Dissertationen zum Thema „POLITICAL SCIENCE / Women in Politics“
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Höen, Bustos Emma. „When women opt out of politics : Exploring gendered barriers to political candidacy“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-312933.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleXydias, Christina V. „Women Representing Women?: Pathways to Substantive Representation“. The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1269445382.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleChang, Yan Margaret. „A study of political literacy of women group members in community development service in Hong Kong“. [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13857885.
Der volle Inhalt der QuellePrasad, Bela. „Women in politics : a cross-national demand and supply analysis“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8174.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleIncludes bibliographical references (leaves 142-149). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 142-149).
It is striking that the sharp increase in the number of countries moving towards self-governance and democracy has not been accompanied by more equal political representation of women. What is equally puzzling is the contrast in the share of women in positions of political authority observed between countries, with many developed nations having fewer women legislators than a number of lesser-developed countries. Why are there so few women in most parliaments and why is there such variation across countries? To understand gender-based inequality in political authority, we look at the various stages of candidacy and identify potential bottlenecks to women participation and election into public office. There are three stages which one must pass through successfully to become a legislator. The first is becoming eligible and a part of the pool from which politicians are drawn, then being selected as a candidate and finally being elected to office. Potential barriers to entry for women in the legislative process may exist at any or all of these three stages. Each of these candidacy stages is discussed through a cross-national analysis and a case study of India. The cross-national data is for 175 countries at three points in time: 1975, 1985 and 1995. The Indian case study looks at women in parliament from the first general elections in 1951-1952 and focuses most on the 1996 parliamentary data. We argue that the key factor limiting the recruitment of women into politics is women's sparse representation in the pool from which politicians are recruited. Just as in thecase of men, women are drawn from an elite pool based on their occupational achievements.
(cont.) Countries that have a greater share of women in their professional and managerial labor force are able to recruit more women into politics. Having women well represented in the eligibility pool for political candidates, broadly the elite professions is necessary to provide a conduit for women into politics. While female labor force participation has increased dramatically in the last three decades, the relative position of women in highly paid/high status professions has increased only marginally. So it is not a case of active discrimination against women in politics or a case of different gender preferences, with women having less interest in politics. It is fundamentally a case of women being less represented in the specific labor pool from which politicians are drawn. In a number of developing countries, secluded labor markets have provided access for women from elite families into top industry and professional leadership positions. This has led to a relatively larger proportion of women in the political eligibility pool and consequently to a higher level of female recruitment in politics than in countries in which women comprise a smaller part of the elite professional pool. However, in many countries, the process of industrialization has generated economic and social pressures that have imposed greater restrictions on women in the economic, and consequently, political sphere. This suggests that economic development, while it opens some opportunities for women, can also make achievement of higher leadership positions more difficult.
by Bela Prasad.
Ph.D.
Ginebreda-Frendel, Elena. „Was Roe v. Wade Enough?: The Effects of Post-Roe Policies on Low-Income Women“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/243.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleHanada, Nanaho. „A Bridge between Civil Society and Electoral Politics? Political Integration of Women in the Japanese Non-profit Organizations“. The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1248870159.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleUmerah-Udezulu, Ifeyinwa E. „The state as capitalist patriarchy: Women and politics in developing countries“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1995. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1352.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMoorman, Kathleen A. „"Draw-the-President": An Analysis of Children's Images of the Presidency and How They Affect Women in Politics“. Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1525356952716329.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleEggert, Elizabeth. „Gender and Politics: Why More Women Do Not Seek Candidacy“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/985.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleWest, Diana Burghard. „Women State Legislators and Political Culture“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626126.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleFairio, Mary. „Women and Politics in Presence: Case of Papua New Guinea“. Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1399559917.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleJean-Louis, Angela. „Influencing American Health Policy: An Analysis of the Role of National Black Women-Led Organizations“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2017. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/cauetds/73.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKaul, Sharika. „Sexual Violence Against Women in India: The Role of Public Policy and Social Media in the Persistence of Sexually Violent Crimes“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/739.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleDaniels, Nathan James. „The Impact of Women on the Political Process in Latin America“. University of Toledo Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=uthonors1367564219.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleDuque-Salazar, Juan Diego. „When armed politics empower women : Gender ideologies in armed groups and women’s political empowerment: Evidence from Colombia“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385097.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMihindou, Piekielele Eugenia Tankiso. „The African Renaissance and gender : finding the feminist voice /“. Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1113.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleDancz, Virginia H. „Women and party politics in Peninsular Malaysia /“. Singapore ; Oxford ; New York : Oxford university press, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37381932v.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSlamat, Anastasia Nicole. „NGOs as linkages between grassroots women and the state : prospects for state feminism in South Africa“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80228.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleENGLISH ABSTRACT: The core question that is addressed by this research is whether, and to what extent South African women’s NGOs contribute to enhancing state feminism through their ability to articulate and mobilise the strategic interests of women at grassroots level to appear on the national agenda, through the channels provided by the National Gender Machinery (structures of the state). A literature review was conducted that draws on the work of predominantly feminist authors in order to locate this research in previous scholarly knowledge that is relevant to the purpose of this study. The literature review includes elaboration of concepts like state feminism, women’s interests, agenda setting, civil society, and linkages between the women’s movement and the National Gender Machinery (NGM). A theoretical framework developed by Stetson and Mazur (1995), which aims at measuring whether gender machineries facilitate an increase in gender equality within the state, is used. The framework utilises two dimensions in order to investigate the level of state feminism within a country, i.e. state capacity, which investigates to what extent gender machineries influence and inform policy that is feminist and gender friendly; and state-society relations, which investigates the extent to which gender machineries provide opportunities for organised civil society actors (women’s organisations) to engage and access policy making and contribute to policy influence. In order to examine the levels of state capacity present in South Africa with regard to gender equality, current patterns of politics (a concept used by Stetson and Mazur) are considered. This is done in order to evaluate whether the political context is conducive to the passing and implementation of policy that is of a feminist nature. A qualitative study of the experience of four South African women’s NGOs, using face-to-face interviews specially designed for this purpose, was undertaken. The NGOs were interviewed in order to ascertain the status of state-society linkages, and whether the state provides access to civil society actors to inform policy making and implementation from a gender-friendly perspective that is reflective of grassroots women’s interests. The NGOs interviewed are the New Women’s Movement (NWM), the Women’s Legal Centre, the Black Sash and the International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). The findings of the fieldwork are analysed according to the framework of Stetson and Mazur (1995) in order to formulate a response to the research question. Findings include the presence of state capacity that is hostile to gender issues, with minimal (unreceptive) efforts to engage society actors in a flourishing state-society relationship. The provision of unreceptive and inconsistent space provided by the state, the lack of commitment to gender by women working within the state, and the state of “decline” that many South African NGOs are facing, have led to a “blockage” in the articulation of gender issues by NGOs that emanates from grassroots level to inform policy making, and contributes to the institutionalisation of state feminism. The national levels have therefore been largely out of touch with the interests of women at grassroots level as a result of minimal engagement and communication through the (dysfunctional) NGM. The state has spoken on behalf of, and decided on behalf of, women what is best for them and their livelihoods. Instead of being a gateway to the institutionalisation of state feminism, the state has acted as a patriarchal entity and has, to a very large extent, further entrenched gender inequality and the hardships faced by ordinary South African women at grassroots level.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kernvraag wat deur hierdie navorsing aangespreek word is of, en tot watter mate, Suid-Afrikaanse vroue se nie-regeringsorganisasies (NRO’s) bydra tot die verbreding van staatsfeminisme deur hul vermoë om die strategiese belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak te artikuleer sodat dit op die nasionale agenda deur die kanale wat deur die Nasionale Gender Masjinerie (NGM) (strukture in die staat) verskaf word, verskyn. ’n Literatuurstudie, wat die werk van hoofsaaklik feministiese outeurs aanhaal, is onderneem om hierdie navorsing binne vorige akademiese kennis wat relevant is tot die doel van hierdie studie, te plaas. Dit sluit bespreking van konsepte soos staatsfeminisme, vrouebelange, agenda-skepping, burgerlike samelewing, en verhoudings tussen die vrouebeweging en die NGM in. ’n Teoretiese raamwerk wat deur Stetson en Mazur (1995) ontwikkel is, wat ten doel het om vas te stel of gendermasjinerie ’n toename in geslagsgelykheid binne die staat fasiliteer, word gebruik. Die raamwerk gebruik twee dimensies om die vlak van staatsfeminisme in ’n land te ondersoek, naamlik staatskapsiteit, wat ondersoek tot watter mate gendermasjinerie beleid wat feministies en gender-vriendelik is, beïnvloed en inlig; en staat-samelewing verhoudinge, wat ondersoek instel na die mate waartoe gendermasjinerie geleenthede bied vir akteurs vanuit die georganiseerde burgerlike samelewing om toegang te kry tot en deel te neem aan die beleidmakings- en -implementeringsproses. Om die vlakke van staatskapasiteit t.o.v. geslagsgelykheid in Suid-Afrika te ontleed, word kontemporêre politieke patrone (’n konsep wat deur Stetson en Mazur gebruik word) gebruik. Dit word gedoen om vas te stel of die politieke konteks gunstig is vir die goedkeuring en implementering van beleid van ’n feministiese aard. ’n Kwalitatiewe studie van die ervaring van vier Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s met behulp van aangesig-tot-aangesig onderhoude wat spesiaal vir hierdie doel ontwerp is, is onderneem. Die onderhoude is met die NRO’s gevoer om die status van staat-samelewing verhoudings vas te stel, en om te bepaal of die staat toegang verleen aan akteurs vanuit die burgerlike samelewing om beleidmakings- en -implementeringsprosesse vanuit ’n gender-vriendelike perspektief, wat die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak reflekteer, te informeer. Die NRO’s waarmee onderhoude gevoer is, is die New Women’s Movement (NWM), die Women’s Legal Centre, die Black Sash en die International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). Die bevindinge is volgens die raamwerk van Stetson en Mazur (1995) geanaliseer ten einde ’n antwoord op die navorsingsvraag te bied. Die bevindinge sluit in die aanwesigheid van staatskapasiteit wat vyandig gesind is teenoor gendersake, met minimale (nie-ontvanklike) pogings om akteurs vanuit die samelewing betrokke te kry in ’n florerende staat-samelewing verhouding. Die voorsiening van ’n nie-ontvanklike en nie-konsekwente ruimte deur die staat, die gebrek aan toewyding tot gendersake deur vroue wat binne die staat werk, en die toestand van agteruitgang wat baie Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s in die gesig staar, het gelei tot ’n “blokkasie” in die artikulering van gendersake deur NRO’s, wat hul oorsprong het vanaf die voetsoolvlak om beleidmaking te informeer, en by te dra tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme. Die nasionale vlak is dus baie uit voeling met die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak a.g.v. minimale betrokkenheid en kommunikasie deur die (disfunksionele) NGM. Die staat praat en besluit namens vroue oor wat die beste vir hulle en hul bestaanswyses is. In stede van ’n poort te wees tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme, tree die staat op as ’n patriargale entiteit en dra dit grootliks daartoe by om gender-ongelykheid en die swaarkry van gewone Suid-Afrikaanse vroue op voetsoolvlak verder te verskans.
Helton, Josh A. „Politics of Gender and Sexuality in Contemporary Altered Carbon“. Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1587732433724245.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleHenderson, Nancy Ann. „British Aristocratic Women and Their Role in Politics, 1760-1860“. PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4799.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBhat, Reiya. „India’s 1947 Partition Through the Eyes of Women: Gender, Politics, and Nationalism“. Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1524658168133726.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleWhitener, Angela Michele. „The Integration of Women into North Carolina Politics: An Examination of Boards and Commissions“. NCSU, 2004. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-01232004-153852/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleTucker, Katherine K. „The impact of socialization on the political participation of women in the American political system“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1999. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1385.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleConti, Erika. „Political rights and representation for women in Egypt“. Thesis, IMT Alti Studi Lucca, 2008. http://e-theses.imtlucca.it/63/1/Conti_phdthesis.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAwomolo, Abiodun Adegboye. „The political economy of market women in Western Nigeria“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1998. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/601.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBelcastro, Julia. „Political Representation of Women in Argentina and Bolivia : A comparative case selection study on the effects of women´s movements on political representation“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-437700.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleNelson, Scott G. „Feminist critiques of politics/science : discursive controversies at the intersection of gender and science /“. Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06302009-040430/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleWide, Jessika. „Kvinnors politiska representation i ett jämförande perspektiv - nationell och lokal nivå“. Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Political Science, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-921.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe purpose of this dissertation is to map and analyze the spatial and temporal variation in women’s political representation at both the national and local level. In the dissertation it is argued that women’s political representation is the outcome of the interplay between structures, institutions and actors. The perspective is a comparative one, in which quantitative analyses and more qualitative case-studies complement each other. When analysing spatial variation a mainly quantitative approach is taken, while the case-study approach is applied to the temporal variation.
The first empirical chapter examines whether female representation in the lower houses of the world’s parliaments co-varies with other indicators of the political situation of women in order to ensure the validity of the analysis. In the second empirical chapter female representation in parliaments of the world during the post-war period is analyzed. In the third empirical chapter the focus narrows down to women’s political representation in Western Europe during the post-war period, where both the national and local level is analysed. The fourth empirical chapter consists of case studies of six countries. Sweden, Norway and the Netherlands feature high female representation; France, Greece and Ireland low female representation. In the fifth empirical chapter women’s political representation at the local level in Norway and Sweden is analysed during the post-war period. In the sixth empirical chapter the temporal variation in female representation in a number of Swedish municipalities is analysed, from the introduction of female suffrage in 1921 until 2002.
The result is that both structures, institutions and actors are necessary to explain the spatial and temporal variation in female representation. There is no direct link between structures and female representation. The structure does affect the actors and co-varies with the institutions, but successful actors as entrepreneurs might boost female representation. Actors are important. The increase in female representation cannot be seen as an automatic process taking care of itself. Conscious actors are necessary both to affect and to monitor the development. An unfavourable structural context might be compensated for by actors and institutions which favour female representation.
Jacobs, Chantal, und Chantal Rowena Jacobs. „Attitudes towards Gender Equality and the Representation of Women in Parliament: A comparative study of South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4053.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although gender equality is evident in many spheres in African countries, the entry of women into political institutions has often been described as slow and unequal. In sub-Saharan African countries this trend is particularly associated with social, cultural and historical barriers within political spheres that hinder gender equality in political leadership and an equal representation of women in parliament. The issues of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament have long been hotly contested debates on the continent and in sub-Saharan African countries more specifically, largely as a result of different cultural heritages and countries‟ being poised at varying phases within the democratic consolidation process. It is necessary to evaluate attitudes towards gender equality in order to determine whether a populace embraces the principles of gender equality. Of equal significance is the evaluation of the percentage of women represented in parliament as an important indicator of whether gender equality is perceived by the populace to be an important principle in practice. In order to gauge the levels of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament in sub-Saharan Africa, this study evaluates attitudes towards gender equality and a number of its dimensions, namely women in leadership positions, equal education and the economic independence of women; it also investigates the representation of women in parliament by examining the actual numbers of women representatives in parliament in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This in an attempt to determine whether there is a link – either directly or indirectly – between attitudes towards gender equality and the number of women represented in parliament. For comparative purposes the attitudinal patterns and trends towards gender equality, as measured in the World Values Survey 2001, are evaluated amongst respondents in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This study also identifies four independent variables, namely gender, level of education, residential status (urban vs. rural) and age in an attempt to explain some of the differences in attitudes towards gender equality between the three samples. iii The main findings include, amongst others, that: the South African sample has by and large the most positive attitudes towards gender equality in comparison to its Ugandan and Zimbabwean counterparts; and that a higher percentage of women are represented in the South African parliament in contrast to Uganda and Zimbabwe. The independent variables prove to be fairly good predictors of the varying attitudes towards gender equality across the three samples. This study concludes that in sub-Saharan Africa positive attitudes towards gender equality can indeed be linked to a higher percentage of women represented in parliament; however, the inverse – that negative attitudes towards gender equality can be linked to low percentages of women represented in parliament – is not substantiated.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel geslagsgelykheid sigbaar is in baie sfere in Afrika lande word die toegang van vroue tot politieke instellings dikwels beskryf as stadig en ongelyk. In sub–Sahara Afrika-lande word hierdie neiging in besonder geassosieer met sosiale, kulturele en historiese hindernisse binne politieke instellings wat geslagsgelykheid in politieke leierskap en gelyke verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement belemmer. Die kwessie rondom geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement is ʼn sterk debat op die Afrika kontinent en meer spesifiek in sub-Sahara Afrika-lande, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van verskillende kulturele tradisies en verskille in die fases van demokratisering. Dit is nodig om die houdings ten opsigte van geslagsgelykheid te evalueer om te bepaal of ʼn bevolking die beginsels van geslagsgelykheid aanvaar. Hiermee saam is die evaluering van die persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlement ʼn belangrik aanwyser van die feit dat geslagsgelykheid deur die bevolking as ʼn belangrike beginsel beskou word. Ten einde die vlakke van geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlemente in sub-Sahara Afrika te meet, bespreek hierdie studie die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en ʼn aantal van sy dimensies, naamlik vroue in leierskap posisies, gelyke opvoeding en die ekonomiese onafhanklikheid van vroue. Dit bestudeer ook die vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlemente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie poog verder om te bepaal of daar ʼn verbintenis - direk of indirek - bestaan tussen die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en die aantal vroue verteenwoordigers in die parlemente van die lande onder bespreking. Die studie se doel is om vas te stel of positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van vroulike verteenwoordigers in die parlement. Vir vergelykende doeleindes, is die houdingspatrone en neigings teenoor geslagsgelykheid, soos gemeet in die die Wêreld Waardes Opname, ondersoek tussen die respondente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die studie identifiseer ook vier onafhanklike veranderlikes, naamlik geslag, opvoedingvlak, woongebied (stedelik vs plattelands) asook ouderdom, in ʼn poging om sommige van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid tussen die drie lande te verduidelik. v Die vernaamste bevindings sluit onder meer in dat: Suid-Afrika by verre die sterkste positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid het in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe; en, dat daar ʼn hoër persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die Suid-Afrikaanse parlement is, in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die onafhanlike veranderlikes blyk redelike goeie voorspellers te wees van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsykheid regoor die drie lande. Die studie kom tot gevolgtrekking dat binne hierdie drie lande, positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement, maar dat die teenoorgestelde - dat negatiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn laer persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in parlement – nie ondersteuning in die data kry nie.
Wildschut, Angelique Colleen. „Investigating women's participation in protest politics between 1991 and 2001“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53473.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleENGLISH ABSTRACT: The involvement of women in both conventional and unconventional forms of political participation in South Africa has over the past 10 years, and often at present, been experienced as problematic and limited. Exacerbating the problem of limited access and information, the study of, and literature about, women's participation in unconventional forms of politics have also been limited. It is the aim of this study to contribute to our knowledge in this area. This study investigates women's participation in unconventional politics between 1991 and 2001. This period is specifically important, as it makes possible the examination of trends in women's political participation before and after the democratic transition in 1994. This makes it possible for us to speculate about the influence of transition on women's political participation. I propose and evaluate two mam hypotheses in which I; firstly, expect women's participation in protest politics to decrease between 1991 and 2001, and secondly, expect to find women's levels of participation in protest to be consistently lower than that of their male counterparts. The complex set of variables influencing women's participation is evaluated according to the socialization and structural approaches, which offer different assumptions about the reasons for the trends in women's participation. In conclusion, I offer the main findings of my research, as well as suggesting possible areas still to be investigated within the field, as deduced from the questions arising out of my analysis in this project.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die betrokkenheid van vroue in beide konvensionele en onkonvensionele vorme van politieke deelname in Suid Afrika, was oor die laaste 10 jaar, en is steeds ervaar as problematies en beperk. Wat die probleem vererger, is die beperkte toegang tot informasie, die studie van, en literatuur oor, vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele vorme van politiek. Dit is in die strewe na die oorkoming van hierdie leemtes, dat hierdie werk aangepak word. Hierdie werk ondersoek vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele politiek tussen 1991 en 2001. Hierdie periode is spesifiek belangrik, omdat dit die demokratiese transisie na 1994 insluit, en om neigings in vroulike deelname voor en na 1994 te bestudeer. Dit maak dit moontlik om oor die invloed van die transisie op vroue se politieke deelname te spekuleer. Ek stel, en evalueer twee hoof hipoteses waarin ek; eerstens, verwag dat vroue se deelname in protes politiek sal verminder tussen 1991 en 2001, en tweedens, verwag ek om te vind dat vroue se vlakke van deelname in protes, deurentyd laer sal wees as die van mans. Die komplekse stel veranderlikes wat vroue se deelname beinvloed, word geevalueer in terme van die sosialisering- en strukturele benaderings, wat verskillende voorstelle oor die motivering van die geobserveerde neigings in vroue se deelname oplewer. Ten slotte, bied ek die hoof bevindinge van my navorsing aan, so wel as voorstelle ten opsigte van moontlike areas vir verder ondersoek binne die veld.
Spence, RuthAnne. „Raise their voices: Maine legislative women making meaning of feminism“. Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleUrquhart, Diane. „The political role of women in north-east Ulster, 1890-1940“. Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286860.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBrown, Dorian L. „Survivors: an analysis of relocated Somali women in Georgia“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2001. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/874.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleLjung, Johanna. „Protecting Women to Protect the World? : A critical examination of the `Women and Peace´ thesis through process tracing in the case of Kenya“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384101.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSray, Karen L. „Accessing the power within the challenge of gender and cultural identity to post-conflict reconstruction in Iraq /“. Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490818.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleOjior, Omoh Tsatsaku. „African women and political development: A case study of Etsako women in Edo State of Nigeria“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2000. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3313.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleClarke, Roland Tuwea. „Postwar Reconstruction in Liberia: The Participation and Recognition of Women in Politics in Liberia“. PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1038.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMcCrystal, John. „For God or Man: Notions of Women in Seventeenth Century England“. Thesis, University of Auckland, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2083.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleWhole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.
Morton, Ennette Y. „Leadership traits and characteristics of elected California women political leaders“. Thesis, Pepperdine University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3558398.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleFrom the beginning of women’s entry into government and politics, namely the suffrage movement, the male lead political system did not embrace women’s involvement. While women have played an influential role in the political system, they were largely relegated to supporting roles. However, within the past century, women have become a stronger force in policy making and continue to shatter the stereotypes that has persisted through the years.
The purpose of this study was to examine how specific leadership traits and characteristics have contributed to the career progress of 6 elected women who represent California constituents within the local, state, and federal levels of the U.S. legislative system. By exploring the leadership traits and characteristics of women political leaders, this research can (a) contribute to the scholarly studies of women political leaders, (b) provide information for women who aspire to serve in a political office, (c) offer an oral history and a rare personal perspective of current-day women political leaders, and (d) further the dialog regarding women’s participation in the political arena.
This study used a qualitative design and an ethnographic research methodology to evaluate and elicit information on the shared experience of the elected women. The researcher used a purposive sampling strategy to select the participants who were women currently seated in elected positions at the local, state, and federal level of California government.
Semi-structured interviews were conducted. Each participant was videotaped and the transcripts of the videotape, along with the notes were the data source for the study. The information was analyzed and grouped by themes. The data yielded 7 themes the participants self reported as the key traits, skills, and characteristics that are important to their political success: (a) responsibility, (b) sociability, (c) relationships, (d) consensus building, (e) self-confidence, (f) cooperativeness, and (g) persistence. The video analysis produced results that showed participants’ nonverbal mannerisms were consistent with the themes they identified as important in their success.
Berwing, Sandra. „Traditionella könsmänster eller ökad jämställdhet? : Partiernas jämställdhetspolitik under 30 år“. Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1893.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAbstract
The aim of this thesis is to investigate how the Swedish political parties have been discussing gender politics since 1970 to nowadays, in order to see which problems and solutions that have been suggested by the parties to increase the representation of women and the equality between the sexes. The theoretical framework is constructed by theories of women´s representation, gender politics and women’s interest.
To describe how the discussions about gender politics have been between the different parties, the methodological foundation consists of an ideology critical textual analysis of the political programs from the Swedish parties.
The analysis confirms that the discussions about gender politics and the political representation of women increase over time. The most important issue of equality is the lack of women´s rights and possibilities in the labor market as a consequence of women´s responsibility of home and childcare. The analysis also shows that parties which discuss women as a category and the underrepresentation of women also point out the importance to increase equality between men and women.
Vertus, Neree Nathalie. „Exploring the Leadership Strategies of Women of the 111th Congress“. ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1985.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleFotopoulou, Aristea. „Remediating politics : feminist and queer formations in digital networks“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39666/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleShames, Shauna Lani. „The Rational Non-Candidate: A Theory of Candidate Deterrence“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11438.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleGovernment
Hughes, Melanie M. „Politics at the Intersection: A Cross-National Analysis of Minority Women's Legislative Representation“. Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1217434642.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleDonaghy, Tahnya Barnett. „Women, political recruitment and candidacy in Scotland and Northern Ireland, 1996-1998“. Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301698.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleModlin, Jessie. „Analyzing the Discourse: How Khomeini and Khamenei Shape the Role of Women in Iran“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/941.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleLundborg, Regnér Anna. „A greater evil – the emerging role of women in al Qaeda“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324382.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleWyatt, Gina E. „The portrayal of black men and black women in selected works of selected black authors“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1988. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/344.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBlomgren, Emelie. „Women and Political Participation : A Minor Field Study on Hindrances for Women's Political Participation in Georgia“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-9910.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAbdelzadeh, Ali. „Kvinnor i en mansdominerad värld : En jämförande studie om kvinnors representation i de etablerade demokratiernas parlament“. Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-2357.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe purpose of this study is to map out and to analyze the spatial variation of female representation at the national level in established democracies. The aim is also to explain the variation in the female representation. The main questions that the paper tries to answer are:
1.How does women representation in established democratic parliaments vary?
2.Why does women representation in established democratic parliaments vary?
This study is a comparative and statistic study, i.e. a study that includes a bigger number of countries and where quantitative analysis methods are used in order to achieve comparative analyses. This study is both a descriptive and an explanatory study. The statistical method that is used in this study is mainly bivariat analysis and multivariat regression.
The results show that the variation in female representation in the established democracies is quite considerable. Sweden, Norway, Finland, Denmark and Netherlands feature high female representation at the national level during the period 1995-2005. The result also implies that the proportion of women in parliament increases during the current period. The result also shows that political institutions, socio-economic -and cultural factors, are important and necessary in order to explain the variation in female representation. The overall standards that can be discerned of the statistical analyses is that the proportion of women in parliament is higher in countries with a proportional electoral system, high number of parliament members, high socio-economic development (high HDI, GDI and GNP per capita) contemporary as the country introduced female suffrage in an early stage and have a more positive attitude toward female leadership.