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Dissertationen zum Thema „Political science Greece History“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

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1

Atack, Carol Wendy. „Debating kingship : models of monarchy in fifth- and fourth-century BCE Greek political thought“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708051.

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2

Vollgraaff, Helene. „Values and the environmental/green movement of South Africa“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52602.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence and growth of the environmental/green movement has been linked to a value shift from materialism towards postmaterialism. In this study, the emergence of the South African environmental/green movement and its growth potential is investigated within the context of Ronald Inglehart's value change theory and its implications for developing societies. The positive link between postmaterialism and environmentalism is well researched and widely accepted. However, many researchers focusing on developing societies argue that a shift towards postmaterialism does not adequately explain the emergence of environmentalism, because environmentalism is taking root in developing societies despite postmaterialist values not being prioritised. This relationship is investigated by means of a literature study about the values, principles and issues addressed by the environmental/green movement. It is argued in this study that environmentalism can indeed be linked to postmaterialism, but that prematerialist values could also playa role, especially in developing societies. The South African environmental/green movement is discussed as an example of environmentalism in a developing society. The South African movement is often described as a white middle class movement. It is argued on the basis of a literature study that the movement has changed considerably and incorporates a wide range of interests ranging from more conservative forms of environmentalism to radical political forms of environmentalism such as environmental justice. This change is linked to the concepts of prematerialism and postmaterialism emphasising that both sets of goals seems to be prioritised by different discourses within the movement. Issues concerning both the welloff and the poor are addressed by the movement. This is followed by an analysis of the 1995 World Value survey data set to obtain a demographic and socio-economic profile of the active members of an environmental organisation and the environmentally concerned. The relationship between active membership of an environmental organisation, the environmentally concerned and the concepts of prematerialism, materialism and postmaterialism is also established. The positive relationship between postmaterialism and environmentalism is confirmed, but contradictory results have been found regarding the relationship between prematerialism and environmentalism. This can possibly be attributed to the inadequate survey material that is available. Although active membership of an environmental organisation correlates positively with prematerialism, no relationship could be found between environmental concern and prematerialism. Lastly, a demographic and socio-economic profile of the "don't know" response group has also been compiled as this group is an important target group for the expansion of the environmental/green movement.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die totstandkoming en groei van die groen- of omgewingsbeweging word gekoppel aan 'n waardeverskuiwing van materialisme na postmaterialisme. Die totstandkoming van die Suid-Afrikaanse groen/omgewingsbeweging en die groeipotensiaal daarvan word ill hierdie studie ondersoek binne die raamwerk van Ronald Inglehart se waardeverskuiwingsteorie en die implikasies daarvan vir ontwikkelende lande. Die positiewe verband tussen postmaterialisme en omgewingsbewustheid is goed nagevors en geniet wye aanvaarding. Tog het verskeie navorsers, veral dié wat op ontwikkelende lande fokus, probleme daarmee. Hierdie navorsers argumenteer dat postmaterialisme nie die totstandkoming van die omgewingsbeweging in ontwikkelende lande voldoende verklaar nie, aangesien die beweging in hierdie lande posgevat het terwyl die prioritisering van postmaterialisme ontbreek. Hierdie verband word ondersoek d.m.v. 'n literatuurstudie oor die waardes, beginsels en vraagstukke wat deur die groen/omgewingsbeweging aangespreek word. Daar word in hierdie studie geargumenteer dat omgewingsbewustheid wel aan postmaterialisme gekoppel kan word, maar dat prematerialistiese waardes waarskynlik ook 'n rol kan speel, veral in ontwikkelende lande. Die Suid-Afrikaanse groen/omgewingsbeweging word beskryf as 'n voorbeeld van omgewingsbewustheid in 'n ontwikkelende land. Die Suid-Afrikaanse beweging word dikwels beskryf as 'n wit middelklasbeweging. Daar word op grond van 'n literatuurstudie geargumenteer dat die beweging aansienlik verander het sodat dit nou 'n breë verskeidendenheid van belange aanspreek wat wissel van die meer konserwatiewe vorme van omgewingsbewustheid tot die radikale politieke vorme soos byvoorbeeld omgewingsregverdigheid (Eng: environmental justice). Die verskuiwing word aan die konsepte van postmaterialisme en prematerialisme verbind. Dit word beklemtoon dat verskillende groeperings binne die groen/omgewingsbeweging verskillende waardes prioritiseer. Vraagstukke wat beide die welvarendes en die armes raak, word deur die beweging aangespreek. Die literatuurstudie word gevolg deur 'n analise van die 1995 World Value Survey datastel. 'n Demografiese en sosio-ekonomiese profiel van die aktiewe lede van 'n omgewingsorganisasie en respondente wat as omgewingsbewus geïdentifiseer is, is opgestel. Die verhouding tussen die konsepte van prematerialisme, materialisme en postmaterialisme en aktiewe lidmaatskap van 'n omgewingsorganisasie aan die een kant en omgewingsbewustheid aan ander kant word ook bespreek. Die positiewe verband tussen postmaterialisme en omgewingsbewustheid, sowel as aktiewe lidmaatskap word deur die data bevestig. 'n Positiewe verband is ook tussen aktiewe lidmaatskap van 'n omgewingsorganisasie en prematerialisme gevind, maar teenstrydige resulte is gevind rakende die verband tussen omgewingsbewustheid en prematerialisme. Hierdie resultate kan egter moontlik beïnvloed wees deur die onvoldoende meetinstrument wat beskikbaar is. Laastens is 'n demografiese en sosio-ekonomiese profiel van die "weet nie" responsgroep saamgestel, aangesien hierdie groep 'n belangrike teiken is indien die groen/omgewingsbeweging wil uitbrei.

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3

Tridimas, George. „Structure, policy and effects of public expenditures in Greece“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314939.

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4

Liaras, Evangelos. „Politicized armies, militarized politics : civil-military relations in Turkey and Greece“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/46631.

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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 55-60).
Despite their common Ottoman heritage, Greece and Turkey have diverged widely in their modem history of civil-military relations. The armed forces have a long record of intervention in both countries, but there is a crucial difference: the military emerged as a roughly unitary, independent political actor in Turkey, whereas in Greece it remained divided into factions aligned with civilian political parties through patronage relationships. This empirical observation is then used as a basis for an attempt at theory building. Several countries exhibit a pattern of military interventions more similar to Turkey and others to those found in Greece. Societies which developed a strong parliamentary tradition early in the modernization process also acquired organized civilian political groups with clientelist networks extending into the armed forces. On the contrary, in countries with limited or weak parliamentary development and strong security pressures, political activism was often channeled through the military, which emerged as a hotbed of political thinking, predating and pre-empting any civilian party tradition. The former type of civil-military relations was more commonly found in Southern European and Latin American countries while the latter was predominant in non-Western societies that resisted Western colonization.
by Evangelos Liaras.
S.M.

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5

Tsingos, Basilios Evangelos. „Underwriting democracy, not exporting it : the European Community and Greece“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307426.

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6

Karavitis, Nicholas E. „The determinants of government expenditure growth in Greece, 1950-1980“. Thesis, University of Leicester, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/35503.

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The scope of this study is the examination of various theoretical contributions to the literature of the determinants of government expenditure growth. In the beginning we give a critical overview of different theories, starting with Wagner's Law, then passing onto Peacock and Wiseman's Displacement Effect Hypothesis and then putting bureaucracy, politics and other economic and social factors into perspective. We conclude that the best way of examining the growth of the public sector is by means of interdisciplinary approaches. Then, after giving a synoptic description of the Greek economy, polity and society we proceed into the empirical testing of theoretical propositions, which covers the years 1950-1980. We stress the fact that government expenditures is a non-uniform set interacting with the private sector and we employ empirical causality tests to a large number of variables in an attempt to identify causal relationships rather than assume them ex ante. Having done this, we proceed into calculating income elasticities for various categories of government expenditures, and we find that, in general, they are unitary except for those which are associated with transfer payments and are higher than unity. Furthermore, we were not able to identify any displacements in the Peacock and Wiseman sense, although we did find out that defence expenditure affects non-defence expenditure negatively. Finally, we constructed a model in order to examine the relative price effect, and the results we obtained were not fully in accordance with Baumol's assertions, any differences, however, being explained by the bureaucratic way of production.

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7

Michalis, Maria. „The European Union's telecommunications policy and its relation to Greece“. Thesis, City University London, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339697.

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8

Tsouhlou, Angeliki K. „Effects of government deficits in Greece : some theoretical and empirical evidence“. Thesis, University of Leicester, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/10974.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the effects of the fiscal deficit on the Greek economy. The emphasis is on the inflationary, crowding-out and balance of payments problems that have arisen from the deficits in the budget of the Greek government. The study starts with the description of the means through which the fiscal stance can be examined and analyses the virtues and the drawbacks of the traditional and the new measures of fiscal stance. After we describe the characteristics of the Greek monetary system and the structure of the reserve requirements in order to present the relation of the monetary and budgetary policies, we proceed to estimating annual and quarterly measures of fiscal stance for Greece. We then empirically investigate the relationship between private and government investment, which in general is found to be of a complementary character. Furthermore, we deal with the short-run impact of the fiscal deficit on the output, balance of payment and inflation by using quarterly data. Finally, the output and price behaviour were examined under the assumption of rationally formed expectations.

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9

Prodromou, Elizabeth H. „Democracy, religion and identity in socialist Greece : church-state relations under PASOK, 1981-1989“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12457.

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10

Mihas, Demosthenes E. M. „Transition from authoritarianism to democracy and its impact on political parties and their policies : the case of post-1974 Greece within the southern European framework (Spain, Portugal, and Greece)“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.262201.

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11

Kouveliotis, Kyriakos. „The Common Foreign and Security Policy and weak states : the case of Greece“. Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/941.

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This thesis endeavours to present a systematic and rigorous examination of the Common Foreign and Security Policy in relation to the Weak European Union member states, by analysing the role, contribution, and participation of Greece in the CFSP framework. Reference is also being made to other weak EU member states such as Ireland, Portugal and Belgium. Chronologically, the thesis is focused on the period from 1981 to 1994 and it is built upon thematic entities and does not intend to follow any chronological sequence. It attempts to address the following key issues: The distinctive elements of EU's weak member states' attitudes towards EPC/CFSP; the ways in which Greece had responded to the institutional development of the CFSP; the way in which Greece had handled its role and participation in the EPC and CFSP frameworks; the impact of EPC/CFSP participation on the formulation and implementation of Greece's foreign policy; and Greece's contribution in EPC/CFSP. The thesis addresses four important dimensions of European Union framework for political co-operation and co-ordination: first, its theoretical basis; second its impact upon the weak EU member states; third, its institutional development; and finaffy its implications in the formulation of Greek foreign and security policy. its main theoretical ambition is to assess the validity of the theory of Modified Structural Realism to the extent that it is applied as an explanatory theoretical framework for the institutional development of the Common Foreign and Security Policy in relation to its irnpact on the weak EU member states having Greece as a case study. To measure CFSP's overall success and its inipact upon Greek politics, the thesis will examine key structural and procedural developments and policy initiatives and assess whether the Greek objectives have been fulfilled based on the following key variables: the behavioural patterns of weak states in foreign policy issues; the domestic sources of weak states' foreign policy; the dynamics of changing relationships and the adaptation of weak states; and the resources and perspectives of the diplomatic and strategic regimes.

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12

Karabelias, Gerasimos. „Civil military relations : comparative analysis of military interventions in postwar Turkey and Greece“. Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283684.

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13

Hooper, Thomas Peter. „Athenian political leadership in the classical democracy“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610119.

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14

Stefanidis, Ioannis. „United States, Great Britain and Greece, 1949-1952 : the problem of Greek security and internal stability“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244192.

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15

Christakis, Michalis. „Greece and the European Community : the change of attitude of the Greek socialists towards the European Community“. Thesis, University of Kent, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332654.

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16

Andreopoulos, G. J. „Greece : The state-foreign policy nexus and its role in Â£TAnglo-Greek relationsÂ£T (1928-1933)“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377242.

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17

Bisopoulos, Anastasios P. „Public procurement and public works contracting in the European Community with special reference to the UK and Greece“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312127.

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18

Kiritsis, Constantine Vassilios. „Re-evaluating threat perception as a major requirement for European defence in the post Cold War era : case study, Greece“. Thesis, University of Surrey, 1995. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/2223/.

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19

Kotouza, Dimitra. „Surplus citizens : struggles in the Greek crisis, 2010-2014“. Thesis, University of Kent, 2015. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/55614/.

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This thesis analyses the social struggles that occurred between 2010 and 2014 during the crisis in Greece: labour struggles, the movement of the squares, demonstrations and riots, neighbourhood assemblies, solidarity projects and economies, local environmental struggles, and anti-fascist and migrants' struggles. It discusses their internal and external limits in the historical specificity of the contemporary crisis and class relation. Drawing critically on Théorie Communiste's periodising schema, these struggles are framed, first, through a shift in the dynamic of the class relation effected by the crisis and the restructuring, which is a continuation of the first phase of 'neoliberal' restructuring in the 1990s. This shift intensified a central capitalist contradiction: while the capital relation imposes most violently the absolute dependence of subsistence on the wage, the wage relation fails to guarantee subsistence and integrates proletarians as surplus to capitalist reproduction. Second, the struggles are framed through the deep political crisis of state sovereignty and the relation between state and civil society, caused by the relentless imposition of the restructuring in conjunction with supranational institutions. These historical transformations are traced through the mutual constitution of international tendencies and the development of class struggle in Greece, against theories of dependency and underdevelopment. Ideological responses to the financial crisis and the logic of the restructuring are interrogated by employing theories of value, fetishism, and the state influenced by the German 'value-form' debate. Foucault-influenced conceptions of governmentality and sovereignty are also deployed to examine the restructuring's forms of imposition and the biopolitical crisis-management strategies of the state, which reinforced the racialised and gendered constitution of civil society. The thesis argues that these two elements, the changing dynamic of the class relation and the crisis of the state and civil society, defined the struggles of this period, in which two core characteristics can be identified. First, labour struggles confronted the dilemma between the necessity and inadequacy of the wage through an ambivalence between their attachment to work and their estrangement from it. This ambivalence did not question the terms of the dilemma posed, which were only questioned fleetingly in riots that interrupted the normality of commodity exchange. Second, the deep political crisis provoked struggles defending democracy, with the disempowered 'Greek citizen' as their central subject, which constitutively excluded migrants. The splitting of these struggles between leftwing anti-imperialist and rightwing anti-immigration nationalism, and into a struggle between fascism and anti-fascism, were not able to challenge this constitutive exclusion, which was only questioned by migrants' own struggles. Nationalism and the drive to reinforce unsettled social hierarchies played into the governmental effort to contain the political crisis, through the state's biopolitical management of the migrant and marginal, racialised and gendered surplus populations produced in the crisis.

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20

Scopelitis, Evangelos-Maximos A. „Identity, foreign policy and European integration : a contribution to the study of international relations, with special reference to the case of Greece“. Thesis, Lancaster University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288954.

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21

Lebron, Christopher J. (Christopher Joseph). „Race, power, history, and justice in America“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/53078.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009.
Includes bibliographical references.
This project sets out two broad aims. First, I seek to explain the persistence of racial inequality in an era of formal racial inequality. I offer a theory of power, historically evolved socially embedded power. The theory states that racial inequality is to be explained in the first instance by the way historical racial norms become embedded in practices and processes of path dependent institutions, shaping the way institutions value persons of color. Subsequently, this impacts the way broader society values persons of color, and the way they value themselves. This sets up the conclusion that the problem of racial inequality is fundamentally a problem of racial valuation rather than a problem of distributive justice. In articulating the theory of power, I depart from orthodox analytic political thought methodology by relying on a cross-section of empirical resources, such as history, sociology, and social psychology. Second, I conclude from the above that a theory of justice appropriate for the needs of racial inequality must center on a normative ideal as its primary aim to counteract this more fundamental dynamic. Given the above characterization of racial inequality, I argue that self-respect is the necessary ideal and the social bases of self-respect are the appropriate currency of justice. By self-respect I mean, one's disposition towards oneself such that plans and perceived purposes are reflectively developed in line with an autonomously articulated morally appropriate conception of the good life.
(cont.) By the social bases of self-respect I mean, the public commitment and efforts made by major social institutions to embrace and affirm persons of color as substantive equals in a way that reckons with both the history and contemporary reality of racial injustice. I formulate justice as democratic partnership as the appropriate conception of racial justice. It states that justice obtains when institutions consistently provide the social bases of self-respect as per a defined set of institutional principles, and persons of color utilize this resource, as per a defined set of personal principles, by conceiving and pursuing the good of their lives just as the more socially and politically advantaged are able to.
by Christopher J. Lebron.
Ph.D.

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22

Grossman, Daniel P. (Daniel Phillip). „A policy history of Hanford's atmospheric releases“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12258.

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23

Zeginis, Dimitris A. „Nationalism and the reality of the nation-state : the case of Greece and Turkey in relation to the European orientation in the two countries“. Thesis, University of Essex, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.333473.

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24

Dickson, Anna-Kumari. „A political history of the ACP-EEC Sugar Protocol“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315984.

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25

Densu, Kwasi. „Patchin: Towards a theory and political history of Africana Agrarianism“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2011. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/255.

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This is a theoretical dissertation that seeks to explore the implications of using an Africana agrarian development philosophy to examine the historical evolution of African-American communities and social movements in the United States. The central theme of this study is the importance of recentering the land question as a theoretical tool used to construct narratives of the cultural development of African-American rural and farming communities. Particular emphasis is placed upon using the notion of an ecological revolution to explain African-Amencan responses to the socio-economic problems that have emerged from their relationship to the American state and, the resultant paradigms that have developed, within the tradition of African-American political philosophy, to both perceive and address these issues.

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26

Papadogiannis, Nikolaos. „Greek communist youth and the politicisation of leisure, 1974-1981“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609016.

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27

Staley, Maxwell Reed. „A Most Dangerous Science| Discipline and German Political Philosophy, 1600-1648“. Thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10930815.

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This dissertation tracks the development of German political philosophy over the course of the first half of the seventeenth century, with an emphasis on the disciplinary, methodological, and pedagogical concerns of Politica writers. These figures produced large-scale technical textbooks on politics, which attempted to make sense of the chaotic civil sphere through the application of disciplinary structures. The main influences on their thought came from the sixteenth century: Aristotelianism, reason of state, natural law, and neostoicism were the competing traditions that they attempted to fit into comprehensive treatments of their subject. Generally, these thinkers have been organized by historians into schools divided by their political and confessional commitments. I argue that, while these factors were important, their disciplinary and methodological choices also decisively shaped their vision of politics, and indeed their positions on the critical questions of their day. I do this by focusing on four specific writers, one from each of the four faculties of the early modern university: Bartholomaus Keckermann from the arts faculty, Henning Arnisaeus from Medicine, Christoph Besold from Law, and Adam Contzen from Theology. I show how each Politica author?s disciplinary background inflected their construction of politics as an academic discipline, and how this in turn shaped their opinions on the confessional and constitutional debates which were then fracturing the Holy Roman Empire. While the dissertation does focus on the differences among these figures, it also tracks a trajectory which they all participated in. I argue that their attempts to discipline politics as a subject resulted in the centering of the state as a disciplinary and administrative institution. Their motivation was to prevent political upheaval through the application of technical expertise, which meant that they were able to find ever more aspects of human life which required treatment under the rubric of political philosophy, because almost anything could be conceived of as either a threat or a source of strength for the political order. This in turn suggested a vastly expanded conception of the regulatory and disciplinary powers of the state. I thus contend that, although the Politica writers are mostly forgotten today, they represent a critical phase in the intellectual development of the idea of the state.

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28

Muth, Jörg. „John A. Lynn, Battle - A History of Combat and Culture from Ancient Greece to Modern Amerika / [rezensiert von] Muth Jörg“. Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/2036/.

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29

Flanagan, R. „A history of the politics of the unemployed, 1884-1939“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.381839.

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30

Tsai, Ying-Wen. „History and politics in Michael Oakshott's and Hannah Arendt's political thought“. Thesis, University of York, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316180.

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31

Glidden, Julia A. „Neo-Conservatives and US foreign policy : an intellectual history, 1930-1995“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296079.

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32

Blancke, Brian Booth. „Rebuilding the longhouse: Obstacles to and opportunities for settling the Cayuga Indian Nation land claim through negotiation (New York)“. Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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33

Yoo, Ho-Yeol Paul. „A New Political Economy of Economic Policy Change in South Korea, 1961-1963: Crisis, Uncertainty, and Contradiction“. The Ohio State University, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1394809853.

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34

O'Flynn, Padraigin Mary. „Colonization by Other Means: Consequences of Peace Agreements in Northern Ireland and Palestine“. Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1558056015928991.

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35

Francis, Reuben. „Assessing the Success of UN Peacekeeping Operations in the Middle East“. Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1588635548490414.

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36

Begum, Anwara. „Inter-republican cooperation of the Russian Republic“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187183.

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The most important republic of the former Soviet Union, the Russian Republic, engaged in cooperative activities during the period June 1990-August 1991 with the fourteen other Union republics. It supported the demands of these republics for sovereignty and signed important treaties with them. This cooperation process is dissected in this dissertation through the use of a multi-method research approach. The theoretical orientation is derived from elite conflict theory and the literature on collapse of empires in the twentieth century. The collected evidence yield the following conclusions: Russia's cooperation with the other republics was the manifestation of a major elite conflict. It also epitomized the Russian government's effort to manage the uncontrolled breakup of the Soviet state in a manner ensuring Russian dominance in the post-Soviet space.

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Art, David C. 1972. „Debating the lessons of history : the politics of the Nazi past in Germany and Austria“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/28497.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2004.
"June 2004."
Includes bibliographical references (v. 2, leaves 301-314).
This dissertation argues that public deliberation is a transformative force in democratic politics. I build a framework for analyzing public debates in advanced industrial societies, and then use it to illuminate the political stakes of "coming to terms with the past" in societies with recent histories of mass violations of human rights. My dissertation recasts dealing with the past as a punctuated series of elite debates over the "lessons of history." These lessons become important elements of political culture and important variables in partisan competition. My cases are Germany and Austria, and the dissertation addresses an important empirical puzzle: despite similar electoral institutions, partisan political landscapes, and pressures from immigration, right-wing populist parties have experienced very different fates over the last two decades in the two states. Austria has produced one of Europe's most successful right-wing populist parties (the Austrian Freedom Party, FPO), but no such party has come close to establishing itself in Germany. What explains the divergent strength of the far right in the two surviving successor states of the Third Reich? I argue against existing structural explanations, and instead contend that the divergence between Germany and Austria stems from differences in elite ideas about the Nazi past. In Germany, public debates about Nazism produced an elite consensus that identified right-wing populism as a threat to Germany democracy. When the right-wing populist 'Republikaner' party first appeared, other political parties, the media, and groups within civil society actively combated it and prevented it from establishing itself as a permanent force in German politics. In Austria, however, public debates about the
(cont.) Nazi past produced a nationalist backlash among political parties, the media, and civil society. This reaction created the ideal environment for Jorg Haider to engineer the FPO's electoral breakthrough and consolidation. My findings suggests that to explain the success and failure of right-wing populist parties in general, we need to focus on the strategies that other political parties, the media, and groups in civil society use to deal with them.
by David C. Art.
Ph.D.

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Barley, N. D. „The battlefield role of the Classical Greek general“. Thesis, Swansea University, 2012. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa43080.

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Modern studies of Classical Greek battle devote little attention to the role and importance of the general in achieving battlefield success. As a result of this the general is reduced to a simple leader of men whose only influential decision was where and when to fight, and whose major role was to provide inspiration by fighting in the front ranks. A modern conception of Hellenic fair play in warfare has further limited the importance of the general to Greek armies: apparently advanced manoeuvring and tactics were deliberately rejected in favour of a simple and direct test of strength and morale. I do not believe this to be the case, and in this study I demonstrate the importance of the general to Greek armies by offering a new analysis of his role in hoplite battle.

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Katsky, Clay Silver. „Open Secrets| Congressional Oversight of the CIA in the Early Cold War“. Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1590413.

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40

Guo, Yunlong. „The structure of a metaphysical interpretation of science of history“. Thesis, Cardiff University, 2018. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/115891/.

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The aim of this research is to reconstruct a metaphysical interpretation of the philosophy of history with regard to the spirit of historical thinking. The spirit of historical thinking is to emphasize the relation between what happened in the past and historical thinking about the past in the present. However, current philosophies of history, which are largely epistemologically oriented, have not adequately explored this relation. In order to investigate the relation between past and present, I refer to an Aristotelian philosophy of practice and politics, and adapt it to the domain of the philosophy of history, and argue the case for a metaphysical science of history. A metaphysical science of history contains two primary parts. They are the part on physis and the part on technê/phronēsis. With regard to physis that metaphysically investigates the natural generating progress of entities, I argue that the existence of historical events can be understood as a natural developing progress in which the events are ordered in a chronological sequence. Such chronological sequence is essentially the physis of history in the metaphysical sense (I characterize it as ‘Ordnungszeit’). For the part on technê/phronēsis, I demonstrate that Aristotelian knowing is for itself an action of knowing, which is located beyond a given temporal position in the past to both the past and the thinking present, and indicates the fundamental Beingness of history (I characterize it as ‘Geschehenszeit’). Finally I conclude that the historical eudaimonia, namely the pursuing of the completeness of historical knowledge, is the final presentation of actualizing Geschehenszeit, as it bridges the past and the present in accordance to the spirit of historical thinking.

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Rosensweig, Jason. „Progress, Forms of Life and the Nature of the Political“. Thesis, The University of Chicago, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10639185.

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Explores the foundations of political community as understood in two complementary ways: first, in contemporary normative political and social theory. Second, in the history of politics and in the history of philosophy. Particular attention is given to David Hume, Adam Smith, and Edmund Burke, as well as their relationship to contemporary political philosophers like Bernard Williams, John Rawls, Jeremy Waldron, Alasdair MacIntyre, Charles Mills. Using Wittgenstein’s concept of a form of life (lebensform) in the Philosophical Investigations, argues that there is a family within the history of political thought whose members share the understanding that a shared form of life, which develops organically and historically, is a necessary condition for a free society to work well. Examines how political and social obligation, trust and commerce, as well as sympathy and concepts of rights, all require interdependence and shared assumptions and expectations. This family balances the impulses of political realism and political idealism, though is somewhat more anti-idealist than pro-realist. Bottom-up thinking that doesn’t fall in to the trap of idealism or of rationalism, due to a commitment to epistemological limits and the recognition of our finite capacities. In particular, I am interested in how we can combine the seemingly competing forces of culture and tradition (ways we have been doing things, one might say) with the necessary desire for change, reform, and progress. My approach to these questions can help shape the way we think about the size of states, if and when foreign intervention makes sense, the pace of change, and the necessary variety of political and social orders suited to a varying world.

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Beardmore, Michael Ian. „Ancient weather signs : texts, science and tradition“. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4103.

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This thesis offers a new contextualisation of weather signs, naturally occurring terrestrial indicators of weather change (from, for example, animals, plants and atmospheric phenomena), in antiquity. It asks how the utility of this method of prediction was perceived and presented in ancient sources and studies the range of answers given across almost eight hundred years of Greek and Roman civilisation. The presentation of weather signs is compared throughout to that of another predictive method, astrometeorology, which uses the movement of the stars as markers of approaching weather. The first chapter deals with the presentation and discussion of weather signs in a range of Greek texts. It sees hesitant trust being placed in weather signs, lists of which were constructed so as to be underpinned by astronomical knowledge. The second chapter assesses how these Greek lists were received and assimilated into Roman intellectual discourse by looking to the strikingly similar practice of divining by portents. This lays the foundations for the final chapter, which describes and explains the Roman treatment of weather signs. Here, the perceived utility of weather signs can be seen to reduce rapidly as the cultural significance of astronomy reaches new heights. This thesis provides new readings and interpretations of a range of weather-based passages and texts, from the Pseudo-Theophrastan De Signis, to Lucan's Pharsalia, to Pliny's Natural History, many of which have previously been greatly understudied or oversimplified. It allows us to understand the social and scientific place of weather prediction in the ancient world and therefore how abstract and elaborate ideas and theories filtered in to the seemingly commonplace and everyday. I argue that between the 7th century BC and the end of the 1st century AD, the treatment of weather signs changes from being framed in fundamentally practical terms to one in which practical considerations were negligible or absent. As this occurred, astrometeorology comes to be seen as the only predictive method worthy of detailed attention. These two processes, I suggest, were linked.

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Rosenfeld, Sam Hoffmann. „A Choice, Not an Echo: Polarization and the Transformation of the American Party System“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11666.

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This dissertation offers an intellectual and institutional history of party polarization and ideological realignment in the postwar United States. It treats the construction of an ideologically sorted party system as a political project carried out by conscious actors within and around the Democratic and Republican parties. The work of these activists, interest groups, and political elites helped to produce, by the last decades of the twentieth century, an unpredicted and still-continuing era of strong, polarized partisanship in American politics. In tracking their work, the dissertation also account for changing ideas about the party system over time, starting with an influential postwar scholarly doctrine that cast bipartisanship as a problem for which polarization would provide the solution.
History

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Heacock, Christine Hope. „Merrymaking at the Madisons': Feasting, Alcohol, and Political Strategy“. W&M ScholarWorks, 2013. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626714.

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45

Mulloy, D. J. „The politics of extremism : the use of American history by the contemporary militia movement“. Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365167.

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Jones, Peter Leslie. „Open Skies : a history of the negotiation and a case study of negotiation theory“. Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307683.

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47

Price, Jay Marsh. „Symbolic Action as Politics: The Canadian Senate as a Political Symbol“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1992. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625753.

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48

Harris, Scott H. „"The Great Unappreciated Man": A Political Profile of Alexander H H Stuart of Virginia“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1988. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625475.

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49

Dwyer, Peter Gerard. „The South African liberation struggle and beyond : the trials and tribulations of people making history“. Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273512.

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50

Petersen, Nikiforos. „The Common European Asylum System : Challenges and Opportunities in Greece. A Case Study“. Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-156344.

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This thesis aims to investigate decision-making and policy implementation in the European Union, specifically regarding the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) and to compare how the political intention corresponds to the reality of its implementation, using the example of Greece. Europe’s ability to handle migration and refugee flows has been severely tested in recent years due to the large number of people fleeing wars in Central Asia and the Middle East. The CEAS constitutes a fairly modern endeavor compared to other regional programs concerned with refugee protection but it has not yet made a significant improvement in how refugees are treated. At the same time, Greece has been in an acute socio-economic crisis since at least 2010. European integration has traditionally been subject to theoretical analysis through Moravcsiik’s Liberal Intergovernmentalism and various forms of formalism. This thesis has tried to apply Historical Institutionalism to explain certain facets of the CEAS and the recent and on-going ‘refugee’ crisis. In combination with other theories, Institutionalism can contribute to an understanding of recent forces towards further integration and divergence in the European Union.

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