to explore the role of bureaucracy in the various phases of centre-state relations in India. The historical analysis is used to reveal the reasons for political control over bureaucracy in India. The main finding of the study reveals that a change in the power constellations of political authorities at the central and state levels of government also induces a change in the influence or capacity of the bureaucracy to work independently and impartially, thereby weakening the neutrality of bureaucracy. The study can be highly useful for policy analysts in understanding the federal democracy and adds to the canon of academic literature on politico-administrative relations in India.
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Nandy, Ankita. „Classification of Pottery Shards from Diverse Geographical Regions Based on XRF Profiles“. International Journal of Research in Science and Technology 13, Nr. 03 (2023): 60–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.37648/ijrst.v13i03.005.
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Pottery fragments found in archaeological sites across the world provide insights into the prevalent manufacturing technology, commercial usage of wares and the socio-politico-economic fabric of the societies which crafted them. Their chemical profile can be used to characterise the clay used in their making, and thus, locate their origins. The technologies for the generation of such geochemical profiles have been around for decades, and several researchers have published the results for their samples. However, such data has undergone just basic statistical analysis. This work collates such data from multiple sources and performs a comparative analysis of multiple machine learning classifiers, to showcase the potential utility of bringing up such datasets for further exploration. It can speed up the segregation and mapping of historical artefacts and add value to archaeological teams working in developing countries of Asia and Africa.
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Cotoras Straub, Dusan, Joaquín Zerené Harcha und Diego Gómez-Venegas. „Towards the Operative Objects of Post-Capitalism: A Critical Cultural- And Media-Theoretical Refusal on the Chilean Case (1973-2023)“. A Peer-Reviewed Journal About 10, Nr. 1 (13.08.2021): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/aprja.v10i1.128186.
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This essay aims to unfold a refusal on what we understand have been the historical hegemonic modes of social and cultural research under capitalist realism; that is, the politico-economic system ruling the West and beyond since the 1970s onwards. To do so, we present an updated approach to analyze Chilean social and cultural history during this period, insofar as it is, we argue, a paradigmatic case to critically understand capitalist realism in general. Thus, the essay is formed by three main parts: a) a historical presentation and contextualization of the case in that period, deployed in three fragments; b) the development of a critical cultural- and media-theoretical set of concepts that are instrumental to analyze the case; and c) a proposal that allows us to project the analysis’ insights towards the present and beyond. Particularly from this latter part, but more clearly in a final short conclusion, the proposal and its potential stems from a theory-fiction approach.
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Vilkov, Viacheslav. „DOCTRINAL PROVISIONS OF THE GENERAL PROGRAM OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA AS A SYSTEM OF IDEATIONAL-THEORETICAL AND POLITICAL-IDEOLOGICAL PRESCRIPTIONS FOR RESEARCH OF MODERN CHINESE MARXISM“. Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, Nr. 7 (2022): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2022/7-2/11.
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The article reveals ideological-theoretical, methodological, and politico-ideological basic principles for an adequate analysis of the specifics of modern Chinese (Sinicized) Marxism. The attributive features of modern Chinese Marxism (Marxism with Chinese specifics (the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese Context, Sinicized Marxism), as the most effective version in world history for correcting and modernizing the axiomatics of the Marxist-Leninist theoretical model of social development, as well as improving the ideology of the ruling Communist Party in order to increase the effectiveness of its domestic and foreign state policies, have been characterized by means of concrete-historical and systematic comparative analysis of the ideational grounds and basic socio-philosophical postulates, political and ideological prescriptions of the program documents of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of China. Within the framework of this study, special attention has been paid to highlighting the essence and features of the Soviet and Chinese strategy of socialist construction, created to implement Marxist socialist and communist projects, as well as revealing the scientific evaluation of the differences between the political doctrines of the CPSU and the CPC in the interpretation of objective logic (the duration of stages, goals, and objectives of fundamental economic, social, political, and cultural transformations) of the process of constructing high-level development socialism ("developed socialism") and the further progressive movement of such a society to the phase of communism.
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Kopaev, E. „Cognitive possibilities of political science: ask questions about Russian political science“. Journal of Political Research 8, Nr. 1 (06.04.2024): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2024-8-1-93-102.
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The purpose of the work is to raise the question of the cognitive capabilities of political science and to what extent, in this regard, the methodological tools of political science are an adequate means for studying Russian reality. The methodology of the research was a politico-philosophical approach, which used a retrospective method and discourse analysis. The specificity of the social sciences and humanities implies the existence of value positions of the subject of cognition and determines the practice-oriented orientation of his research activity. The model of reality reconstructed by the scientist is based on a value-colored picture of the world, which directly or implicitly influences the interpretation of facts. Political science, being a part of social and humanitarian knowledge, is not devoid of its specificity and is also based on a certain model of the worldview - a paradigm. The science of politics was formed in the bosom of Western society, taking as a basis the corresponding paradigm of thinking. At a certain point, comparative studies begins to occupy a central position in the study of politics, in fact identifying the whole of political science with itself. Its distinctive feature, which has not been overcome to this day, is the attitude to compare the entire diversity of the political world with its own "ideal" of due. Accordingly, everything that does not fit into this value picture of the world is recognized as hostile, backward, imperfect. On such paradigmatic grounds, the study of Russian political life has been carried out for a long time. By adopting such a way of explaining the political sphere of Russian society, we put ourselves in the position of catching up, trying to adjust our own reality to the standards that were formed in other cultural and historical conditions. Based on this, the question arises about the application of the methodology of political science to Russian conditions. Conclusions: the question posed in the work may affect the change of the paradigm in force in Russian political science or, at least, the clarification of its methodological foundations, which opens up a wide scope for research for domestic social scientists.
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Voropayeva, Tetiana. „CONFLICTIZATION OF THE CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL SPACE OF UKRAINIANNESS UNDER CONDITIONS OF MODERN THREATS: THEORY AND PRACTICE“. Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, Nr. 25 (2019): 34–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.25.6.
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The article deals with the theoretical and practical aspects of the problem of conflictization of the cultural and historical space of Ukrainianness under conditions of modern threats. The essence of conflicts is revealed in the article, the interpretation on the conflict as an attribute of social life is done, its influence on the processes of social transformations is traced. The causes and conditions of the emergence, escalation and resolution of conflicts on various levels are analyzed, the possibility and necessity of managing them is substantiated. The article is devoted to theoretical and methodological analysis of contemporary studies in conflictology. It is proved that it is reasonable to apply an integrative approach to classification of social conflicts. An integrative approach to the analysis of conflicts is the methodological basis of research, which involves its consideration not only as a source of destruction and death, but also as the initial place of development of society. The autor comes to conclusion that the term of conflictization processes has considerable scientific potential for study of social conflicts. The analysis of the essence of conflictization’s processes, their specific character and sources of emergence is done on the base of conflictological theories. The article analyzes special features of contemporary conflicts in the context of global processes. The specificity of conflictization in interstate relations in the era of globalization raise this phenomenon to transnational and even planetary scale. Under conditions of militarization of conflict interaction, the level of conflict potential also increases. The escalation of tension and the use of violence through militarization of conflict interactions leads to armed confrontation. Contemporary armed conflicts pose a significant threat to humanity as they may expand in the context of globalization. The formulating of a row of measures (of humanitarian, socio-economic and politico-military nature) is aimed to prevent challenges, dangers and threats to the national interests of Ukraine. It is also necessary to maintain a balance of forces, values, resources, political, legal and socio-economic problems in the society and the state. The importance of a comprehensive strategy of counter the destructive actions of foreign mercenaries in Ukraine has been substantiated. The focus is on the use of political and diplomatic means through the active participation of the international community and the strengthening of economic sanctions against the Russian Federation. «Smart power» is interpreted as the ability to combine the resources of «hard» and «soft» power in order to strengthen the position of Ukraine on the international scene. The importance of the strategy of «smart power» as a basis for overcoming the armed conflict on the territory of Ukraine and the reintegration of the occupied territories was substantiated. We have made an attempt to interpret conflictization processes in the framework of an integrative approach. The proneness to conflict is now playing a distinctive role in the social and political life of the Ukraine. The discursive-consensus and assertive strategies for successful solution of a social conflict is considered to be an optimal one.
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Natale, Edoardo. „Analisi pragmatica e culturale del discorso del Premier Draghi del 17 Febbraio 2021“. Revista Italiano UERJ 12, Nr. 2 (13.07.2022): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/italianouerj.2021.67580.
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ABSTRACT: The intent of this article is to analyze the first speech of Prime Minister Mario Draghi during the motion of confidence request in the Italian Senate on February 17, 2021. This analysis intends to use the methodological tools present in the Principles of Cooperation (Grice, 1975), the speech acts categories (Searle, 1965), the politeness linguistic of Brown and Levinson (1987) with the addition of Schartz's concept of "collective face" (1992) and intercultural communication (Hofstede, 2011). The originality of this work consists in the use of a method of analysis usually used in a "sociological-statistical" key into a purely linguistic corpus such as political discourse in order to bring out some elements of correlation between speech acts and cultural dimensions. This article seeks to offer a useful interpretative tool to describe some speech acts formulated by Prime Minister Draghi with a "representative" value but with the intention of being instead of "directive" and "declarative" speech acts. This illocuctive force passage requested by Draghi could only be possible with the presence of a broad adhesion on the part of Italian politics to a cultural dimension of a "collectivism" due to the very delicate historical moment with the Covid-19 health crisis.Keywords: Cultural dimension. Political discourse. Speech acts. Politics. Italian culture RESUMO: O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o primeiro discurso do primeiro-ministro Mario Draghi durante o pedido de confiança no Senado italiano em 17 de fevereiro de 2021. Esta análise pretende utilizar as ferramentas metodológicas presentes nos princípios da cooperação (Grice, 1975), as categorias de atos de fala (Searle, 1965), a cortesia linguística de Brown e Levinson (1987), além do conceito de " collective face " de Schartz (1992) e a comunicação intercultural (Hofstede, 2011). A originalidade deste artigo consiste na utilização de um método de análise usualmente empregado em uma chave "sociológico-estatística" em um campo puramente linguístico como o discurso político, para trazer à cena os elementos de correlação entre atos de fala e dimensões culturais. Em última análise, este artigo oferece uma ferramenta interpretativa útil para descrever alguns atos de fala formulados pelo primeiro-ministro Draghi com um valor caracterizado como "representativo", mas com a intenção de serem atos de fala "diretivos" e "declarativos". Essa passagem de força ilocutiva só poderia ser considerada possível com a presença de uma ampla adesão por parte da política italiana a uma dimensão cultural de tipo "coletivismo" devido ao momento histórico muito delicado com a crise sanitária.Palavras-chave: Dimensão cultural. Discurso político. Atos de fala. Política. Cultura italiana. ABSTRACT: L'intento di questo lavoro è di analizzare il primo discorso del premier Mario Draghi durante la richiesta della fiducia presso il Senato italiano il 17 Febbraio 2021. Questa analisi intende adoperare gli strumenti metodologici presenti nei principi di cooperazione ( Grice, 1975), le categorie degli atti linguistici ( Searle, 1965 ), la cortesia linguistica di Brown e Levinson ( 1987) con l'aggiunto del concetto di "faccia collettiva" di Schartz ( 1992) e della comunicazione interculturale ( Hofstede, 2011). L'originalità di questo lavoro consiste nell'utilizzo di un metodo di analisi adoperato solitamente in chiave "sociologico-statistico" in un ambito prettamente linguistico come il discorso politico per fare emergere gli elementi di correlazione tra gli atti linguistici e le dimensioni culturali. In definitiva, questo articolo offre uno strumento interpretativo utile per descrivere alcuni atti linguistici formulati dal premier Draghi con valore di tipo " rappresentativi" ma con l'intenzione di essere invece degli atti linguistici di natura " direttivi" e " dichiarativi". Questo passaggio di forza illocuttiva potrebbe dirsi possibile soltanto con la presenza di un'ampia adesione da parte della politica italiana ad una dimensione culturale di tipo " collettivismo" dovuta al momento storico molto delicato con la crisi sanitaria. Parole chiave: Dimensioni culturali. Discorso politico. Atti linguistici. Politica. Cultura italiana
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Jan, Amir, Muhammad Ramzan und Shahid Hussain Kamboyo. „An Analytical Investigation of Politico-Economic Effects of Gwadar and Chabahar Ports on Pak-Iran Relations“. Journal of Asian Development Studies 13, Nr. 1 (28.02.2024): 219–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.62345/jads.2024.13.1.19.
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This paper aims to explore the geostrategic importance and implications of Gwadar and Chabahar ports for the entire region. Drawing upon a multidisciplinary approach, this study integrates political, economic, and geopolitical perspectives to assess the complex dynamics at play. It delves into the historical context of Pak-Iran relations, examining the factors that have shaped their interactions over time. Furthermore, it scrutinizes the geopolitical implications of Gwadar and Chabahar ports in the context of regional power dynamics, considering the interests and interventions of key stakeholders such as China, India, and the United States. Economically, the paper evaluates the potential synergies and competition between Gwadar and Chabahar ports, exploring how their development may impact trade patterns, investment flows, and economic development in both Pakistan and Iran. Additionally, it examines the role of infrastructure connectivity in enhancing regional integration and fostering economic cooperation among neighboring states. Through a critical analysis of existing literature, empirical data, and expert insights, this paper aims to offer valuable insights into the evolving dynamics of Pak-Iran relations in the context of the Gwadar and Chabahar ports. The theory of the struggle for power among regional powers is applied in the paper to identify the political rivalry between China and India and their possible implications for Gwadar and Chabahar ports on Pak-Iran relations. Most importantly, the paper aims to address the questions: what are the policy options for Pakistan and Iran to skip the exploitation of regional and international powers with respect to both ports and avoid disturbance in their bilateral relations?
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Ignatov, Augustin. „Towards a Confident Europe: Fostering European Foreign Policy as a Premise to Enhanced European Economic Security & Competitiveness“. Global Economy Journal 18, Nr. 3 (17.07.2018): 20180048. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gej-2018-0048.
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The present research comes to comprehensively analyse the path towards a confident Europe both in the regional and global environment by considering the necessity of European foreign policy consolidation as an imminent premise to enhanced European economic security & competitiveness. Despite of multiple competing political and economic interests, socio-cultural and linguistic heterogeneity, and historical animosities, the only choice of the European Union's nations to maintain and improve their current regional and global politico-economic positions resides in their capacity to act jointly through a unique representation. Accordingly, the results of the present research explicitly underline the idea that: as long as the “influence” centre of the European Union will be dispersed among national governments, each of them promoting individual interests contrary to the groups’ ones, the community as an integrational block will face important difficulties in defending its regional and global positions. The qualitative analysis undertaken highlights the idea that the European Union in the present form and institutional arrangements is not able to provide feasible and efficient solutions to the current and future challenges. This fact can be explicitly noted in the area of foreign affairs where the dualism between national and supranational bodies makes the European Union to falter on key directions including the Middle East, Eastern Partnership, the Russian Federation, and Turkey as well as on the global arena.
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Menkhoff, Thomas, Ulrike Badibanga und Chay Yue Wah. „Managing Change in Asian Business – A Comparison between Chinese-Educated and English-Educated Chinese Entrepreneurs in Singapore“. Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 25 (05.02.2008): 50–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v25i0.1429.
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Abstract
Against the background of the current rapidly changing business environment, the article examines the organizational change management behaviour of the owner-managers of small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs) in Singapore. The analysis of survey data is aimed at ascertaining whether there are any differences between Chinese and English educated small (ethnic Chinese) businessmen in terms of Change Management (CM), a dichotomy that is of great historical and politico-cultural significance in Singapore. The survey data show that there are indeed differences between the subgroups (eg with regard to the
initiation of a more participatory people management style) but these variations turned out to be far less pronounced than expected. Access to information and actionable managerial knowledge appears to be a key precursor to the various change management approaches used by both groups. Chinese educated businessmen in particular seem to be somewhat disadvantaged in this respect, as modern change management literature is still largely only published in English.
Keywords: Ethnic Chinese, small and medium-sized enterprises (SME), Republic of Singapore, organizational change management.
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Cherygova, Anastasiia. „Henri-Dominique Lacordaire in the Canadian ultramontane philosophy“. DIALOGO 7, Nr. 2 (30.06.2021): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.51917/dialogo.2021.7.2.12.
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When the ultramontane bishop of Saint-Hyacinthe in Canada invited the French Dominicans to his diocese, he requested help from their leader, another French-speaking ultramontane, Reverend Father Henri-Dominique Lacordaire, O.P., who restored the Dominican Order in France after a long ban on religious orders. However, there seemed to have been a paradox at the heart of this invitation. Lacordaire was an extremely controversial figure in both secular and Catholic French circles, mostly due to his rocky relationships with the French episcopacy, his unconventional preaching style and especially his political opinions, including his admiration for republicanism and the Anglo-American political system. Theoretically, all this would put him at odds with Canadian ultramontanes. They were rather opposed to the growing politically liberal forces in Canada specifically and to the Anglo-American politico-philosophical system in general. So why would Canadian ultramontanes ask help from a man so seemingly different from them politically? Our hypothesis is that what united Lacordaire and Canadian ultramontanes was more significant than what divided them - notably, both parties were concerned about opposition to Catholicism coming from State officials, as well as about the menace of irreligion among the growing bourgeois class. Therefore, both were keenly interested in advancing the cause of Catholic education to combat these worries. To prove our hypothesis we would employ methodology based on personal writings and biographical accounts of actors involved in the arrival of Dominicans to Canada, as well as on historical analysis effectuated on connected topics, like the ultramontane scene in Canada, French missionary activity in North America, etc.
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Ceci Misoczky, Maria, und Takeyoshi Imasato. „The Brazilian sub-imperialist strategy of regional insertion“. critical perspectives on international business 10, Nr. 4 (30.09.2014): 274–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cpoib-04-2014-0024.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze the Brazilian strategy of regional insertion with the support of the Marxist Theory of Dependency (MTD), represented by the work of Ruy Mauro Marini because it allows for the consideration of relations of power within the national scenario and policies resulting from class alliances embedded in the domestic structure of dependency. Design/methodology/approach – The paper discusses the main positions concerning the Varieties of Capitalism approach, arguing that the MTD and specifically Marini’s work can contribute to overcoming some of its limits. These arguments are illustrated through the analysis of the Brazilian strategy of regional competitive insertion focusing on the IIRSA project and the Brazilian Multinational Companies directly involved. Findings – The concept of sub-imperialism has helped to understand the logic behind the Brazilian strategy of regional insertion as part of a historical trajectory that includes the re-edition of a political drive for being the regional leader; the privilege of class fractions benefiting from the access to public funds and new markets (necessary to guarantee their continued and increased profitability); the reinforcement of regional inequalities and, at the same time, the reproduction of Brazilian dependency. Originality/value – A renewed MTD can contribute to understanding the specific politico-economic strategies of peripheral countries. It can also overcome the limits of the Varieties of Capitalism approach by articulating the economic and political dimensions; by avoiding the structural – functionalist constrains of the institutional perspective; and by allowing the consideration of marginalized voices, rather than considering only the institutionalized ones.
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САЛЬНИКОВ, Виктор Петрович, Дмитрий Владимирович МАСЛЕННИКОВ und Александр Александрович МАКСИМОВ. „HEGEL ON THE DUAL, ABSTRACT-SPECIFIC NATURE OF THE PERSONALITY AS A SUBJECT OF LAW: NATURAL LAW AND THEOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS OF GENESIS“. Rule-of-law state: theory and practice 17, Nr. 3(65) (22.10.2021): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.33184/pravgos-2021.3.4.
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Hegel’s doctrine in the XXI century remains relevant for the Russian politico-legal science due to the deep development of the categorical apparatus and methodological tools for expressing the value nature of law and state. Hegel's doctrine of the subject of law, especially presented in his early works, is one of the little-studied, but at the same time very significant part of his scientific work, the appeal to which should contribute to the further development of the modern system of legal categories. Purpose: to carry out a comparative analysis of the various versions of the Hegelian doctrine of the personality as a subject of law and its genesis, taking into account the peculiarities of natural law and theological pproaches. Methods: the authors use logical, historical-genetic, historical-comparative, systemic method of cognition, as well as the methodology of theoretical and legal comparative studies. Results: in the late philosophical system, Hegel develops the doctrine of the dual nature of the personality as a subject of law: as a specific subject, a person mediates his relationship with other subjects through a single objective thing (qualitative characteristics of the subject), as an abstract subject, a person bases his relations with them on recognition as equal subjects of freedom (quantitative characteristics of the subject). The way to resolve this conflict is through morality. During various periods of his scientific work, Hegel considers the genesis of the personality as a subject of law from a natural law and theological point of view, including the idea of God, while dentifying new substantive aspects of the concept of the subject of law, related to the the historical development of the state and the formation of the rule-of-law state.
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Ali, Forkan. „The New Knowledge System Regarding the Idea of Community and Power-Structures of Society: The Bengali Narrative Ballads of Maimansingha Gitika“. Journal of Foreign Languages and Cultures 7, Nr. 2 (28.12.2023): 090–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.53397/hunnu.jflc.202302007.
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Circulation and reception of various national literatures, particularly significant texts and literary traditions in minority languages such as Bengali, are often neglected by the scholarly community and literary institutions. This creates an incomplete view of world literature, which should encompass the wholeness or totality of literature from different geographical locations. In an effort to minimize this gap, this research article explores the popular collection of Bengali narrative ballads, Maimansingha Gitika, compiled by Dineshchandra Sen. Most of the collected narrative ballads were composed between the 16th and early 18th century, yet this prime text is largely unavailable to readers and unobtainable to experts in politico-cultural and historical contexts. Using the concept of community and new historicism, this article analyzes two narrative ballads from Maimansingha Gitika, offering critical insights into the power structures of society and the new knowledge systems surrounding the concept of community. Through this analysis, the article highlights the importance of including prime texts in different national languages to inform the scholarly community about the rich literary traditions and relationality of knowledge extracted from minority languages to contemporary Euro-American knowledge structures.
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Qayyum, Ayesha, Meenam Mehmood und Azka Iqbal. „ANALYZING ALL QUIET ON THE WESTERN FRONT AND TO KILL A MOCKINGBIRD: LITERATURE PROPAGATING PEACE AND HUMAN RIGHTS“. Pakistan Journal of Social Research 05, Nr. 01 (04.03.2023): 584–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v5i01.1380.
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The discipline of literature is a productive way of bringing transformation in the society for building peace and achieving human rights. Cockrill, Hall (2018) in Understanding Human Rights through Literature, argues that literature can cultivate a better understanding of Human Rights through critical evaluation of characters, analysis of scenarios, and examination of diverse historical voices. The present study analyzes two novels; Erich Maria Remarque’s All Quiet on the Western Front and Harper Lee’s To Kill a Mockingbird. The former novel reveals characters’ physical and mental trauma during the war as well as the detachment from civilian life whereas the latter propagates human dignity. Through both novels, the study manifests that the aim of literature is turning blood into ink, as says T.S Eliot, for building peace among people and dissenting to war and anti-human practices. This qualitative study implies Fry’s (2007) Beyond War as theoretical framework which argues that human being has no inherited inclination for war and this is a politico-cultural creation. The study demonstrates the role of literature in promoting human rights and peace against war and racism. Keywords: Literature, Human Rights, Peace, Transformation, War, Racism.
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Andrić, Dunja. „European and national elements in the realizations of Belgrade architect Dušan Živanović (1853-1937)“. Nasledje, Nr. 23 (2022): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nasledje2223045a.
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The subject of this research is the architectural work of the Belgrade architect Dušan Živanović (1853-1937), with the primary focus being placed upon a systematic analysis of European and National elements, their (inter-)relationships and parallel (co-)existence within it. A review of Živanović's works, with individual descriptions and stylistic analyses of key objects, and placing an emphasis on his sacral opus, contributes to its necessary valorization, while at the same time helping to formulate a clearer and more complete picture of its positioning on the domestic architectural scene and its role in the emancipation and development of the architecture of Belgrade and Serbia. Attention is further paid to the explication of the politico-historical and socio-cultural framework in which Živanović lived and worked, with this being utilized as an analytical subtext of the primary subject of study. The methodological framework of this study adopts a synthesis of the biographical and historiographical approaches, with sporadic comparative analyses. Relying on previous research, as well as primary and secondary sources, this study aims to potentially deepen and complement existing analyses, and open up a number of new perspectives and issues that will lead to further elucidation of the topic. This work further presents itself as an important contribution to studies on the Belgrade architectural scene and the distinction and recognition of the dominant creative impulses of the capital and its architects in the design of buildings throughout the Serbian interior.
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Berezin, Mabel. „Fascism and Populism: Are They Useful Categories for Comparative Sociological Analysis?“ Annual Review of Sociology 45, Nr. 1 (30.07.2019): 345–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-073018-022351.
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Political developments in the United States and Europe have generated a resurgence in the use of the terms fascism and populism across multiple media. Fascism is a historically specific term that Benito Mussolini coined in Italy to define his regime. Over time, political analysts erased the historical specificity of fascism and deployed it as an analytic category. In contrast, populism is an analytic category that, depending on context, includes varying aggregates of popular preferences that often lack a coherent and unifying ideology. This review draws upon interdisciplinary scholarship and empirical cases to revisit the terms fascism and populism, focusing on institutionalized politics. Contemporary fascist and populist politics are increasingly global. This review argues that comparative political and historical sociologists need to develop an analytically cogent approach to researching this encroaching political phenomenon. The review suggests a research agenda that treats fascism and populism as more than conceptual categories.
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Hadari, El Habib El. „The Loss of the Real in Kazuo Ishiguro’s Never Let Me Go, Klara and the Sun and Nocturnes“. Prague Journal of English Studies 12, Nr. 1 (01.07.2023): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pjes-2023-0003.
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Abstract This paper addresses the issue of the loss of the real in the fiction of Kazuo Ishiguro as a contemporary author whose thought line is still in progress. His approach to this issue is anti-capitalist as he questions the so-called scientific advancement led by cash-oriented capitalists and industrialists. His writing seeks to strip the veil of the murderous nature of this kind of science. He blames it for killing the real and creating a world of simulations. He animadverts upon dystopian spaces where he holds postmodern scientific knowledge responsible for the digression of the natural course of life and lays bare the secrets behind the replacement of the real with the simulated by drawing attention to such debatable topics as human cloning, cosmetic surgeries and artificial intelligence. In terms of methodology of analysis, this paper is primarily based on a close examination of the author’s literary texts: two novels (Never Let Me Go and Klara and the Sun) and three short stories from Nocturnes (“Malvern Hills”, “Nocturne” and “Crooner”). Postmodernist concepts have been of great relevance to the analysis of these texts, for his fiction could not be approached in isolation from the realities of the postmodern era where it’s produced. Equally, bearing in mind the author’s socio-ethnic and historical background, the society where he lives and the politico-cultural transformations of the world aTher the Second World War plays an important role in the analysis of his texts.
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Lucas, Jack, und Robert Vipond. „Back to the Future: Historical Political Science and the Promise of Canadian Political Development“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, Nr. 1 (März 2017): 219–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423916001207.
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AbstractHow “historical” is Canadian political science? This paper sets out to answer this question through an analysis of historically oriented articles that have appeared in this journal from its first volume, in 1968, to 2015. We suggest that historical research in this journal is at once enduring and uneven, a pattern that we then explore in more detail in a case study, spanning forty years, of historical articles that focus on the interconnected themes of the constitution, courts, and federalism. The unevenness of this pattern suggests that the intellectual and methodological foundation of “historical” Canadian political science may not be as firm as it appears. We therefore conclude with a description of some methodological and conceptual tools, originally fashioned within the historically oriented subfield of American political development in the United States, that Canadian political scientists might deploy to probe important and enduring questions of Canadian politics.
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De Lima Pacheco, Marcio, und Rawy Chagas Ramos. „FROM JEAN CALAS' SENTENCE TO FAKE NEWS“. Revista Gênero e Interdisciplinaridade 4, Nr. 06 (26.12.2023): 522–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.51249/gei.v4i06.1791.
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This article is an excerpt from the research on Discourse Analysis in the media and fake news: the disinformation that destroys lives and from the Tinder Olympics: An analysis of the Construction of Ethos in the Promotion of the Self from Dominique Maingueneau. It investigates the importance of media tolerance in the digital age, focusing on the case of Jean Calas, a French merchant who was tried and killed for untrue news, and Voltaire’s ideas about liberty and equality. Analyzes how fake news and False information on social media impacts fairness and tolerance. The work uses literature review and analysis of recent cases to explore ways to promote responsible media tolerance, emphasizing the importance of not being passive in the face of injustices or human rights violations. The results indicate that challenges of intolerance, exacerbated by social media, persist. The analysis highlights the seriousness of the consequences of the spread of disinformation and information and false information, to show the importance of developing critical skills to protect democracy and human rights. The need for critical and conscious education to verify information and promote dialogue and tolerance. The study also addresses the historical and politico-religious context of 17th century France, illustrating the consequences of religious intolerance and Voltaire’s struggle for justice in the case of Jean Calas. The lack of academic studies on fake news and the platforms that facilitate its circulation is discussed. The article concludes by emphasizing the continued relevance of the struggle for tolerance, especially on social media, and the need for an informed and responsible approach to build a just and equitable society by combating disinformation and promoting peaceful coexistence in a diverse and connected world.