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Raimond, Verlita Evelyn, und Poppy Ruliana. „Social Interaction and Political Communication of Female Politician“. Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 7, Nr. 1 (05.06.2022): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v7i1.662.
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The public’s views about the position of women that have not contributed a lot to and have not been much engaged in politics, among others, pose a challenge to women to interact in the social environment as well as to communicate their ideas in politics. While men make up a majority of politicians in Indonesia, only a few women are politicians. The social interaction and political communication of female politicians become a topic that is worth studying. This research focuses on a female politician, Indah Kurnia, who sits in the House Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI). The conceptual and theoretical method used in this study is a theory in the communication science, particularly social interaction and political communication. This research uses qualitative method, particularly in conducting interviews with one primary informant and two additional informants. The result and discussion of this research show that the woman raised in this research is an individual that has a variety of social interactions in the diverse social environment. In addition, she also has typical characteristics of strategy for political communication media covering personal campaign, moderate, comprehensive and more-than--expected appearance, exemplary leadership and concrete work, and music.
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Han, Lori Cox, und Caroline Heldman. „Teaching Women/Gender and Politics: Current Trends and Challenges“. PS: Political Science & Politics 52, Nr. 03 (26.03.2019): 531–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096519000155.
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ABSTRACTThe study of women and US politics, as well as the role that gender plays in the broader political context, represents a significant contribution to the discipline of political science. Undergraduate courses on women/gender and politics continue to evolve as more innovative pedagogical approaches emerge. We considered the current trends and challenges related to teaching an undergraduate women/gender and politics course within political science. Through a survey of instructors, we assessed contemporary pedagogical approaches that reflect common learning outcomes, instructional resources that are available to undergraduate instructors, and challenges that instructors face in both offering and teaching this course. We found that institutions generally consider women/gender and politics courses to be tertiary parts of the curriculum and that a majority of faculty who teach these courses face pushback from students in ways that dismiss the importance of studying gender as a variable in political science.
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Barnett, Carolyn, Michael FitzGerald, Katie Krumbholz und Manika Lamba. „Gender Research in Political Science Journals: A Dataset“. PS: Political Science & Politics 55, Nr. 3 (13.06.2022): 511–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096522000385.
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ABSTRACTResearch on gender and politics is becoming increasingly mainstreamed within political science. To document this process, we introduce a comprehensive dataset of articles published in 37 political science journals through 2019 that can be considered “gender and politics” research. Whereas recent related literature has explored the descriptive representation of women in political science by examining authorship and citation patterns, we argue that the identification of publications substantively focused on gender and politics not only illuminates trends but also can contribute to broader conversations about substantive representation and methodological diversity in the discipline. This article highlights the theoretical challenges of identifying gender and politics research and analyzes major trends in the substantive representation of gender in the journals over time. This dataset is useful for scholars who are interested in the evolution of salient topics in gender and politics research and patterns of citation.
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Misra, Manashi. „Revolutionaries as Political Women“. Journal of Extreme Anthropology 6, Nr. 2 (12.12.2022): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jea.9652.
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The purpose of studying women’s participation in radical movements, as the classical study We Were Making History notes, is ‘an attempt to broaden the history of that struggle by recovering the subjective experience of women, to capture women’s voices from the past and to present issues as they were perceived by women’ (Stree Shakti Sanghathana, 1989, 2). Taking this framework as the point of departure, this article seeks to explore the history of women’s participation in the secessionist politics of the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA). Deviating from the existing scholarships on the subject that rightly focus on the lack of adequate women’s representation at the leadership level, this article argues that representation at formal political negotiations is not the only form of political activity that women aspire to. Instead, in their own way, many of these revolutionaries have in fact turned into ‘political women’. Fictional writings in the Assamese language are more forthcoming than academic scholarship in recognizing this alternative, informal politics in which women engage. At the same time, it is important to note that these ‘political women’ need not be free from conventional gendered prejudices.
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Shabbir, Mohammad. „Women in Feminism and Politics“. American Journal of Islam and Society 15, Nr. 2 (01.07.1998): 118–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2183.
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The debate about Islamization of the human sciences, of physical sciences, oflinguistics and aesthetics has become global. If Islamization is vital and a necessityfor the rejuvenation of the new Islamic civilization, women and familiescannot escape from Islamization. Zeenath Kausar has argued the same in herbook. Her arguments for the necessity of IslamizaLion of women's and family'sproblems are pioneering ideas on the subject.The book comprises four chapters and each chapter follows the generalframework of the methodology of Islamization of Knowledge: presentation ofthe Western theories followed by their critical analysis and Islamic alternatives.The firsl chapter titled "Women in Western Political Theory: An IslamicAnalysis," surveys Western political thinkers from classical to postmodern(Plato to Foucault), on their views on women. Discussing the arguments of thesethinkers, especially from Plato to Hegel on the ineligibility of women for politicalparticipation, she contends that Western political thought is essentiallymisogynistic. Plato argues that women, children, and slaves mainly belong tothe appetitive class when compared to the classes of "philosophers" and "soldiers,"where men predominate. Aristotle denies women citizenship; he contendsthat women are nol capable of political participation. St. Augustine and St.Thomas Aquinas, relying on biblical sources dealing with the creation and the ...
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Jones, Stephanie, Nickie Charles und Charlotte Aull Davies. „Transforming Masculinist Political Cultures? Doing Politics in New Political Institutions“. Sociological Research Online 14, Nr. 2 (März 2009): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1863.
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In the devolved legislative assemblies of Scotland and Wales the proportion of women representatives is approaching parity. This is in marked contrast to Westminster where one in five MPs are women. In this paper we explore the extent to which the masculinist political cultures characterising established political institutions are being reproduced in the National Assembly for Wales or whether its different gendering, both in the numbers of women representatives and in terms of its institutional framework, is associated with a more feminised political and organisational culture. Drawing on interviews with half the Assembly Members, women and men, we show that the political style of the Assembly differs from that of Westminster and that Assembly Members perceive it as being more consensual and as embodying a less aggressive and macho way of doing politics. AMs relate this difference to the gender parity amongst Assembly Members, to the institutional arrangements which have an ‘absolute duty’ to promote equality embedded in them, and to the desire to develop a different way of doing politics. We suggest that the ability to do politics in a more feminised and consensual way relates not only to the presence of a significant proportion of women representatives, but also to the nature of the institution and the way in which differently gendered processes and practices are embedded within it. Differently gendered political institutions can develop a more feminised political culture which provides an alternative to the masculinist political culture characterising the political domain.
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Ballen, Cissy J., Dahsol Lee, Lise Rakner und Sehoya Cotner. „Politics a “Chilly” Environment for Undergraduate Women in Norway“. PS: Political Science & Politics 51, Nr. 03 (20.03.2018): 653–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518000045.
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ABSTRACTGender differences in academic performance and attitudes are widespread in male-stereotyped disciplines but rarely are studied in the social sciences. To assess the extent that gender influences the behavior of undergraduate women in political science, participation was analyzed in a large (N = 130) introductory comparative-politics class at the University of Bergen—a large public university in Norway. In the 2016 fall semester, observers documented classroom behaviors of men and women using a protocol that characterizes types of in-class participation. Findings showed that women participate less than expected given their observed numbers in the classroom. After the semester ended, we provided an opportunity for students to describe why they chose to participate and whether they felt that barriers existed in the classroom that prevented them from expressing their opinions. This article characterizes those responses and presents the first study to draw conclusions about the gendered educational experience in political science by integrating these qualitative and quantitative results.
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Dr. Kosim. „LAW POLITICS IN SHARIA PERSPECTIVE“. Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, Nr. 4 (07.09.2019): 297–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7438.
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Purpose: Law politics is an attempt to create regulations in line with the circumstances and the situation at a time, becoming law politics is a step for the government to establish a legal system to achieve state goal. The scope of political law can’t be separated from other policies. The preparation of law politics must always be sought along with aspects of policies in the field of economy, politic, social, culture, technology and so on and political law as the direction of law development policy of a country and political law is defined as a relationship of mutual influence between law and politic. Political law in shariah perspective can be understood from the text of holy Al-Qur’an, An-Nisa (women) verse 58-59 namely trustworthy and ulil amri (government) namely ulil amri is responsible for the politics of law on its territory. In the development of siyasah Syar'iyah included in the law political science taqnin al Ahkam namely knowledge about the ways Islamic sharia into law. In understanding the scholars that Islamic Sharia law in the political is permitted to benefit the people but still may not be contrary to the Islamic sharia.
Methodology: The method used in this study qualitatively with data sources consisting of secondary data, namely the results of literature studies and search for documents and articles in the media.
Main Findings: Law Politics is an attempt to create regulations appropriate to the circumstances and the situation at a time, making the law a step politically for the government to establish a legal system in order to achieve state goals.
Implications/Applications: The scope of Law politics is that law politics cannot be separated from other policies in the field. Preparation of law politics must always be sought along with aspects of policies in the field of economy, politics, social, culture, technology, and so on and law Politics as the direction of a country's legal development policy and the law Politics is defined as the relationship of mutual influence between law and politics.
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Barker, Kim. „The Scottish Melting Pot – Social Media, Politics, Scotland and Online Violence Against Women“. Scottish Affairs 33, Nr. 1 (Februar 2024): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2024.0493.
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In an increasingly digital Scotland, it is easy to think that generation equal has been achieved. Women make up almost 50% of MSPs at Holyrood, and Scotland has recently had the first woman First Minister. But, increasingly women in public and political life are being put off, turning away, and seeking to leave elected office because of the toll of social media abuse amounting to online violence against women. This paper will explore the concept of online violence against women (OVAW) in the context of women in politics and public life, and against the backdrop of Scottish society. It discusses the challenges, and obstacles of OVAW in Scottish political contexts, not least because of the impact that has been imposed on politically active and prominent women in Scotland. Finally, this paper explores whether the melting pot of misogyny, tempered by a new women-led political class, and facilitated by digital technologies is too much of an ask for women who are already shouldering the expectations and hopes of Scottish society.
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Blee, Kathleen M. „Mobility and Political Orientation“. Sociological Perspectives 28, Nr. 3 (Juli 1985): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389153.
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Public attention recently has been drawn to the existence of a “gender gap” in public opinion and electoral politics in the United States. Yet the reasons for this sex difference in politics are unclear. Do men and women have differences of political orientation that are independent of social class differences or do sex differences in politics reflect different class experiences for men and women? This research uses national survey data to compare the political effects of social mobility for three groups of respondents: Males, women employed for wages outside the home, and housewives. I predict that women who are mobile by virtue of their own occupational status will have political orientations close to those of their class-of-destination, while women who are mobile by virtue of a spouse's occupation will retain political orientations similar to those of their class-of-origin. Further, I predict that the difference between the relationship of social mobility and political orientation for employed men and women will decline as women's overall labor force participation increases. In a log-linear analysis of presidential candidate selection from 1948 to 1980, I find that marital and occupational mobility do have different effects on women's political orientation, but the direction of political change across mobility statuses was not consistent. There is no convergence over time in the pattern whereby mobility status is related to political choice for men and women.
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Rener, Tanja. „Yugoslav Women in Politics“. International Political Science Review 6, Nr. 3 (Juli 1985): 347–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251218500600308.
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According to its normative principles, the delegate system ensures the working people's direct presence in the assemblies (communal, provincial, republican, and federal), as well as a functional linkage of short- and long-term interests of individual sections of society and of society as a whole. This lends special interest to women's participation in the delegate system. This article examines the findings of research conducted in Slovenia, particularly concerning the special social status according to women active in the delegate system, the nature of their participation, as well as their attitudes to active political participation. Now that Yugoslavia is undergoing a crisis, pressure is brought to bear on women to yield their places on the labor market to men and—although the principle of sex equality is given much prominence in the country's life—to concentrate on traditional women's roles.
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Richards, Patricia. „Women and Politics in Chile“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, Nr. 3 (September 2007): 804–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907071016.
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Women and Politics in Chile, Susan Franceschet, Boulder CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2005, pp. x, 203.The Pinochet dictatorship in Chile (1973–1990) was marked by a high degree of women's activism focusing on human rights, economic survival and feminism. Many women expected that their active role during the dictatorship would lead to a new way of doing politics and greater inclusion of women in the political process once democracy was restored. But despite the recent election of Michelle Bachelet as president of Chile, Chilean women continue to be vastly underrepresented in political party leadership and elected office. In this clearly written and cogently argued book, Susan Franceschet addresses the important question of the marginalization of women from Chilean politics under democracy.
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Porter, Elisabeth. „Political Representation of Women in Northern Ireland“. Politics 18, Nr. 1 (Februar 1998): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00057.
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Increasing the political representation of women in Northern Ireland is part of fostering political pluralism. First, the political representation of women requires democratic participation and a justification of ‘women’ as a category. Second, specific factors of culture and the church unique to Ireland hinder women's participation in elected politics, and there are additional factors of class, violence, and nationalism that are peculiar to Northern Ireland. Third, gender quotas are successful elsewhere, but alone will not alter the powerful resistance to feminist change in Northern Ireland. Structures to encourage inclusionary politics must create spaces for political women to be transformative agents.
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Featherman, Sandra. „Designing a Course on Women in American Politics“. News for Teachers of Political Science 45 (1985): 10–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0197901900004074.
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A course on “Women and American Politics” ought to focus on the subordinate political position held by women as a class, reasons for that status, and the issues involved in the redistribution of political power to women. Students need to understand why women have traditionally been subordinated and why they are not gaining full political equality easily, even now.A useful framework for clarifying these issues examines the structural importance of role definition in allocating power, the nature of power and the reasons for conflict as power shifts from one group to another. The American Political Science Association Women's Project units can help in the exploration of these issues in terms of their impact on women.
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Arat, Yeşslim. „Obstacles to Political Careers“. International Political Science Review 6, Nr. 3 (Juli 1985): 355–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251218500600309.
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“Routine politics” becomes central to the study of the nature and limits of women's political aspirations in a context where women have not as yet chosen to organize a women's movement. This article is based on a series of indepth interviews with a group of female Turkish politicians. The skewed structure of power relations between men and women is aptly reflected in women's perceptions of women's problems in politics. Locating the problem at this level makes it more difficult to ameliorate the situation, short of there being a radical change in the patriarchal power structure of society.
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Rhinehart, Sarina. „Mentoring the Next Generation of Women Candidates: A Field Experiment of State Legislators“. American Politics Research 48, Nr. 4 (26.02.2020): 492–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x20906459.
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This experiment sent state legislators an email from an individual seeking advice on running for office, varying the gender and party of the sender. This project explores two inquiries—who the legislators choose to respond to and how the legislators’ own gender and partisan identities shape that decision. I theorize that women in politics is a salient issue for legislators; therefore, they will be more willing to advise politically ambitious women. Overall, I find that legislators are more willing to offer help when the aspirant is a woman and of the same party. When primed to further consider women in politics, legislators are more likely to offer gender-specific advice. Democrats rather than women legislators drive this heightened responsiveness to the woman aspirant. These findings highlight what role public officials can play in closing the candidate gender gap, and how legislators’ multiple identities intersect and frame their decisions to aid political aspirants.
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Lewis, Tiffany. „Municipal Housekeeping in the American West: Bertha Knight Landes’s Entrance into Politics“. Rhetoric and Public Affairs 14, Nr. 3 (01.09.2011): 465–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41940551.
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Abstract As Seattle’s mayor in 1926, Bertha Landes made history as the first woman elected to lead a large city in the United States. To respond to the complicated demands of female political leadership in the early twentieth century American West, Landes pragmatically appealed to expectations of both public men and domestic women by making arguments from both sameness and difference. Using a rhetoric of municipal housekeeping to justify her entrance into political office, Landes paradoxically asserted beliefs about the difference between men and women in leadership, while simultaneously suggesting her political service did not differ from a mans. Although her municipal housekeeping arguments essentialized women as moral and different, they also assisted her entrance into politics and attested to women’s suitability for political leadership. She simultaneously employed a rhetoric of Western masculinity and sameness that reified masculine conceptions of political leadership, and suggested that womens roles in the nation functioned similarly to mens roles, thus expanding the role of women in politics beyond exclusively municipal housekeepers. This analysis not only illustrates the use of sameness and difference arguments in elective office, but also how they oxymoronically functioned together.
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Wahyuni, Herpita, Zuly Qodir, Danang Eko Prastya und Bilveer Singh. „Solidarity with the Fulfillment of Women's Political Representations in Indramayu Regency“. Muwazah 13, Nr. 1 (18.06.2021): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.28918/muwazah.v13i1.3708.
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In this study, it can be seen that the role of fellow women in supporting women to be involved in the political realm is a factor that can increase the value of women in women's involvement in politics in the Indramayu Regency. This research is descriptive qualitative research by describing the findings from various literature and previous studies in answering the research results. The survey results show that solidarity among women in increasing women's political participation in Indramayu Regency comes from a sense of unity among women who are members of a young women's organization called Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama in fighting for women's rights. Friendship among women in Indramayu Regency is a form of strength between women who support politics by empowering women in the Indramayu Regency. Mutual trust among women in Indramayu Regency is an essential point in women's courage to join the world of politics. The interests that are fought for by women in Indramayu Regency are to advance women in various fields, including education, health, economy, social welfare, legal awareness, political education, and women's empowerment in Indramayu Regency. Empowering women can develop their potential and change a healthier political climate, and prepare women who are strong in politics, culture, economy, and education. This research limit is only looking at women's solidarity in supporting women's representation in politics in Indramayu Regency.
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Arscott, Jane, und Manon Tremblay. „Il reste encore des travaux à faire: Feminism and Political Science in Canada and Québec“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, Nr. 1 (März 1999): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390001012x.
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AbstractThis article takes an empirical measure of the extent to which feminism has altered the discipline of Political Science in Canada and Québec since the mid-1980s. The authors, members of the second cadre of female political scientists in the field of women and politics, single out for particular attention the current relation between anglophone and francophone feminist scholarship in the field. They maintain that the two linguistic solitudes remain fundamental to the women and politics field as much as was the case before the emergence of feminist perspectives in the discipline.
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Rupp, Leila J., Louise A. Tilly und Patricia Gurin. „Women, Politics, and Change.“ Contemporary Sociology 20, Nr. 5 (September 1991): 734. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2072224.
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Murdie, Amanda, und Dursun Peksen. „Women and Contentious Politics“. Political Research Quarterly 68, Nr. 1 (23.12.2014): 180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912914563547.
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Krook, Mona Lena. „Studying Political Representation: A Comparative-Gendered Approach“. Perspectives on Politics 8, Nr. 1 (März 2010): 233–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709992817.
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How does a comparative politics of gender improve our understanding of political representation? I map the existing feminist literature on this topic, which asks questions like why there are so few women elected to political office, whether women in politics represent women as a group, and how the presence or absence of women in politics affects voter perceptions and opinions. I then consider how scholars—both feminist and non-feminist—might generate new insights on political representation by expanding what is thought of as a “case” and what is meant by the term “gender.” I recommend increasing the scope of comparison by (1) opening up the definition of a case to include a broader range of units and events and (2) connecting the study of a single unit to patterns generated by the study of other similar units. I suggest moving away from equating women with gender by exploring (1) relations between women and men and (2) the impact of masculinities and femininities on the conduct of political life. While developed in relation to research on representation, this approach offers broader advice for capturing the diverse and gendered nature of political dynamics observed around the world.
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Ipadeola, Abosede Priscilla. „The Subaltern in Africa’s Political Space: African Political Philosophy and the Mirror of Gender“. Journal of Black Studies 48, Nr. 4 (16.03.2017): 391–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717696793.
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Politics is regarded in many parts of the world, especially in Africa, as a space meant exclusively for men. Therefore, women venturing into politics are made to believe that they are misfits, and the idea is anathematized and strangulated from the outset by those who are supposed to encourage the women. It is popularly believed that it is natural for men to rule over women, while it is considered abnormal and unnatural for women to rule over men. Although different societies have at one time or the other in history been ruled by queens and female warriors, at least, that is not usually seen as bizarre in societies that practice monarchical or imperial rule. In a democracy, however, a lot of people vehemently oppose the idea of a woman vying for a political office. In the case of Africa, two factors are responsible for this: the African people’s colonial experience and the bifurcation of the social sphere into public and private spaces. This has entrenched gender roles into the scheme of social reality held by the people. The people hold that certain roles must be performed by women while certain roles are exclusively for men. This culture has made it increasingly difficult to achieve parity and egalitarianism in gender relations in contemporary Africa and to achieve meaningful development in Africa. This article suggests ideological decolonization as a way out of the current predicament of the African women as the subaltern in the patriarchal and hostile political space of contemporary Africa.
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Krook, Mona Lena. „Violence against Women in Politics: A Rising Global Trend“. Politics & Gender 14, Nr. 4 (13.11.2018): 673–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000582.
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Recent years have witnessed a troubling rise in reports of assault, intimidation, and abuse directed at politically active women. The United Nations General Assembly first called for zero tolerance for violence against female candidates and elected officials in Resolution 66/130 in 2011. In 2012, Bolivia became the first country in the world to criminalize political violence and harassment against women, in response to a more than decade-long campaign by locally elected women to document the numerous injuries and abuses they confronted. Resonating across the region, this development led the states-parties to the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women to endorse a Declaration on Political Violence and Harassment against Women in 2015.
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Goodyear-Grant, Elizabeth. „Still Counting: Women in Politics Across Canada“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2004): 1029–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904270214.
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Still Counting: Women in Politics Across Canada, Linda Trimble and Jane Arscott, Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 2003. pp. xvi, 210Numbers matter. This is Trimble and Arscott's fundamental message. The ratio of women in elected and appointed political posts to their proportion in the population at large is a measure of fairness in political representation that has obvious implications for women's impact on political processes and policy outcomes. Although Canadian in perspective, the authors draw international comparisons where appropriate and find Canada rather lacking. Perennial under-representation, despite marked improvements over the past three decades, is an evident problem and an issue worthy of investigation.
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Folke, Olle, Johanna Rickne und Daniel M. Smith. „Gender and Dynastic Political Selection“. Comparative Political Studies 54, Nr. 2 (03.07.2020): 339–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020938089.
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Throughout history and across countries, women appear more likely than men to enter politics on the heels of a close family relative or spouse. To explain this dynastic bias in women’s representation, we introduce a theory that integrates political selection decisions with informational inequalities across social groups. Candidates with dynastic ties benefit from the established reputations of their predecessors, but these signals of quality are more important to political newcomers such as women. Legislator-level data from twelve democracies and candidate-level data from Ireland and Sweden support the idea that dynastic ties are differentially more helpful to women, and that the quality of predecessors may be more relevant for the entry and evaluation of female successors than their male counterparts. The role of informational inequalities is also reflected in the declining dynastic bias over time (as more women enter politics), and in the differential effect of a gender quota across Swedish municipalities.
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Wolak, Jennifer. „Descriptive Representation and the Political Engagement of Women“. Politics & Gender 16, Nr. 2 (26.02.2019): 339–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000910.
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AbstractWhen women are represented on the campaign trail and in elected office, women in the electorate have been shown to report greater engagement in politics. However, most evidence of the effects of descriptive representation on women's empowerment is drawn from surveys from the 1980s and 1990s. I update these studies to consider how women candidates and officeholders affect the political knowledge, interest, and participation of other women in the electorate. Using responses from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study from 2006 to 2014, I find that both men and women are more politically knowledgeable when represented by women in Congress and in state government. Considering political engagement, I find little evidence that women are more politically interested or participatory when residing in places with more female officeholders or candidates. Women's political presence as candidates and officeholders does not uniquely encourage other women to engage in political life.
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Angela Soares L.CP. , M.Si, Cesaltina, und Mariana Caeiro Da Silva L.CP. „TIMORESE WOMENS PARTICIPATION IN POLITICAL LIFE 2018-2023“. International Journal of Advanced Research 12, Nr. 05 (31.05.2024): 290–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/18716.
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Womens participationin political life as an experience. In the two decades of self-determination, the era of national development is very important to raise Timorese potential women in the political field to contribute to national development. This research used several theories such asInternational Organization Theory, Feminism Theory, Gender Equality Theory, Participation Theory, Political Participation and Political Science Theory. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative method, first and secondary sources of data and techniques of data collection are done through interviews of potential women from CNRT party, Fronte-Mudanca party, head of Bemori-Dili village, and the data is also collected from documents, books, websites, the internet, news and newspapers on Timorese women in politics. The findings of this research show that womens participation in political life in Timor-Leste has started based on their participation invillage leadership, political party structures and members of the national parliament.Gender equality continuesto be promoted by various entities to raise womens involvement in all aspects of life. This participation shows a positive act of democracy of Timorese women,however, they still lack opportunities, material conditions, including formal resources that can show the quality of women at national and international levels.
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Feinberg, Richard, und Susan Franceschet. „Women and Politics in Chile“. Foreign Affairs 85, Nr. 3 (2006): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20032006.
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Equbal, Md Naiyar. „Feminist Politics in India: Women, identity and Political Activism“. International Journal of Political Science and Governance 1, Nr. 2 (01.07.2019): 63–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33545/26646021.2019.v1.i2a.185.
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Ferrín, Monica, Marta Fraile, Gema M. García-Albacete und Raul Gómez. „The gender gap in political interest revisited“. International Political Science Review 41, Nr. 4 (16.08.2019): 473–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119860260.
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To what extent does conventional survey measurement capture the political interest of men and women equally well? We aim to answer this question by relying on unique data from a national online survey in Spain, where we used various questions unpacking the standard indicator of political interest. The findings show that men and women nominate different personal political interests. We also find that the gender gap in political interest vanishes once these specific interests are taken into account. This suggests that at least part of the documented gender gap in general political interest might be due to the fact that, when prompted to think about politics, women disregard their own specific political interests and instead focus on the dominant, male-oriented understanding of politics.
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Losh-Hesselbart, Susan, Keith T. Poole und L. Harmon Zeigler. „Women, Public Opinion, and Politics: The Changing Political Attitudes of American Women.“ Contemporary Sociology 16, Nr. 5 (September 1987): 676. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069780.
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Burrell, Barbara. „Practicing Politics: Female Political Scientists as Candidates for Elective Office“. PS: Political Science & Politics 45, Nr. 01 (Januar 2012): 83–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909651100182x.
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In 2007, University of Oklahoma political science professor Cindy Simon Rosenthal was elected mayor of Norman, Oklahoma, after having served as a member of its city council. Was her activity unique within the political science profession among female political scientists? Her election stimulated the curiosity of some of us in the women-and-politics-research community. To what extent had female political scientists attempted to move from the “Ivory Tower” to the “Public Square” as elective office holders? What had their experiences been like? We explore those questions with particular interest in a number of theoretical propositions from women and politics studies. For example, how did they decide to seek elective office? Were they self-starters or had they been recruited? What role did their families play in their campaigns? To what extent was gender perceived as a factor, and in what ways in their various campaigns? How successful were they, and what role did their academic credentials play in their campaigns? Did their quests for public office affect their academic careers? Did they use the findings from the women and politics literature to inform their quests? Perhaps, too, we thought, their campaigns might provide distinctive insights about running for and serving in public office and inform discussion about the role of gender in political life.
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Brill, Alida, und Virginia Sapiro. „The Political Integration of Women: Roles, Socialization, and Politics.“ Contemporary Sociology 14, Nr. 2 (Mai 1985): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2070200.
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Tickamyer, Ann R., Louise A. Tilly und Patricia Gurin. „Women, Politics, and Change.“ Social Forces 70, Nr. 3 (März 1992): 837. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2579763.
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Dean, Karen, Charles Warner und Trudy Steuernagel. „Women and American Politics "Mainstreaming" at Kent State U.“ News for Teachers of Political Science 44 (1985): 8–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0197901900003858.
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During the Spring Semester of 1984, we had the opportunity to field test Women in the Judicial Process and Men, Women, and State Violence: Government and the Military, two of the units in the American Political Science Association's project, Citizenship and Change: Women and American Politics. We greeted the experiment with great enthusiasm. Our current undergraduate curriculum includes the course “Women and Politics“; but, like many departments, we have given consideration to “mainstreaming” the contents of this class into other courses. Some of our faculty contend that “Women and Politics” perpetuates the “ghettoization” of such material and that our students would be better served by the abandonment of “Women and Politics” in favor of the integration of its content into our more traditional offerings.
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Kassimir, Ronald. „Women and Politics in Uganda. By Aili Mari Tripp. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2000. 277p. $55.00 cloth, $25.95 paper.“ American Political Science Review 95, Nr. 2 (Juni 2001): 507–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540170202x.
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With women holding 18% of the seats in parliament and a woman serving as a vice-president, the status of women at the apex of Uganda's political system is impressive compared to most other countries, including the United States. In noting this surprising fact and in chronicling how it came about, Aili Mari Tripp has written a thought-provoking book that raises serious questions about what it means. She draws on empir- ical research in the realms of both "high" politics (i.e., the halls of parliament) and "deep" politics (urban working-class neighborhoods and rural villages) and provides a rich account of Ugandan women's associational life and political mobili- zation.
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Szwarcberg, Mariela. „Gender and Politics in Buenos Aires“. Journal of Politics in Latin America 10, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2018): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1801000301.
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This paper examines the persistent gender gap in electoral politics at the local level in Buenos Aires, Argentina. I argue that the combination of the division of political work and existing social norms regarding the separation of domestic chores contributes to women's political underrepresentation at the local level. Studying everyday politics in Buenos Aires, a clear division of political work between men and women was found. Only women were in charge of finding solutions to issues of domestic abuse and violence, and of taking care of children, the pregnant, and senior citizens. Using information from Buenos Aires municipalities, I document the gender gap in elected legislative and executive offices at the local level – as well as in non-elected offices within municipal cabinets. It was also found that the types of political work assigned to female activists and candidates reinforce existing stereotypes of women as mothers of the poor.
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Zine, Jasmin. „Muslim Women and the Politics of Representation (2002)*“. American Journal of Islam and Society 41, Nr. 1 (05.02.2024): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v41i1.3422.
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This paper examines the politics of knowledge production as it relates to Muslim women in western literary traditions and contemporary feminist writing, with a view to understanding the political, ideological, and economic mediations that have historically framed these representations. The meta-narrative of the Muslim woman has shifted from the bold queens of medieval literature to colonial images of the seraglio’s veiled, secluded, and oppressed women. Contemporary feminist writing and popular culture have reproduced the colonial motifs of Muslim women, and these have regained currency in the aftermath of 9/11.Drawing upon the work of Mohja Kahf, this paper begins by mapping the evolution of the Muslim woman archetype in western literary traditions. The paper then examines how some contemporary feminist literature has reproduced in new ways the discursive tropes that have had historical currency in Muslim women’s textual representation. The analysis is attentive to the ways in which the cultural production of knowledge about Muslim women has been implicated historically by the relations of power between the Muslim world and the West. *This article was first published in the American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 19, no. 4 (2002): 1-22
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Sharma, Eliza. „Women and politics: a case study of political empowerment of Indian women“. International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 40, Nr. 7/8 (09.04.2020): 607–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-12-2019-0261.
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PurposeThis paper aims to identify the dimensions of the political empowerment of Indian women and assess the factors responsible for the lacunas that hold women back in their potential.Design/methodology/approachThe research was based on primary data collected through a personal interview method from a sample of 68 women managers working in five different sectors of the Indian economy, namely; IT, education, telecom, banking, and hospitality sector. Further, data on the five factors from a sample of 423 women employees from the above-mentioned sectors have been collected and analyzed using a multiple regression model with control variables (marital status and generation gap).FindingsThe major factors churned out that are needed for the political empowerment of women are namely, information or awareness, family support or family environment, legal environment, political environment, and personal ambitions or internal motivation.Originality/valueThe present study has presented new insight into the field of women and politics by providing a case study into the dimensions of political empowerment among Indian women. The pilot model developed in this study can be initiated and replicated across the land on being successful.
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Trimble, Linda. „It Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don't Run for Office“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2006): 953–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906249965.
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It Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don't Run for Office, Jennifer L. Lawless, Richard L. Fox, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. 203.It Takes a Candidate explains why professional women aren't running for political office in sufficient numbers to narrow the persistent gender gap in political representation in the United States. By means of a comprehensive survey of men and women in the political “pipeline professions,” the authors discovered that women remain less politically ambitious than men. Even highly qualified women tend not to envision political careers or to believe they have the right stuff for politics. Remarkably, women who do decide to run for office often doubt their credentials. In contrast, men with similar qualifications have little difficulty imagining holding even the highest political positions, as they accept their life and work skills as unique training for elected public service.
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Jakešević, Ružica, und Đana Luša. „Breaking the glass ceiling: the role of the UN and the EU in promoting women in politics“. Politička misao 58, Nr. 2 (05.05.2021): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.58.2.02.
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Politics has traditionally been reserved for men, meaning it has been very difficult for women to enter at the highest level. The progress in gender equality in politics has been uneven so far and significant differences exist among states and regions. The male dominance in state politics has translated into the international realm in international entities and multilateral political platforms as well. Although these entities gradually introduced the principles of gender equality and promoted an increased participation of women in political life in their constituent states through key documents, they face the same problem – how to ensure at least a formal and descriptive representation of women at the highest level and how to translate stated or symbolic gender equality from key documents into practice (symbolic to substantive representation). The aim of this paper is to give an overview of the historical development of the international framework for the equal participation of women in politics. Particularly, this paper analyses how two international entities – the UN and the EU – contribute to overcoming the gender-gap in politics, and whether their activities have influenced an increased participation of women in politics (descriptive representation).
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Vickers, Jill. „Can We Change How Political Science Thinks? “Gender Mainstreaming” in a Resistant Discipline“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2015): 747–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391600007x.
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AbstractThis paper argues that, despite significant increases in the number of women professors and the growth of feminist political science, transformative change hasn't occurred in how conventional political scientists think about politics. “Transformative change” requires the successful mainstreaming of gender-focused knowledge and the use of “gender” as a category of analysis in studies of politics. The article first explores the insights of leading feminist political scientists in the five Anglo-American democracies, about why gender mainstreaming has not succeeded to date. It establishes the extent of the failure and explores its causes, including the discipline's fragmented structure, polarized culture and a number of theoretical and methodological incompatibilities between mainstream and feminist political science. Finally, several promising strategies for achieving transformative change are explored.
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Rahmat, Al Fauzi, Galih Bagas Soesilo, Andy Arya Maulana Wijaya und Nareewan Klinrat. „A Systematic Literature Review of Gender and Politics: Stereotypes of Gender in Political Zone on Social Media“. Muwazah 14, Nr. 1 (22.06.2022): 19–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.28918/muwazah.v14i1.5152.
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Gender issues frequently arise in political debates, and they are accompanied by negative stereotypes on social media that political opponents echo. This issue draws attention among scholars to examine of gender and political issues in social media, but we have not found any across research that can map gender and political issues in social media with the output of patterns and themes.. Therefore, this article seeks to identify trends of gender issues and politics on social media and alludes to the various stereotypes. To initiate the findings and discussion, a qualitative literature review study was used, in which data were obtained from the Academic Scopus Database involved analysis of 89 articles, which data source from 2012 to 2021 in the social science discipline. Data were managed by the NVivo 12 Plus and VOSViewer as a data analysis tool – with some of the main menus used in the NVivo 12 plus (themes classification; project maps; and group classification), other side used VOSViewer (density and overlay visualization). Our findings highlight various emerging themes proportion regarding gender issues and politics on social media. These topics have tended to increase in the current decade; newest research trends have led to studies on gender and sexuality, female leaders, anti-immigration, voice, and young women, as well as LGBT, which politics intersect—followed by some issues such as black women, Muslim women, and also white women that get involved in political debates. There are three striking main propositions: social media, politics, and gender. However, many politicians and social media users bring up the gender stereotype. In short, this research can contribute to enriching the treasures of gender issues and politics on social media.
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Levy, Harold L. „Does Aristotle Exclude Women from Politics?“ Review of Politics 52, Nr. 3 (1990): 397–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500016971.
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Virtually all scholars interpret Aristotle to exclude women from politics. I will argue that Aristotle does not directly investigate this question, and that his text does not require such an interpretation. First, the article will show that scholars have overlooked the basic problem for interpreters of Aristotle, and that they have prematurely foreclosed counterinterpretation of the text. Second, it will show that the text is open to this particular counterinterpretation: very guardedly, Aristotle implies reasons for including women in politics.
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ÖZTÜRK, Zeynep Tuğçe, und Nurgün KOÇ. „THE PROBLEM OF REPRESENTATION OF TURKISH WOMEN IN POLITICS (1980S TO THE PRESENT)“. IEDSR Association 6, Nr. 15 (20.09.2021): 372–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.46872/pj.382.
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In Turkish modernization, important steps were taken under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk so that women could reach the level of contemporary civilized peoples. For this purpose, women who have lagged behind the society in education, training and social life, especially gender equality, have been granted political rights before some European countries. Turkish women, who obtained the right to vote and be elected in 1934, were included in the political life, and they went to the polls for the first time in the elections held in 1935. For many years, the place of women in political life has decreased due to many reasons such as the fact that political parties do not allow quotas for female deputies, democracy cannot be fully ensured within political parties, sexism, politics are seen as men’s work, women’s education problem, while the women’s movements have increased in the period from the 1980s to the present. Its power has increased due to reasons such as quota implementation based on changes in electoral systems. Although the number of women in politics has not reached a sufficient level even today, as the sexist approach in society and the obstacles placed in front of women are overcome, the effectiveness and success of Turkish women in political life will increase. Although it is difficult for women to take part in the male-dominated structure in politics, it is seen that women are not willing enough and they struggle less. It is possible to say that women have made important strides in the political arena in the Turkish society led by a female prime minister, Professor Tansu Çiller.
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Baker, Kerryn. „Great Expectations: Gender and Political Representation in the Pacific Islands“. Government and Opposition 53, Nr. 3 (15.02.2017): 542–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.54.
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Women make up just 6.1 per cent of Pacific parliamentarians. Increasing women’s representation is a key area of focus for political leaders and aid donors, both as a human rights issue and as a vehicle for the substantive representation of women. Women’s participation in politics in the Pacific Islands is often seen as a form of social contract between women. Female voters are expected to vote for female candidates. In exchange, female parliamentarians are expected to act, not just for the constituency that elected them, but for women as a group. This article examines the expectations that are placed on the political participation of Pacific women, and argues that attempts to increase women’s participation in politics in the region should avoid reinforcing these expectations through an emphasis on substantive representation.
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Jabri, Vivienne. „Worlding women: a feminist international politics“. International Affairs 73, Nr. 2 (April 1997): 366–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623850.
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Allwood, Gill, und Khursheed Wadia. „Increasing Women's Representation in France and India“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, Nr. 2 (Juni 2004): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390404017x.
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The immediate post–Second World War period saw women gain equal political rights in a number of countries, including France and India. Political participation researchers began to consider women's involvement in politics. However, because they focused on state institutions and political parties as the most important sites of political participation, and because the presence of women within these sites was insignificant, the conclusions drawn were either that women were uninterested in and/or uninformed about politics or that their interest and knowledge derived from the male head of household. Moreover, when women's political participation was considered, the preferred location of study was the Western liberal democratic nation–state (Dogan, 1955; Duverger, 1955).
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Alex, Alex, Nasiwan Nasiwan, Abdillah Abdillah und Mutiah Haris. „Women in local politics: Insights from Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, Indonesia“. Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 36, Nr. 1 (24.02.2023): 126–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v36i12023.126-140.
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Aceh is a region that is still strongly implementing Islamic law and a patriarchal political culture. The purpose of this study is to examine the dynamics of women's participation in local Acehnese politics. This study uses a qualitative-exploratory method with a literature study on the dynamics of women's participation in local Acehnese politics. The results of this study indicate that post tsunami 2004 and the 2005 Helsinki MoU agreement had an impact on openness for Acehnese women in the process of becoming members of the legislature, which is currently experiencing obstacles due to structural, socio-cultural, religious issues, ideology, and the dominance of local Aceh political party elites by men. This has greatly affected the representation of women in Aceh's politics governance, even though during the 2009 to 2019 election year the representation of women in Aceh's politics governance has experienced a fairly good trend of increasing. However, what is being pursued is not the number that increases every year, but the process of fulfilling women's political rights in Aceh. The conclusion of this study is the importance of holding a commitment to fight for women's rights so that they are accommodated in public policies that are sensitive to women's interests, not only as a complement to the quota for women's representation in politics-government.