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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Political thinker“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Political thinker"
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Jameson, Fredric. „LENIN AS POLITICAL THINKER“. Research Yearbook. Institute of Philosophy and Law. Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences 15, Nr. 2 (30.06.2015): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17506/ryipl.2016.15.2.7185.
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Kernan, Alvin, John Alvis und Thomas G. West. „Shakespeare as Political Thinker“. Yearbook of English Studies 15 (1985): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3508578.
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Nussbaum, Martha. „Is Nietzsche a political thinker?“ International Journal of Philosophical Studies 5, Nr. 1 (März 1997): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672559708570842.
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HOFFMANN, STANLEY. „Judith Shklar as Political Thinker“. Political Theory 21, Nr. 2 (Mai 1993): 172–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591793021002002.
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Kennedy, Simon P. „Abraham Kuyper: Calvinist Anti-Revolutionary Politician and Political Thinker“. Australian Journal of Politics & History 61, Nr. 2 (Juni 2015): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12099.
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Shamis, Asaf J. „Nation versus State: A Comparative Inquiry into A. D. Gordon’s and Hannah Arendt’s Social and Political Thought and Their Views of the Jewish State“. Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 41, Nr. 3 (2023): 60–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2023.a918855.
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Abstract: The paper offers a first comparison and critical review of the social and political theories of German-Jewish political thinker Hannah Arendt and Russian-born Zionist thinker Aaron David (A. D.) Gordon. Bringing these two thinkers into conversation sheds light on their distinctive human ontologies and competing theories of labor that led them, in turn, to critically assess modern politics. Subsequently, the analysis identifies the two thinkers’ opposing conceptual trajectories as underpinning their competing perspectives on the Jewish state. Whereas Arendt’s commitment to upholding neutral political spaces led her to call for safeguarding the state from the Jewish nation, Gordon’s view of nations as corporeal-organic entities led him to advocate securing the Jewish nation from statist institutions. In broader terms, the analysis seeks to add to the burgeoning literature in recent years that revisits the theoretical and ideological parameters conventionally understood as underlying the historical debate about the Jewish state. The analysis shows that whereas Gordon, as a Zionist thinker, set forth an antistatist doctrine, the non-Zionist Arendt assigned a key role to the state in securing Jewish national self-determination.
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Syarifudin, Efi. „PARADIGMA TRADISIONALIS DALAM PEMIKIRAN POLITIK ISLAM MODERN“. ALQALAM 23, Nr. 3 (29.12.2006): 407. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/alqalam.v23i3.1505.
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As a traditionalist political thinker in modern era, Rasyid Ridha (1865-1935) had shown a relation between caliphate system and modern Islamic state system. He tried to formulate ''tradition" to answer political problem in modern era. Until the value of civil authority and humanized law included/formulated in Islamic state model which draft by him. He believed that the caliphate system could unify Islamic society in one leadership.An idea drafted by Ridha about ahl hal wal aqd institution and caliphate was more thrive than the thinkers before (classical thinkers), especially on competency, characteristic and the duties of caliphate and ahl hal wal aqd. A number of Ridho's idea had repeated classical thinker's thought, but Ridha able to modify it with the social reality. Ridha had made effort to set his ideas with writing activities and political movement to maintain caliphate tradition in Islamic state.
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Voropaev, Vladimir A. „Nikolai Gogol as a political thinker“. Two centuries of the Russian classics 2, Nr. 4 (2020): 74–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2686-7494-2020-2-4-74-85.
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Nikolai Gogol’s political thought was conservative. All questions of life — everyday, social, state, literary — had a religious and moral meaning for him. Recognising and accepting the existing order of things, he strove to change society through the transformation of human. The historical and political views of Nikolai Gogol are close to the views of Nikolay Karamzin and the Slavophiles. At the same time, he remained unsurpassed in the religious perception of the West. According to Vasiliy Zen’kovsky, no one else had such a deep direct feeling of the religious untruth of that time. In his interpretation of Russia as a theocratic state, Nikolai Gogol was at odds with Nikolay Karamzin and Alexander Pushkin, but the former was in solidarity with the latters in the sympathies for the nobility as an educated class. Nikolai Gogol came close to the main themes of Russian religious philosophy. He became the first representative of the deep and tragic religious and moral aspiration that had permeated Russian literature in the subsequent decades. The ideal of the churching of Russian life put forward by him is still profoundly significant for Russia to this day. Creators such as Nikolai Gogol, in their meaning in history, in words are similar to the Holy Hierarchs in Orthodoxy.
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Gilbert, Lesley. „Hooft as Historian and Political Thinker“. Dutch Crossing 17, Nr. 49 (Juni 1993): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03096564.1993.11784006.
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Fortin, Ernest L. „Thomas Aquinas as a Political Thinker“. Perspectives on Political Science 26, Nr. 2 (Januar 1997): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457099709600667.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleDissertationen zum Thema "Political thinker"
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Ahmed, Aziz. „A Study of Chakraborty Rajagopalachari as a conservative political thinker of modern India“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1248.
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Townsend, John. „Seven contemporary French political thinkers : considerations of individualism, humanism and value pluralism“. Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2001. https://radar.brookes.ac.uk/radar/items/826e3510-c0fd-4bbe-b78c-979e057f981a/1/.
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This thesis focuses upon a significant body of contemporary French political thought which takes as its starting point a contention that both the monist and doctrinaire political precepts dating from the Revolution and the consequent Hegelian, Marxist and structuralist thinking linked to these precepts have become anachronistic and hence have little relevance in present-day France. The originality of this doctoral thesis lies in the analysis of the work of seven political thinkers. All of these thinkers, recognizing a break in the continuity of French political thought consequent upon the claim of François Furet that the "Revolution is complete", have sought to rationalize and reconcile the values of individualism, humanism and modernity in contemporary France. In contrast to the political thinkers of the Sartrean generation, whose work took little account of the actual practice of politics, in the seven thinkers seek to relate the philosophical problems inherent in considerations of individual and communal rights and values to the present-day political environment. Each of the seven has sought to rationalize a political situation, novel in France, of an acceptance of the concept of agreeing to differ on matters of substance and of a recognition that a modern democratic state is heteronomous and may contain a substantial range of incommensurable values . This amounts to an acceptance of agonistic value pluralism, that is, of the idea of political conflict which is constructive (by contrast with the destructive conflict of revolutionary-inspired doctrines) and which leads to the evolution of arguments broadly acceptable to a majority in situations in which there is a clash of values. Thus the practice of politics has become a succession of endeavours to arrive at optimum solutions to conflictual problems, rather than a search after chimerical, maxirnalist answers . Each of the seven has sought to rationalize a political situation, novel in France, of an acceptance of the concept of agreeing to differ on matters of substance and of a recognition that a modern democratic state is heteronomous and may contain a substantial range of incommensurable values. This amounts to an acceptance of agonistic value pluralism, that is, of the idea of political conflict which is constructive (by contrast with the destructive conflict of revolutionary-inspired doctrines) and which leads to the evolution of arguments broadly acceptable to a majority in situations in which there is a clash of values. Thus the practice of politics has become a succession of endeavours to arrive at optimum solutions to conflictual problems, rather than a search after chimerical, maxirnalist answers.
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Nuttall, Jeremy. „Psychological socialism : Tony Crosland and the politics of the mind“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367842.
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Şeyhun, Ahmet 1958. „Said Halim Pasha : an Ottoman statesman and an Islamist thinker (1865-1921)“. Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=38541.
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This dissertation is a study of the political career and thought of Said Halim Pasha (1865--1921), a prominent Islamist thinker and eminent Ottoman statesman, set against the historical and ideological background of his time.The period covered in this study extends from the twilight of the Hamidian era to the end of the Ottoman Empire (1900--1922). During these two crucial decades, the Ottoman Empire, prior to its demise, went through an immense transformation. The establishment of the Constitutional regime in July 1908 allowed several ideological currents to circulate freely on the political scene and to compete in filling the vacuum created by the fall of the ancien regime. Among these ideologies, three rose to prominency: Westernism, Turkism, and Islamism. Said Halim Pasha, one of the best representatives of the Islamist school, made important contributions to the ideological debates which were raging. In his writings that appeared between 1910 and 1921, Said Halim Pasha advocated a thorough and radical Islamization of the Muslim world in order to halt its decline and to ensure its progress. With regard to his political career as Grand Vizir of the Ottoman Empire, Said Halim Pasha proved himself to be a mastermind of diplomacy. Until his political isolation and deprivation of power by the Turkist wing of the CUP Government, he kept at bay the aggressive imperialist Powers and frustrated their plans to partition the Ottoman Empire.
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Daily, Amanda. „Why Hollywood Isn't As Liberal As We Think and Why It Matters“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2230.
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Hollywood has long had a reputation as a liberal institution. Especially in 2019, it is viewed as a highly polarized sector of society sometimes hostile to those on the right side of the aisle. But just because the majority of those who work in Hollywood are liberal, that doesn’t necessarily mean our entertainment follows suit. I argue in my thesis that entertainment in Hollywood is far less partisan than people think it is and moreover, that our entertainment represents plenty of conservative themes and ideas.
In doing so, I look at a combination of markets and artistic demands that restrain the politics of those in the entertainment industry and even create space for more conservative productions. Although normally art and markets are thought to be in tension with one another, in this case, they conspire to make our entertainment less one-sided politically. From the role that China plays in Hollywood productions to examining the politics of The Matrix and other pop culture staples, I work to deconstruct the notion that Hollywood and its entertainment are solely a liberal endeavor. Less polarization in entertainment brings forth a variety of important implications, one such being that Hollywood will continue to act as an institution that provides intellectual diversity and entertainment for all.
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Denham, Andrew Robert Joshua. „Think-tanks of the New Right : theory, practice and politics“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316310.
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Hutchens, Myiah J. „I Think I Can: The Interaction Between Self-Efficacy and Anxiety Predicting Who We Talk To“. The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275443564.
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Wallis, Christopher. „The thinker, the doer and the decider : Zbigniew Brzezinski, Cyrus Vance and the bureaucratic wars of the Carter administration“. Thesis, Northumbria University, 2018. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/37648/.
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When President Jimmy Carter entered the White House, he desired a decision-making structure that would be collegial and provide him with a diverse range of policy options from his principal advisors, Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski. However, their differing outlooks coupled with a desire to control and manage U.S. foreign policy led to a furious and bitter battle to influence the administration's agenda. This thesis analyses the relationship between Vance and Brzezinski and their struggles for the ear of the president. It was a conflict exacerbated by the institutional rivalry between the National Security Council and the State Department as they battled with one another to affect policy. As issues arose, the president's advisors, supported by their constituencies, jostled to orchestrate the administration's strategies and approach. Subsequently, tensions increased as the conflict between Vance, Brzezinski and their departments developed into unbridled bureaucratic warfare within the Carter administration. This study utilises the bureaucratic politics paradigm to illustrate how the influence of advisors and organisations can impact on presidential decision-making. While President Carter wanted to be the main decision maker in his administration, his insistence on a system that provided him with a range of advice precipitated the struggles between Vance and Brzezinski. As their disputes intensified, Carter was unable to effectively manage the views and advice of his advisors and formulate a clear strategy. As this thesis demonstrates, the bureaucratic politics model provides an effective framework to analyse the development and implementation of U.S. foreign policy. While historians have neglected or played down the significance of their clashes, this thesis argues that the rivalry between Vance, Brzezinski, and their respective departments had a clear and visible effect on U.S. foreign policy. The bureaucratic wars raged throughout Carter's time in office, contributing to a tapestry of inconsistencies that resulted in the administration's inability to create a settled foreign policy agenda.
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McDonald, Kristian P. „An investigation into the approach of modern Russian liberal thinkers towards nationalism“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2365/.
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The aim of this study is to show how liberal thinkers have responded to the problems liberalism as an ideology faces in Russia, and to the challenges which Russia is encountering as a country in transition. I will argue that liberals are constantly aware both of their marginalisation (which is seen as being cultural, historical and political) when they react to other ideologies and to those who hold political power, and also of the difficulty of shaping Russia's future along liberal lines. The liberal response to nationalism, therefore, provides a useful model in showing how liberals have reacted to ideologies which are typically regarded as being outside the liberal movement in Russia and also how they have sought to respond to many of the central questions relating to transition. I will show in this study that the response of liberals towards nationalism demonstrates a huge increase in the diversity of the liberal movement from the mid 1990's onwards, as the internal divides amongst liberals have become apparent under the impact of transition. Secondly, liberals have been torn between the possible strategic benefits of combining liberalism with non-liberal elements, weighed against the ideological problems these combinations cause. These dilemmas have left Russian liberalism as an essentially stagnant ideology which remains incapable of forming a united and coherent response both to its own marginalisation and to the challenges faced by Russia.
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FORNACIARI, MATTEO. „Formare i significati, influenzare la politica: I Think Tank, struttura ed azione“. Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1390.
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La questione portante della mia ricerca è la verifica dell'eventuale appartenenza dei think tank a modelli di Comunità Epistemiche o Advocacy Coalition.
La struttura della tesi rispecchia quindi parte del percorso che ho sviluppato, partendo da una analisi della definizione dell'oggetto di ricerca Think Tank, della sua struttura ed azione, con la finalità di influenzare il processo di policy making.
La seconda sezione analizza gli approcci metodologici principali all'analisi del processo di formazione delle politiche pubbliche, mentre il terzo capitolo affronta la ricerca sui casi di studio selezionati: l'Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), l'Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale (ISPI) e lo European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).The fundamental question supporting my research is to verify the membership of the think tank to the Epistemic Communities or Advocacy Coalition model. The structure of the thesis, therefore, reflects the path that I developed, starting from an analysis of the definition of the research think tank, its structure and action, with the objective of influencing the policy making process. The second section discusses the main methodological approaches to the analysis of the formation of public policy, while the third chapter discusses research on selected case studies: the Institute of International Affairs (IAI), the Institute for the Study of International Politics (ISPI) and the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).
Bücher zum Thema "Political thinker"
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John, Alvis, und West Thomas G. 1945-, Hrsg. Shakespeare as political thinker. 2. Aufl. Wilmington, Del: ISI Books, 2000.
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Novello, Samantha. Albert Camus as Political Thinker. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230283244.
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Taiwo, Iwakun. Awo: A contemporary political thinker. Ibadan: Centre for the Defence, Restoration and Consolidation of Awoism (CDRCA), 2008.
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N.F.S Grundtvig: As a political thinker. Copenhagen: DJØF Publishing, 2014.
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L, Deutsch Kenneth, und Nicgorski Walter, Hrsg. Leo Strauss: Political philosopher and Jewish thinker. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1993.
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Revisioning Iqbal as a poet & Muslim political thinker. Heidelberg: Draupadi, 2010.
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Barbara, Reynolds. Dante: The poet, the political thinker, the man. London: I. B. Tauris, 2006.
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Meir Kahane, ideologue, hero, thinker. Lewiston, N.Y: E. Mellen Press, 1986.
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L, Gupta N., und Bhatia Vinod 1945-, Hrsg. Jawaharlal Nehru, statesman, national leader & thinker. New Delhi: Panchsheel Publishers, 1989.
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Thành, Song. Hồ Chí Minh, a brilliant thinker. Hà Nội, Việt Nam: Thế Giới Publishers, 2012.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenBuchteile zum Thema "Political thinker"
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Novello, Samantha. „Introduction: An ‘Untimely’ Political Thought for Serious Times“. In Albert Camus as Political Thinker, 1–9. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230283244_1.
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Novello, Samantha. „The Twentieth-Century Politics of Contempt“. In Albert Camus as Political Thinker, 10–18. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230283244_2.
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Novello, Samantha. „‘Undisguised influences’“. In Albert Camus as Political Thinker, 19–32. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230283244_3.
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Novello, Samantha. „Tragic Beginnings“. In Albert Camus as Political Thinker, 33–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230283244_4.
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Novello, Samantha. „An Artist’s Point of View“. In Albert Camus as Political Thinker, 58–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230283244_5.
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Novello, Samantha. „Commencement of Freedom“. In Albert Camus as Political Thinker, 81–108. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230283244_6.
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Novello, Samantha. „The Absurd and Power“. In Albert Camus as Political Thinker, 109–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230283244_7.
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Novello, Samantha. „Between Sade and the Dandy“. In Albert Camus as Political Thinker, 131–47. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230283244_8.
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Daneil, Wenzel. „We and Zinoviev: A Political View“. In Alexander Zinoviev as Writer and Thinker, 145–53. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09190-4_11.
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Berglund, Krista. „The Rapid Political Changes of the Late 1980s and Early 1990s“. In The Vexing Case of Igor Shafarevich, a Russian Political Thinker, 367–427. Basel: Springer Basel, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-0348-0215-4_9.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKonferenzberichte zum Thema "Political thinker"
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Ковалёв, М. А. „HORACE WALPOLE AS A POLITICAL PAMPHLETEER“. In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/mcu.2021.22.48.013.
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В статье рассматриваются два политических памфлета английского политика, писателя, ис-торика и коллекционера Х. Уолпола. Он не был выдающимся государственным деятелем или по-литическим мыслителем, однако оставил важные документы эпохи, в которых даётся характери-стика многим современникам (лорд Бьют, У. Питт-Старший, Г. Фокс, Дж. Гренвилль, лорд Галифакс, Ф. Дэшвуд, Э. Бёрк и многие другие). В силу этого немногочисленные политические памфлеты Х. Уолпола позволяют дать представление об объективности его оценок. The article examines two political pamphlets of the English politician, writer, historian and collector H. Walpole. H. Walpole was not an outstanding statesman or political thinker, but left important documents of his epoch, which characterize many contemporaries (Lord Bute, W. Pitt, G. Fox, J. Grenville, Lord Halifax, F. Dashwood, E. Burke and many others). Therefore the few political pamphlets of H. Walpole afford an opportunity to give an idea of the degree of objectivity of his assessments.
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Machado, Caroline, und Fernanda Kuroski. „Carl Schmitt and his legal support relationship with Nazism“. In V Seven International Multidisciplinary Congress. Seven Congress, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.56238/sevenvmulti2024-010.
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This study will address the life and work of Carl Schmitt, highlighting his legal theory, his relationship with the Nazi regime and the impact of his ideas on the process of Nazification of German law. Schmitt was a controversial thinker of the 20th century, whose legal reflection was intertwined with his political ideas and the historical context of his time. His theory of decisionism established a direct correlation between Law and Sovereignty, questioning formal normativism and liberalism. Despite being criticized for his affiliation with the Nazi party in 1933, his legal work is considered profound and coherent, deserving scientific study independent of ideologies. During the Weimar Republic, Schmitt feared the crisis and fragmentation of the German State and defended exceptional powers for the President of the Reich. The rise of the Nazis to power surprised him, but he tried to realize his constitutional theory of the "Total State", which ended up influencing the Nazification of law. The use of general clauses and vague concepts allowed the interpretation of norms in accordance with the Nazi worldview. Schmitt argued that judges should fill out the content of the clauses in accordance with the Führer's vision, aligning the courts' actions with the interests of the German people. Schmitt's relationship with the Nazi regime was ambiguous, oscillating between moments of support and distrust of Hitler. The work highlights the importance of historical contextualization to understand Schmitt's reflections and the impact of his ideas on the application of law during the Nazi period. The research seeks to offer a critical and independent analysis, aiming to deepen the understanding of the thinker and his legacy, which still resonate in contemporary debates on law and politics.
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Natsvaladze, Mamuka. „“GREEK PROJECT” – CLUE TO THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA 50-90-IES OF XVIII CENTURY“. In Proceedings of the XXIII International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25112020/7247.
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Global international project of the 70-80-s of the XVIII century envisaging a new distribution of Europe based on the areas of the Ottoman Empire is reviewed in the article. This topic acquires a final feature in a conceptual form in the correspondence between Catherine II and the Emperor of Austria and the Holy Roman Empire Josephus II under the name of "Greek Project". The article is a scientific fragment of a monograph, reviewing the Greek Project in regard of the Caucasus for the first time in historiography. Initially, Soviet historiography strictly separated itself from the Greek Project, since the objective research of the latter would ensure presenting the Russian Empire as an aggressive state. Afterwards, the research of this project was converted into a narrow political framework and presented as a plan to conquer Crimea. The Greek Project can be unequivocally considered as a key to the history of Georgia of 50-80-ies of the XVIII century. A number of studies have shown that numerous problematic questions remain unanswered until the present day without considering the Greek Project. Patience and tolerance shown by the King of Kartli - Kakheti Erekle II towards the Russian intrigues cannot be explained without the Greek Project. Georgia acquires qualitatively different and desired form of all time through the implementation of the Greek Project. The Greek Project is an attempt to create a Christian global political model, a political background that can serve as a precondition for the restoration of a real united Caucasian Home, ensuring a guarantee of irreversible development and security for all royal principalities and khanate in the Caucasus. This is the reason, the state oriented thinker Erekle II, avoids responding with aggression to the permanent intrigues of Russia. Erekle II tries to get involved in this great political game as a sovereign of a full-fledged political entity. Such attitude of Erekle is a guarantee of success for the Imperial Court of St. Petersburg. However, Russia chooses a completely different way - confronting Erekle's benevolent alliance with hostile, imperial sentiments. The main message of these sentiments is that a united Caucasus, independent Georgian kingdoms for Russia is considered to be an anti-Russian phenomenon. This consistent and hostile attitude towards the Caucasus became the reason for the failure of Russian policy - it could neither establish a model of Christian globalization nor neutralize the Ottomans. Therefore, the study and understanding of the referred problem is rather important to determine the directions and priorities of modern political processes.
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Vainovski-Mihai, Irina. „GIVING PRECEDENCE TO COMMON POINTS: THE LIMITS OF THE OTHERNESS IN FETHULLAH GÜLEN’S DIALOGIC METHODOLOGY FOR INTERFAITH ENCOUNTERS“. In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/zvgs8407.
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This paper examines Fethullah Gülen’s teaching on interfaith encounters highlighting his dialogic methodology proposed for a globalised world in which Samuel Huntington’s idea of the ‘clash of civilisations’ (Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, 1997) is still prominent. This idea, concludes Gülen, stems from the lack of trust in the religion of the “Other” and, rather often than not, from easily passing over the common points. According to Gülen, dialogue is not a superfluous endeavour, but an imperative (“Dialogue is a must”) and it should start by “Giving precedence to common points”. Gülen holds that the tendency toward factionalism exists within human nature. A meaningful and nonetheless necessary goal, he says, should be to make this tendency non-threatening and even beneficial. To fully appreciate the significance of Gülen’s accomplishments, one must understand the perspec- tive from which he approaches the subject of interfaith dialogue. Based on his thinking as noted above, the purpose of this paper is to set out in some detail the way in which this re- nowned Islamic thinker limits the “domain” of the Otherness (Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture, 2004; Nation and Narration, 1990) to make dialogue possible through overcom- ing both Orientalism (Edward Said, Orientalism, 1978) and Occidentalism (Ian Buruma and Avishai Margalit, Occidentalism: the West in the Eyes of its Enemies, 2004). Challenging the discourse of conflict and focusing on common points may be an important strategy when mutual suspicions are still prevalent and when the field of postcolonial studies stand witness to conflicting processes of refraction (Patricia Crone, Medieval Islamic Political Thought, 2005; Amin Maalouf, Les Croisades vues par les Arabes, 1986). Those who act according to what they have seen are not as successful as those who act according to what they know. Those who act according to what they know are not as successful as those who act according to their conscience. (Gülen 2005:106) This article aims to explore Fethullah Gülen’s teaching on interfaith encounters highlight- ing his dialogic methodology proposed to a globalized world in which models and theories of clashes are still prominent. These theories, concludes Gülen, stem from the lack of trust in the religion of the “Other” and, rather often than not, from easily passing over the com- mon points. According to Gülen, dialogue is not a superfluous endeavour, but an imperative (“Dialogue is a must”) and it should start by “Giving precedence to common points”. Gülen holds that the tendency toward factionalism exists within human nature. A meaningful and nonetheless necessary goal, he says, should be to make this tendency non-threatening and even beneficial. To fully appreciate the significance of Gülen’s accomplishments and the challenges he is facing, one must understand the perspective from which he approaches the subject of interfaith dialogue. Based on the above-mentioned landmarks of his viewpoints regarding the representation constructs, the purpose of my paper is to investigate the way in which this renowned Islamic thinker limits the “domain” of the Otherness or dilutes many of the apparently instituted boundaries. My paper starts from the assumption that recognizing the Other on common grounds is a prerequisite of dialogue. The first section of the essay focuses on conceptual frameworks of defining the “relevant” alterity (Orientalism, Balkanism, Occidentalism) and theories of con- flict (models of clashes, competing meta-narratives). The second section looks into identity markers expressed or implied by Sufi thinkers (Al-Ghazali, Rumi, Nursi). The third section discusses Gülen’s awareness with the Other and, consequently (as detailed in the fourth sec- tion) his identification of common grounds for dialogue. To achieve the aim of my study, throughout all the four sections, Gülen will be presented in a textual exchange of ideas with other thinkers and authors.
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Didmanidze, Ibraim, und Irma Bagrationi. „INFORMATION PARADIGMS OF ART FROM THE HISTORY OF SOCIAL AESTHETICS“. In 9th SWS International Scientific Conferences on ART and HUMANITIES - ISCAH 2022. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscah.2022/s07.06.
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The present scientific paper deals with the worldview understanding of features of information and communication functions of art according to the �Theory of Environment� and �Conception of Organotropism� from the history of Europeanworldview philosophical and aesthetic thought, particular: According to the main principle of Social Aesthetics of French philosopher and sociologist Jean-Marie Guyau [in the work �Problems of Contemporary Aesthetics�] the aesthetic ideal of art has a meaning by presentive only social sympathy aesthetics; A German philosopher and aesthetician Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten discusses the highest aesthetic value of art by social point of view [in the work �Aesthetics�], supports the main principle of his theory of art � life reaches its highest intensity in the socium as cooperation and collaboration and communication and in order to make it solid, it must deserve social sympathy � and unchangeably takes it into his theory of aesthetics. A famous French philosopher, thinker, writer, historian, one of the leaders of the French Enlightenment Francois Marie Arouet de Voltaire, French sociologist Charles de Montesquieu, German historian and theorist of art Johann Joachim Winckelmann, German philosopher, man of letters and critic Johann Gottfried Herder, English aesthetician and critic of art John Ruskin, German philosopher, founder of the philosophy of dialectical and historical materialism Karl Marx, French idealist philosopher, historian and theorist of art Hippolyte-Adolphe Taine by their original and completely social-aesthetic doctrine consider phenomenon of art by Organotropic formula that means they outline the peculiarities of the information function of art is pre-defined with some social conditions, especially geographic, geologic, climatic, biologic, social, political, cultural and historical factors. As it is seen from the paper, these are selected models of some searching aesthetic paradigms that have been identified to suggest that information content and status of the artistic creation works for the peculiar and special level of social condition and situation.
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CRUZ, PEDRO CRUZ. „The Theater of the People: A look into Queens Street Vending Culture“. In 2021 AIA/ACSA Intersections Research Conference. ACSA Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.aia.inter.21.25.
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The Theater of the People project recognizes street vendors in Queens, Corona Plaza as merely the visible performance of a network of distributed and transient actors and social infrastructure. Simultaneously, an actual theater sits between a public plaza and a public park, offering a potential political, economic and social connection between the two public arenas. What can a building built for performance teach us when it becomes a scaffold for an entirely different play? How might we imagine a Theater for the People? Within the practice of everyday life, street vendors produce an inherently social space that’s embodied, processual, rhetorical, and political. What happens when a theater, a space of leisure that gives pleasure from the art of fiction, becomes the backdrop for the script of the street vendor? What would a space for the state- less look like? What role would the politics of aesthetics have in such a place? By portraying these relations and connections of everyday life interactions within public spaces, we can think of ways to invent new, inclusive futures.
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Buklanov, A. D. „Islamic political leadership ideology in the context of the socio-economic structure of the caliphate“. In IV Международный научный форум "Наследие". SB RAS, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-6049863-7-0-59-65.
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The article analyzes Islamic political leadership in the context of the structure of the Arab Caliphate during the rule of Prophet Muhammad and the Rightly Guided Caliphs (632-661 AD). The study is based on the works of influential Islamic figures from both the past and present periods, including the Russian translation of the work “Kitab al-Kharaj” by the Hanafi jurist Abu Yusuf Ya’qub ibn Ibrahim al-Kufi, “Kitab al-Tawhid” (The Book on Monotheism) by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, as well as the works of other Islamic thinkers.
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Hiç, Mükerrem. „Major Current Economic and Political Problems Facing Eurasian Countries“. In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00230.
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Political and economic developments and problems are either directly or indirectly linked to each other. Hence, I would be dealing here with both. But the problems are so serious, numerous and complicated that I will be content with only submitting a list of these problems without deepening on any. It should also be stressed that Eurasia itself as a geographical entity covers a very large number of countries with different historical, political and economic backgrounds. Hence, we may have to think about different regions or groups of countries. On the European side, even the EU is not homogeneous today. We have the United Kingdom, Scandinavian countries, developed continental European countries, Iberian countries, the Balkans and Eastern European countries. Even in simple developmental terms, we have at least two tiers, a first tier of democratically and economically developed countries, and the second tier those with less experience in democracy and less economically developed. In Asia, on the other hand, we have such big countries as Russia, China, Japan and India, as well as such regional groups as South-East Asian countries, Central Asian Turkic-origin countries, Caucasian, Afghanistan and Pakistan also including Bangladesh, and Middle-Eastern, with Iran as a separate politico-economic entity. Similarly, Turkey, at the cross-roads between Europe, Asia and the Middle-East, is another, but different unique case.
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Vicini, Fabio. „GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS“. In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.
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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
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LI, MIAO-JING, YONG-GUI LIU, ZI-XUAN ZHAO, XU-HUA HE, HAN-BING ZHAO, YI ZHANG und TING MEI. „EXPLORATION ON THE TEACHING DESIGN OF HEALTH MANAGEMENT COURSE“. In 2021 International Conference on Education, Humanity and Language, Art. Destech Publications, Inc., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12783/dtssehs/ehla2021/35695.
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In the era of public health emergencies, this paper puts forward the ideas and programs of Ideological and political teaching design of health management course. The design is based on many events occurred in health emergencies as cases, at the same time, it constructs the collection of Ideological and political elements of the course, organically integrates with the professional knowledge of health management, and carries out the problem-oriented hybrid teaching, so as to better guide students to actively think about the ideological and moral significance contained in each case and internalize it into their own values when learning professional knowledge and to help them shape the correct "Three Outlooks" and ultimately achieve the teaching and education goal of cultivating the interdisciplinary health management professionals with both ability and political integrity.
Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Political thinker"
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Bassi, Marina. What Do Latin Americans Think of the IDB? Inter-American Development Bank, Oktober 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010869.
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Using the Latinobarómetro survey, this paper examines Latin Americans perceptions of the IDB, the World Bank and the IMF. The study analyzes how peoples knowledge and evaluation of these multilateral organizations are affected by the demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of the respondents, the country where they live, the financial position of the IDB in that country, macroeconomic conditions and interviewees political orientation and attitudes towards democracy and free markets. The results indicate both good and bad news for the IDB. Negatively, it is the least-known of the three international organizations; but positively, it is the best rated among those familiar with them. Demographic variables and socioeconomic levels are important determinants of who knows these organizations. In terms of grading, the demographic characteristics of the respondent seem to have no impact. Conversely, economic status, macroeconomic conditions (to some extent), and the political orientation of the respondent are significant determinants of peoples evaluation.
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Rosser, Andrew. Welfare Regimes and the Political Economy of Learning in Developing Countries. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), März 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-2023/pe11.
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This paper synthesises the findings of the RISE Political Economy of Adoption (PET-A) country studies by interpreting their findings in light of the findings of comparative research on the evolution of ‘welfare regimes’. This paper suggests that PET-A countries have not, for the most part, developed the sorts of political settlements identified as conducive to change in the welfare regimes literature or indeed others that might be expected to produce similar gains. They are instead dominated by predatory coalitions which seek to use education systems for rent-seeking, ideological, or other non-developmental purposes while technocratic and progressive elements are marginalised. In all cases, they consequently lack coalitions that are capable of driving education development. At the same time, the PET-A studies also provide some evidence to suggest that democratic reform can trigger improvements in education policy and learning outcomes by shifting the balance of power between elements within political settlements. In this respect, the PET-A studies suggest that the key to promoting educational development/learning in the developing world may be to think beyond narrow education-focused interventions to broader programs of democratic rights-oriented reform.In presenting this argument, this paper begins by providing an overview of the welfare regimes literature’s findings with regards to the political dynamics that have facilitated education and learning gains. It then assesses the extent to which the PET-A countries have developed such political settlements or indeed any others that might produce learning gains and reviews the evidence in the PET-A studies as to the effects of democratic reform. The final section of the paper presents the conclusions.
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Melnyk, Andriy. «INTELLECTUAL DARK WEB» AND PECULIARITIES OF PUBLIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, März 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11113.
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The article focuses on the «Intellectual Dark Web», an informal group of scholars, publicists, and activists who openly opposed the identity politics, political correctness, and the dominance of leftist ideas in American intellectual life. The author examines the reasons for the emergence of this group, names the main representatives and finds that the existence of «dark intellectuals» is the evidence of important problems in US public discourse. The term «Intellectual Dark Web» was coined by businessman Eric Weinstein to describe those who openly opposed restrictions on freedom of speech by the state or certain groups on the grounds of avoiding discrimination and hate speech. Extensive discussion of the phenomenon of «dark intellectuals» began after the publication of Barry Weiss’s article «Meet the renegades from the «Intellectual Dark Web» in The New York Times in 2018. The author writes of «dark intellectuals» as an informal group of «rebellious thinkers, academic apostates, and media personalities» who felt isolated from traditional channels of communication and therefore built their own alternative platforms to discuss awkward topics that were often taboo in the mainstream media. One of the most prominent members of this group, Canadian clinical psychologist Jordan Peterson, publicly opposed the C-16 Act in September 2016, which the Canadian government aimed to implement initiatives that would prevent discrimination against transgender people. Peterson called it a direct interference with the right to freedom of speech and the introduction of state censorship. Other members of the group had a similar experience that their views were not accepted in the scientific or media sphere. The existence of the «Intellectual Dark Web» indicates the problem of political polarization and the reduction of the ability to find a compromise in the American intellectual sphere and in American society as a whole.
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Tosold, Léa. The Quilombo as a Regime of Conviviality Sentipensando Memory Politics with Beatriz Nascimento. Maria Sibylla Merian International Centre for Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, Dezember 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/tosold.2021.41.
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Aiming at (re)thinking memory politics in contexts of ongoing total violence against non-white bodies, I propose, in this working paper, to engage with Maria Beatriz Nascimento’s multifaceted notion of quilombo. Once understood as alternative regimes of conviviality that entail existential (beyond material) aspects, Nascimento’s notion of quilombo enables critical access to the onto-epistemological basis on which memory politics generally takes place. After primary considerations about violence and the archives, I highlight three main aspects of Nascimento’s notion of quilombo to (re) think memory politics: (1) the introduction of a temporality that displaces underlying analytical assumptions of a linear, progressive and sequential time; (2) the idea of paz quilombola, which allows analytical space for “opacity” in the generation of knowledge; (3) the link between personal and collective intergenerational memory that, for Nascimento, requires the fostering of spaces of body encounters.
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Sergeyev, Mykola. Ukrainian National Idea in the Modern Ukrainian Media Space. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, Februar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11407.
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M. Sergeyev’s article “Ukrainian National Idea in the Modern Ukrainian Media Space” states that modern Ukrainian philosophical thought tries to get rid of the flaws and stereotypes of its one-sided orientation “to the East” and tries to establish a European orientation in the minds of Ukrainian citizens. The theoretical proof of the new worldview took place throughout the formation of the Ukrainian state from Little Russia to Ukraine and presents its actual struggle for independence. It is an integral concept that reflects the process of forming theories and views of prominent Ukrainian thinkers on the place and role of Ukrainians in the becoming and development of an independent Ukrainian state. As O. Zabuzhko emphasizes, “all Ukrainian philosophical, historical, sociological thought of the past and our centuries (including the diaspora) is permeated with the sacred idea of nationalism”. The author concludes that the logic of the historical development of the Ukrainian national idea reveals only one model of its socio-political future, which implies the need for Ukraine’s integration into the European and world community. This path requires the moral and political readiness of the entire Ukrainian society for its implementation and prevents the emergence of any other - alternative ideas. Solving this problem is complicated by the need to return to Ukraine the temporarily occupied territories of Crimea, Luhansk and Donetsk regions. Of course, this model will lead to significant political and economic tensions in society (the final severance of economic relations with Russia, the closure of non-competitive industries, the outflow of labor to the west). At the same time, the orientation of the Ukrainian national idea to the west will increase competition in all branches of production and will be a condition for further self-improvement of Ukrainian society.
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Bassi, Marina. What Do You Think of the IDB?: Conclusions from an Opinion Survey of Latin American Leaders about Multilateral Organizations. Inter-American Development Bank, Oktober 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010879.
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This document analyzes the results of a Web-based survey conducted by the Research Department to assess how the IDB is viewed by political and corporate leaders in the region. The questionnaire included 31 questions that compared the IDB to the IMF, World Bank, CAF, BCIE and CDB. The sample includes the responses of 336 representatives from the 26 Latin American and Caribbean IDB member countries. In general, the IDB has a better image than the other multilateral organizations in understanding development problems and contributing to their solutions. Its main comparative advantage is in the design of social service projects (education, health and social security). The IDB also is clearly perceived to outperform its peers in public sector modernization and infrastructure projects. The IDBs weakest areas are related to its efficiency (lengthy loan approvals) and efforts to help discipline macroeconomic and other policies. Respondents believe that all international organizations should expand their technical assistance and knowledge activities not tied to projects or loans. For the IDB, the survey results also assign a high priority to increasing projects in social areas.
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Deal, Jennifer, Kristin Cullen, Sarah Stawiski, William Gentry und Marian Ruderman. World Leadership Survey Biannual Report on Employee Commitment and Engagement 2013–2014. Center for Creative Leadership, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.35613/ccl.2015.2048.
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" From the Executive Summary: ""The purpose of the World Leadership Survey (WLS) is to provide a window into how professionals, managers, and executives view their life within the organization. This view of the employee experience will help leaders of organizations understand what employees experience, and what the organization can do to improve commitment and reduce turnover. The good news for organizations in the United States and Canada (the sample for this report) is that respondents are mostly committed to their organizations, satisfied with their jobs and their pay, work more than the typical 40-hour workweek, and do not currently intend to leave their jobs. The professionals, managers, and executives surveyed feel supported by their organization and by their direct supervisor, and think that their organizations are economically stable. Unfortunately they also feel overloaded, with their work disproportionately interfering with the rest of life, and that there is a high level of political behavior within their organization. Both overload and overt political behavior can reduce individual and organizational effectiveness. This report describes the current employee experience, and what organizations can focus on to maintain and improve commitment and engagement."
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Agrawal, Asha Weinstein, und Hilary Nixon. What Do Americans Think About Federal Tax Options to Support Transportation? Results from Year Twelve of a National Survey. Mineta Transportation Institute, Juni 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31979/mti.2021.2101.
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This report summarizes the results from the twelfth year of a national public opinion survey asking U.S. adults questions related to their views on federal transportation taxes. A nationally-representative sample of 2,516 respondents completed the online survey from February 5 to 23, 2021. The questions test public opinions about raising the federal gas tax rate, replacing the federal gas tax with a new mileage fee, and imposing a mileage fee just on commercial travel. In addition to asking directly about support for these tax options, the survey collected data on respondents’ views on the quality of their local transportation system, their priorities for federal transportation spending, their knowledge about gas taxes, their views on privacy and equity matters related to mileage fees, travel behavior, and standard sociodemographic variables. This large set of variables is used to identify personal characteristics and opinions correlated with support for the tax options. Key findings include that large majorities supported transportation improvements across modes and wanted to see the federal government work towards making the transportation system well maintained, safe, and equitable, as well as to reduce the system’s impact on climate change. Findings related to gas taxes include that only 2% of respondents knew that the federal gas tax rate had not been raised in more than 20 years, and 71% of respondents supported increasing the federal gas tax by 10 cents per gallon if the revenue would be dedicated to maintenance. With respect to mileage fees, roughly half of respondents supported some form of mileage fee, whether that was assessed on all travel or just on commercial travel, 62% believe that low-income drivers should pay a reduced mileage fee rate, and 52% think that electric vehicles should pay a lower rate than gas and diesel vehicles. The analysis of trends across the survey series, which has run from 2010 to 2011, shows that support for both higher gas taxes and a hypothetical new mileage fee has risen slowly but steadily, and Americans’ experience with COVID over the past year has not disrupted those trends. Finally, support for the tax and fee options varies mostly by most personal characteristics, but there are frequently large differences correlated with age, community type, and political affiliation.
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Hicks, Jacqueline. Donor Support for ‘Informal Social Movements’. Institute of Development Studies, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.085.
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“Social movements” are by definition informal or semi-formal, as opposed to the formal structure of a stable association, such as a club, a corporation, or a political party. They are relatively long lasting over a period of weeks, months, or even years rather than flaring up for a few hours or a few days and then disappearing (Smelser et al., 2020). There is a substantial and growing body of work dedicated to social movements, encompassing a wide range of views about how to define them (Smelser et al., 2020). This is complicated by the use of other terms which shade into the idea of “social movements”, such as grass-roots mobilisation/ movements, non-traditional civil society organisations, voluntary organisations, civic space, new civic activism, active citizenship, to name a few. There is also an implied informality to the term “social movements”, so that the research for this rapid review used both “social movement” and “informal social movement”. Thus this rapid review seeks to find out what approaches do donors use to support “informal social movements” in their programming, and what evidence do they base their strategies on. The evidence found during the course of this rapid review was drawn from both the academic literature, and think-tank and donor reports. The academic literature found was extremely large and predominantly drawn from single case studies around the world, with few comparative studies. The literature on donor approaches found from both donors and think tanks was not consistently referenced to research evidence but tended to be based on interviews with experienced staff and recipients.
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Iffat, Idris. Use of Online Space in Pakistan Targeting Women, Religious Minorities, Activists and Voices of Dissent. Institute of Development Studies, März 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.071.
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There is ample evidence that online hate speech in Pakistan is directed against women, religious minorities, journalists, voices of dissent and activists. The targeting of many of these groups is an expansion online of the traditional hostility and abuse they face offline. However, the internet has made such abuse easier and online hate speech is growing as internet use rises in the country. Those responsible vary somewhat: women and religious minorities are typically targeted by religio-political parties and their followers, while journalists and activists are often targeted by government/the military. In all cases, online hate speech can have a serious offline impact, including physical violence, and restrictions on people’s freedom/ability to work/post online. This review, looking at online hate speech in Pakistan in relation to particular groups, draws largely on reports by think-tanks/NGOs as well as media articles and blogs. Relatively little academic literature was found on the subject, but grey literature was quite extensive, especially on certain religious minorities (Ahmadis) and women.