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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Political participation – asia – history"
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HE, BAOGANG, und DAVID HUNDT. „A Deliberative Approach to Northeast Asia's Contested History“. Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, Nr. 1 (27.01.2012): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000235.
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AbstractThe failure to reconcile views of the past and to address historical injustice has damaged inter-state relations in Northeast Asia. Joint committees, dialogues, and the participation of civil society have been used to address historical issues, but scholars in the disciplines of international relations and area studies have largely ignored these dialogues and deliberative forums. At the same time, there is an emergent theoretical literature on how deliberative democracy can address ethnic conflicts and historical injustice. There is a serious disconnect or distance between the theoretical literature on the resolution of conflicts via deliberation on the one hand, and empirical studies of deliberative approach in East Asia on the other. This article aims to address this shortcoming in the study of the politics of historical dispute in Northeast Asia by proposing a deliberative approach to history disputes and highlighting the achievements, limits, and dynamics of deliberation. Through mapping and comparative testing, we confirm that deliberation offers some potential for a departure from nationalist mentalities and a shift towards a consciousness of regional history in Northeast Asia. Our empirical test of the utility of the deliberative approach suggests that a new model for addressing regional disputes may be emerging.
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Lebedeva, M., und S. Stolyarova. „PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS OF POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES: EXPERIENCE OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES“. International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 18, Nr. 1 (26.01.2021): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2020.18.1.60.2.
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After the disintegration of the USSR, the Central Asian countries started to pursue independent development strategies and identified new domestic policy priorities. It is of special scholarly interest to compare the efforts by Central Asian governments to improve female representation in politics. The article is devoted to the consideration of state policies and measures aimed at increasing the participation of women in political institutions in Central Asia. The most and the least effective strategies for women's political empowerment were highlighted based on the analysis of the regulatory framework in the field of women's empowerment, as well as on the degree of application of gender statistics and gender budgeting. In particular, the authors address the matter of electoral gender quotas, which are already introduced by Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. It is stressed that the adoption of this policy tool in the two counties has had its limitations, taking into consideration the existence of legal ways to circumvent the gender-quota requirements. The authors also indicate Kazakhstan’s progress in collecting gender data that is “open, accessible, comparable, free and understandable”. Improving data quality and representativeness facilitates the development of practical steps to achieve gender equality in politics. At the same time, theьauthors point out a negative trend in the region: some countries are gradually moving away from having aьdistinct strategy pertaining to genderьissues. Such approach may shift the focus from closing the gender gap to solving a wider range of social policy issues. The article shows that in general the countries in question implement a conservative gender policy and are not inclined to fully effect such practices as gender budgeting and the collection of relevant and complete gender statistics. It is concluded that Russia has an opportunity to act as a trendsetter, in particular by applying a gender-sensitive approach in providing development assistance to the countries of Central Asia.
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Bugge, Henriette. „Silk to Japan. Sino-Dutch Competition in the Silk Trade to Japan, 1663–1685“. Itinerario 13, Nr. 2 (Juli 1989): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004307.
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European expansion in Asia and the subsequent clashes between European trading companies and the trading systems of Asia have given rise to vivid discussions in the last decades. The discussions, ranging from Van Leur's theories of the tenacity of the indigenous ‘pedlar’-trade, to Steensgaard's theories of the structural superiority of the trading companies over their Asian competitors, have as yet been rather one-sided. Mostly, when comparing the two trading systems, the historians have concentrated on the trade which took place directly between Europe and Asia. Consequently, the competition between the ‘native’ Asian trade and the trade carried out by the companies have been discussed solely as an aspect of this bi-lateral trade. European participation in the intra-Asian distribution and re-distribution of goods has as yet not been fully discussed. Although authors like Holden Furber and K.N. Chaudhuri have acknowledged the need for further analysis of this subject, neither case-studies nor more theoretical works have appeared.
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Chokobaeva, Aminat, und Nari Shelekpayev. „How should we do Central Asian history today? Our response to Isabel Ohayon, Julien Thorez, and Tomohiko Uyama“. Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 22, Nr. 1 (2023): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2023-1-72-81.
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This text is a response to Isabelle Ohayon, Julien Thorez, and Tomohiko Uyama, who commented on our essay that was published two years ago in this journal. We argue that “tactical essentialism,” embraced by Central Asian scholarly communities to circumvent external academic and political pressure, is not equivalent to biological primordialism. We also discuss the commemoration of the 1916 uprising in Kyrgyzstan to demonstrate how the production of history in Central Asia involves the participation of local communities. The socio-historical agenda in the region is fluid and is not dictated solely by the state, as our interlocutors suggest.
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Volodin, Andrei G. „India in the World of Regionalization“. Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, Nr. 4 (28.11.2017): 178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-178-191.
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The article is dedicated to the policy of India in the processes of regionalization in Asia. After the collapse of the Soviet Union (a country, which used to be the main ally of India) there appeared a great need for India to make a deep revision of its geo-economic and geopolitical paradigms. Thus, Delhi started looking for the new strategic partners in order to restore the balance between India and extremely active China. The “Look East Policy” had become the first result of those searches, because of the long history of cultural and political influence of India on the South-East Asian countries. Apart from it, due to the active participation of India in the region, the member states of the ASEAN were aimed to set a balance in relationships with China in Asia-Pacific region. By developing the partnership with the members of ASEAN and participating in the processes of regional economic integration, India attempts to “push” the economic development of its northeastern states, situated separately from the main (“continental”) part of the country. Although there are some achievements, regarding the participation of India in the processes of regional integration, the country’s economy is still only partially integrated in the production “chains” in the ASEAN countries. Moreover, there are significant obstacles regarding the economic integration in the South Asia. They appear because of the fear, experienced by the countries of the region, regarding the Indian predominance in the region. Besides, strategically those countries consider contradictions between India and China as a situation from which they potentially may benefit. During the last decades, there has been a rising importance of the Western Asian region in strategic economic activities of India. From the Western Asia India gets energy carriers and due to the financial transfers made by the Indians, working in the Persian Gulf, it covers country`s balance of payment deficit.
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Wong, Janelle. „The Making of Asian America through Political Participation“. Journal of American Ethnic History 22, Nr. 2 (01.01.2003): 103–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27501294.
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Klein, Christina. „Cold War Cosmopolitanism: The Asia Foundation and 1950s Korean Cinema“. Journal of Korean Studies 22, Nr. 2 (01.09.2017): 281–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-4226460.
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Abstract South Korean films first became visible on the world stage in the late 1950s when they began to be exhibited and win prizes at international film festivals. Yi Pyŏngil’s The Wedding Day (1956) and Han Hyŏngmo’s Because I Love You (1958) were among Korea’s earliest award-winning films. These two films exemplify a postcolonial and postwar discourse I am calling “Cold War cosmopolitanism.” The cultivation of this cosmopolitan ethos among cultural producers was a major objective for Americans waging the cultural Cold War in Asia, and the Asia Foundation was Washington’s primary instrument for doing so. This article traces the history of the Asia Foundation from its inception in the National Security Council in the late 1940s through its activities in Korea in the 1950s and early 1960s. It pays particular attention to the foundation’s support for Korean participation in the Asian Film Festival. It offers a close textual and historical reading of Yi’s and Han’s films as a means of exploring how Korean cultural producers, acting as Cold War entrepreneurs, took advantage of the Asia Foundation’s resources in ways that furthered their own aesthetic, economic, and political interests.
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Ramadhani, Fitria Nurul. „How Gender Orders and Islamic Influence Affect Women’s Participation in Indonesian Politics?“ JILS (Journal of International and Local Studies) 7, Nr. 2 (31.07.2023): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.56326/jils.v7i2.2914.
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This paper explores the long history of gender orders construction in Indonesia. How gender order and the influence of religious taught affect women political participation in Southeast Asia will be explored. In this case, the author focuses on Indonesian women and the influence of Islam as the majority religion in Indonesia. This paper argues that women political participation in Indonesia, although it seems limited by cultural and the so-called Islamic values, actually has experienced significant growth, especially after the Reformation. The gender relations that formed under the New Order that enshrined women as secondary to men which also emphasised by Islam teachings about men prerogative may seem to hinder women participation in public. However, this paper found that there were some contradictions of positioning women role under the state gender order, which has led to some positive effects on women. This contributed to the rise of women participation in Indonesia politics, especially after the reformation era.
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Grigoreva, Julia G. „«Улан-Баторский диалог» как особая инициатива Монголии в обеспечении безопасности в Северо-Восточной Азии“. Монголоведение (Монгол судлал) 15, Nr. 4 (25.12.2023): 538–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2500-1523-2023-4-538-550.
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Introduction. The relevance of the study is determined by the increasing role of North-East Asia as one of the world and political centers, as well as the growth of various challenges and threats in the region, affecting safe and stable development of the world community as a whole. The study of the problem of regional security in Northeast Asia and the participation of Mongolia in its ensuring is important for the formation of theoretical and practical conclusions and assessments regarding its international status. Since the 1980s Mongolia has been consistently pursuing the policy of creating a mechanism for dialogue in Northeastern Asia. The result of these efforts was the Ulaanbaatar Northeast Asia Security Dialogue initiative. Mongolia's active foreign policy and the will to fully participate in regional cooperation in Northeastern Asia and in as many international and multilateral organizations as possible is one of the hallmarks of the phenomenon of modern Mongolia. The purpose of the study is to review the “Ulaanbaatar Dialogue on Security in Northeast Asia” and analyze its role in creating conditions for the interaction of all stakeholders in the interests of maintaining peace in Northeastern Asia. Results. This study presents a brief history of the formation and development of the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue, identifies advantages over similar discussion platforms in the region, and shows the importance of this event in increasing the international status of Mongolia. It is concluded that in the nearest future Mongolia may become an analogue of Asian Switzerland, the main platform for negotiations between countries in Northeast Asia due to the fact that Ulaanbaatar pursues an open, multifaceted foreign policy, and the adherence of this country to the “third neighbor” doctrine makes Mongolia a neutral state that does not participate in military-political blocks.
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Kokushkina, Irina V., und Maria A. Soloshcheva. „The Role of Central Asia in the “One Belt—One Road” Initiative“. Iran and the Caucasus 23, Nr. 3 (26.07.2019): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20190307.
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The “New Silk Road” or “One Belt–One Road” (also “Belt and Road”) is a global project initiated by China, the implementation of which affects various areas of development of many states and regions of the world, including security issues, socio-cultural, political, diplomatic and civilisational aspects. A total of 173 agreements with 125 states and 29 international organisations have been signed under this initiative. The project is gaining momentum every year and attracts ever more researchers who analyse the economic, political, and cultural sides of the project and the interaction of the different countries and regions with China within the framework of this global enterprise. This article assesses the participation of five Central Asian countries (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan) in the Chinese project and aims to define the mutual interests of the parties on the basis of economic indicators (i.e., ESI, RCA, TDC, and G-L indexes).
Dissertationen zum Thema "Political participation – asia – history"
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Owen, David A. „MASS POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN DEVELOPING DEMOCRACIES: A STUDY OF POLITICAL CLIENTELISM IN THAI PROVINCES“. OpenSIUC, 2011. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/437.
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Over the last four decades, many developing countries transitioned to democracy with populations aspiring to break from authoritarian tradition for more representative government. While this wave of democratization was encouraging initially, observers came to realize that the break from tradition was anything but complete. The traditional clientelistic relations that pervaded political systems during authoritarian periods have been eroded by democratization in some countries, while in other countries, clientelism is thriving and continuing to impact political participation, primarily through vote-buying between patrons and clients. Therefore, the extent to which democratization erodes clientelism as widely expected, could not be assumed. The questions of what are the causal effects of clientelism on political participation, how does the vote-buying process unfold, how effective are the efforts to combat vote-buying, and what is the debate over the ethics of vote-buying motivate this dissertation; I draw on the experiences of Thai provinces to answer them. The objective of this dissertation is to examine the impact of clientelism, measured by vote-buying, on political participation using a multi-method approach. Using new primary and secondary data sources, I make several important original contributions with this study. First, I answer the question regarding the causal effects of clientelism on political participation by testing the resource theory and the theory of clientelism. I find that the poor, who are most likely to be enmeshed in clientelistic networks, voted just as often as the rich in two of the three general elections and both the national and local level elections. People in the countryside, the poor, vote more than their urban counterparts in both the national and local level elections. The poor also participate in the other forms of politics just as much as the rich. I find those with less education vote just as much as those with more education in all three general elections and the national level election, however, those with higher education voted more in the local level election. Those with higher education also boycott, demonstrate, and sign petitions more than those with lower education. I find that clientelism is the reason lower socioeconomic status rural individuals participate in politics as without clientelism, they would not be expected to participate as much as their richer and more educated urban counterparts. Second, I answer the question regarding how the vote-buying process unfolds by exploring original primary interview data collected by the author of elite and mass views of vote-buyers, sellers, intermediaries, and the vote-buying process. I find that all the actors involved have their own reasons and motivations for participating in the vote-buying process: vote-sellers are predominantly poor and poverty drives their need for the compensation provided through vote-buying, while vote-buyers and their intermediaries are very much aware of the needs of potential vote-sellers and they intentionally exploit these needs. Even though the poor are driven to become vote-sellers, we cannot readily assume that vote-buying is successful for vote-buyers, or in other words, we cannot assume that vote-buying results in votes for the vote-buyer. Prior to my study, scholars have made such an assumption, whether directly stated or inferred, which may lead to erroneous conclusions about the effectiveness of vote-buying resulting in votes for the vote-buyer. To overcome this, I developed a model of the vote-buying process where vote-buying is divided into specific steps: the offer to buy votes, the acceptance of the offer, the compensation, the showing up at the polls, and the casting of a vote for the vote-buyer. By employing my model of the vote-buying process, we see that sometimes voters act in a manner that is consistent with the vote-buyer's demands and others times they do not at virtually all the steps of the vote-buying process for very specific reasons, including poverty. Third, I answer the question regarding the effectiveness of efforts to combat vote-buying by exploring elite and mass views of the effectiveness of institutional constraints and civic education in combating vote-buying. My findings suggest that institutional constraints, namely the Election Commission, have some impact on reducing vote-buying, though the Election Commission is plagued with far-reaching limitations. I find attempts at civic education, however, are not really measurable. Even if these attempts at civic education were measurable, I do not believe there is any reason to suspect they would be effective considering they do not address the poverty issue. Finally, I answer the question regarding the debate over the ethics of vote-buying by exploring elite and mass views of the justifications for vote-buying. I then analyze the impact of vote-buying on the legitimacy of the Thai political system. I find that some Thais perceive vote-buying as unethical because it is illegal and dishonest, while others do not necessarily perceive vote-buying as unethical because of poverty and vote-buying norms Thais use to justify selling their votes. Moreover, I find that poverty and vote-buying norms impact the legitimacy of the Thai political system, especially for the rural poor, to the point where I argue that vote-buying does not necessarily negatively impact legitimacy of the Thai political system. Overall, this dissertation has answered the important questions about clientelism and the vote-buying measure. This study is important because clientelism is one of the most important informal institutional obstacles to free and fair elections and the findings in this study offer clarity of the impact of clientelism, and the vote-buying measure, on political participation in the Thai context.
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Mohd, Hed Norhafiza. „The dynamics of youth political participation in Southeast Asia : the case of Malaysia“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/18997/.
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The decline of youth political participation in established democracies has long been researched by scholars and it is often viewed as signalling a crisis of democracy. However, research from the UK and other democracies suggests young people still engage in other non-mainstream political activities closer to their everyday lives. While scholarship from semi-democratic regions has traditionally neglected this line of enquiry, limiting itself to electoral participation, by applying these theoretical insights this thesis explores the diverging patterns of youth political participation in Malaysia and argues that young people are not apathetic towards politics but rather that they tend to practice low-risk, more diffused forms of everyday engagement like online activism, political discussion, etc. The research thus also sheds light on whether patterns of youth political participation in Malaysia are linked to the type of political system and semi-democratic setting or whether they are similar to those for political participation in established democracies. To carry out this investigation, the thesis applies a mixed-methods approach encompassing the quantitative analysis of existing survey data from the World Values Surveys (WVS) and Asian Barometer as well as the qualitative analysis of interviews with academics, political leaders, youth activists and youth non-participants. Evidence from the survey data analysis shows that young Malaysians participate in both conventional and unconventional forms of participation less than their older counterparts. The findings from the qualitative interviews complement these insights by indicating how young people in Malaysia explain and make sense of their own participation in politics, mainly in the form of low-risk channels such as online activism, popular cultural representations, and political discussion more generally. The study thus concludes that while the engagement of young people in politics could contribute to reinforcing the process of democratisation in Malaysia, draconian laws currently in place limit their wider political activism.
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Thapar-Björkert, Suruchi. „Reconstructing the history of women's participation in the nationalist movement in India, 1905-1945“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 1997. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36330/.
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The nationalist struggle in India against British colonial rule brought about the political mobilisation of both men and women. The nationalist leaders required the participation of women in the nationalist movement because the movement's importance and success was dependent on women's contribution to and involvement in it. While the existing research has contributed to my understanding of women's interaction with political life in India, this study attempts to reconstruct the dominant interpretations on women's political involvement. In doing so, it deconstructs concepts such as 'active', 'private', 'public' and 'political'. The argument in this thesis is shaped through three inter-related themes. First, it problematises women's emergence into the public sphere from a purdah-bound domestic existence. Secondly, it locates the domestic as an equally important site of nationalist activities as the public sphere. Thirdly, in the light of the above themes, it is suggested that dichotomous concepts such as public/private do not help to explain the interaction between these spheres, which facilitated the complex process of women's emergence in the public sphere. Moreover, the associated concepts of political/apolitical do not take into account women's political contributions from within the domestic sphere. Within the domestic sphere, women's nationalist identities were continuously re-negotiated to accommodate values of ancient Indian culture and the new Western influences. These identities shifted from an educated domestic woman to a nonviolent and non-antagonistic public woman to a public woman aware of challenging Western ideas, yet primarily confined to the domestic sphere. The nationalist movement also served as an important vehicle for encouraging middle-class women to engage in activities and to adopt new role models. The representations of women constructed by the nationalist project enabled women to play a political role through the avenues they opened, in both the public and domestic domains. However, women's political past and their varied contribution to the struggle was not effective in undermining gender inequalities or improving their status in society. The ideas in this historical study are shaped primarily through oral narratives and Hindi vernacular literature. The interviews with Indian activists, as a non-Western researcher, made me aware of the negotiable category 'Other'. Official and unofficial sources provided an initial framework for the study of this historical period.
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Tambe, Elvis Bisong. „Electoral participation in new democracies : applying existing models of turnout to new democracies in Africa, East Asia and Post-Communist Europe“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/73256/.
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Nosova, Anastasia. „The merchant elite and parliamentary politics in Kuwait : the dynamics of business political participation in a rentier state“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3445/.
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When applied to the Gulf region in general and Kuwait more specifically, the rentier state theory stipulates that the political relations between state and business are determined by the rent. Thus, business essentially ceases to represent a strong political force and withdraws from the formal political field in exchange for wealth provided by the state. However, the evidence from Kuwait’s recent history suggests that there is great variation between the patterns of political engagement in Kuwait’s merchant families. Some families have been continuously active in the country’s parliamentary politics and political field more broadly; their political action has not always been pro-government and, in general, the merchant community in Kuwait still possesses powerful means to negotiate government distribution patterns and to influence political decisionmaking. Thus, the main research question posed in the Thesis is the following: why do we observe merchants’ active political engagement in Kuwait counter to the prediction of the rentier state theory, and what can explain the variation of merchants’ political activity? The Thesis will analyse and compare Kuwait business politics along the dichotomies of passive versus active engagement and voice versus loyalty towards the government. Through this analysis I will define the factors which explain why some merchant families engage in parliamentary politics, while others do not, and why at times the merchant community allies with the opposition, and at others with the government. I will further examine what impact this political engagement by business has on the country’s economic reform policies. The analysis will establish that, although rent matters, the political action of business in Kuwait and its variation is defined by the country’s semi-parliamentary political system, while factors such as rent-seeking, ascriptive features, relations with the ruling powers and the changing nature of the country’s political field are essential intervening variables.
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Asaduzzaman, Mohammed. „Governance in practice : decentralization and people's participation in the local development of Bangladesh /“. Tampere : Department of Management Studies, University of Tampere, 2008. http://www.niaslinc.dk/gateway_to_asia/nordic_webpublications/x506055123.pdf.
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Das, Ritanjan. „History, ideology and negotiation : the politics of policy transition in West Bengal, India“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/614/.
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The thesis offers an examination of a distinct chapter in the era of economic reforms in India - the case of the state of West Bengal - and narrates the politics of an economic policy transition spearheaded by the Left Front coalition government that ruled the state from 1977 to 2011. In 1991, the Government of India began to pursue a far more liberal policy of economic development, with emphasis being placed on non-agricultural growth, the role of the private sector, and the merits of foreign direct investment (FDI). This caused serious political challenges for the Communist Party of India - Marxist (CPIM), the main party in the Left Front. Historically, the CPIM was committed to pro-poor policies focused on the countryside and had spoken out strongly against privatisation and FDI; however it could not ignore the stagnating industrial economy of the state, and was thus compelled to court private investment and take advantage of the liberalised policy environment. The nature of this dichotomy – one that characterised the political economy of West Bengal over the last two decades – is studied in this research as a set of why-how questions. Firstly, why did the CPIM/Left Front take upon itself the task of engineering a transition from an erstwhile landreform and agriculture based growth model to a pro-market development agenda post-1991? And secondly, how was such a choice justified to/negotiated with the various stakeholders (the rank and file of the CPIM itself, other coalition member parties, trade unions, the industrial class, etc.) while sustaining the party’s traditional rhetoric and partisan character? In examining the second part, the thesis also ventures into the recent cases of huge opposition to land acquisition for industrial plants at Singur and Nandigram, and demonstrates how the mandate of the top brass of party leadership in Calcutta was being implemented, translated or contested at the local levels. On the whole, this thesis attempts a reappraisal of the politicaleconomic history of the Left Front regime and particularly that of its majority partner, the CPIM, over the last two decades. It also places the case in a broader Indian context and contributes to wider debates on the changing nature of federalism in India and the politics of economic reforms
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Vadan, Paul. „Ephesos after Alexander: Socio-Political transformations in Western Asia Minor during the early Hellenistic period“. Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=103651.
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The present study deals with the socio-political transformations in the city of Ephesos in the early Hellenistic period. It shows that during the tumultuous months after the death of Alexander the Great, the Ephesian community sought to re-establish internal and regional stability by appealing to the Macedonian Successors for support. This was achieved at the meeting of Ephesos in the summer of 322 BC, as attested by a detailed epigraphic study of a series of local inscriptions (I. Ephes. 1430-1437). The meeting addressed issues over Ionian democracy and privileges, as well as Macedonian hegemonia, in conformity with the precedents set by Alexander. Its successful conclusion saw Ephesos emerge as the leading and representative member of the Ionian koinon.La présente étude a comme sujet les transformations sociopolitiques dans la cite d'Ephesos dans la haute période hellénistique. Elle montre que pendant les mois tumultueux après la mort d'Alexandre le Grand, la communauté d'Éphèse a cherché à rétablir la stabilité interne et régionale en appelant aux Successeurs Macédoniens. Ce but a été atteint lors de la réunion a Ephese pendant l'été de 322 av-JC, comme il est atteste par un étude épigraphique détaillé d'une une série des inscriptions locales (I. Ephes. 1430-1437). La réunion a abordé des questions concernant la démocratie et privilèges Ioniennes, aussi que la hegemonia Macédonienne, en conformité avec les précédents mis pas Alexandre. Son succès a vu émerger Ephese en tant que membre dirigeant et représentant du koinon Ionienne.
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Eikås, Elisabet. „"It is open, but not so open" : gaining access to participation among Kabuli youths /“. Oslo : Department of Social Anthropology, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/sai/2007/53789/xitxisxopenxxbutxnotxsoxopenxx-xgainingxaccessxtoxparticipationxamongxKabulixyouths.pdf.
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Giles, Nathaniel W. „The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere: The Failure of Japan's "Monroe Doctrine" for Asia“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/295.
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By 1942, the Japanese occupied nearly all of East and Southeast Asia and their influence even spread as far as British controlled India. This occupation, known as The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, was an ideological unity of Asia under the facade of mutual benefit and welfare of Japan and the other nations within the Sphere. However, The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere failed because of the inability of the Japanese to form this mutual benefit between the nations within the Sphere. This work evaluates the events that led to The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, life within the Sphere, and the reasons for its failure.
Bücher zum Thema "Political participation – asia – history"
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Burns, John P. Political participation in rural China. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988.
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Asia ŭi minjujuŭi wa inkwŏn. Kwangju Kwangyŏksi: Simmian, 2008.
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Northrop, Douglas Taylor. Veiled empire: Gender & power in Stalinist Central Asia. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004.
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Katsiaficas, George N. Asia ŭi minjung ponggi: P'illip'in, Pŏma, T'ibet'ŭ, Chungguk, T'aiwan, Panggŭlladesi, Nep'al, T'ai, Indonesia ŭi minjung kwŏllyŏk, 1947-2009 = People power in the Philippines, Burma, Tibet, China, Taiwan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Thailand, and Indonesia, 1947-2009. Kyŏnggi-do P'aju-si: Owŏl ŭi Pom, 2015.
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1938-, Pak Yŏng-chʻŏl, und Nozoe Shinʼichi 1942-, Hrsg. Tong Asia kyŏngje hyŏmnyŏk ŭi hyŏnsang kwa kanŭngsŏng. 8. Aufl. Sŏul-si: Ayŏn Chʻulpʻanbu, 2002.
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Fernoux, Henri-Louis. Le Demos et la cité: Communautés et assemblées populaires en Asie mineure à l'époque impériale. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2011.
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Ahmad, Feroz. Modern Türkiye'nin olusumu. Istanbul: Sarmal Yayinevi, 1995.
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Ahmad, Feroz. The making of modern Turkey. London: Routledge, 1993.
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Dagmar, Bernstorff, Braun Dieter Dr phil und Universität Heidelberg Südasien-Institut, Hrsg. Political transition in South Asia: Regional cooperation, ethnic conflict, political participation. Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1991.
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Wei, Ran, Hrsg. Mobile Media, Political Participation, and Civic Activism in Asia. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-0917-8.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBuchteile zum Thema "Political participation – asia – history"
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Weiss, Meredith L., und Eva Hansson. „Participation and space“. In Political Participation in Asia, 206–11. New York: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315112589-12.
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2
Hansson, Eva, und Meredith L. Weiss. „Conceptualizing political space and mobilization“. In Political Participation in Asia, 3–20. New York: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315112589-1.
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Olivius, Elisabeth. „Political space in refugee camps“. In Political Participation in Asia, 169–87. New York: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315112589-10.
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Bünte, Marco. „Policing politics“. In Political Participation in Asia, 188–205. New York: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315112589-11.
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Hewison, Kevin. „Politics and businessification 1“. In Political Participation in Asia, 21–38. New York: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315112589-2.
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Doucette, Jamie. „Post-democracy and political space“. In Political Participation in Asia, 39–56. New York: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315112589-3.
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Lagerkvist, Johan. „Moral discourse and China’s evolving enterprise society“. In Political Participation in Asia, 59–76. New York: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315112589-4.
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Shin, Kwang-Yeong. „Reshaping political space and workers’ mobilization in South Korea“. In Political Participation in Asia, 77–94. New York: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315112589-5.
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Hai Thiem, Bui. „The new meaning of political participation in cyberspace“. In Political Participation in Asia, 95–111. New York: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315112589-6.
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Wai Weng, Hew. „Consumer space as political space“. In Political Participation in Asia, 112–29. New York: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315112589-7.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKonferenzberichte zum Thema "Political participation – asia – history"
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Guettaoui, Amel, und Ouafi Hadja. „Women’s participation in political life in the Arab states“. In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-93-105.
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The level of political representation of women in different legislative bodies around the world varies greatly. The women in the Arab world, is that as in other areas of the world, have throughout history experienced discrimination and have been subject to restriction of their freedoms and rights. Many of these practices and limitations are based on cultural and emanate from tradition and not from religion as many people supposed, these main constraints that create an obstacle towards women’s rights and liberties are reflected in the participation of women in political life. Although there are differences between the countries, the Arab region in general is noted for the low participation of women in politics. Universal suffrage has become common in most countries, but there are still some Arab women who are denied such rights.
There have been many highly respected female leaders in Arab history, such as Shajar al-Durr (13th century) in Egypt, Queen Orpha (d. 1090) in Yemen. In the modern era there have also been examples of female leadership in Arab countries. However, in Arabic-speaking countries no woman has ever been head of state, although many Arabs remarked on the presence of women such as Jehan Al Sadat, the wife of Anwar El Sadat in Egypt, and Wassila Bourguiba, the wife of Habib Bourguiba in Tunisia, who have strongly influenced their husbands in their dealings with matters of state. Many Arab countries allow women to vote in national elections. The first female Member of Parliament in the Arab world was Rawya Ateya, who was elected in Egypt in 1957. Some countries granted the female franchise in their constitutions following independence, while some extended the franchise to women in later constitutional amendments.
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Kazenkov, Oleg Iurevich. „History of Relations Between Argentina and Countries of Latin America and the United States in XXI Century“. In All-Russian scientific and practical conference with international participation, Chair Dmitrij Nikolaevich Ermakov. Publishing house Sreda, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-97354.
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The article analyzes the history of difficult relations between the United States and Latin American countries in recent times. The author, using a wide source base, examines the prospects for US participation in the overthrow of legitimate political regimes in the States of the region.
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Estrelita, Gloria Truly. „The Catholic Priests, the Political Prisoners, and the Military: History of a New Religio-Political Chessboard in Indonesia“. In The Twelfth International Convention of Asia Scholars (ICAS 12). Amsterdam University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789048557820/icas.2022.017.
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Tleubekova, G. „Late 19th – early 20th century European travelers account of the nomadic people of Central Asia“. In Scientific dialogue: Questions of philosophy, sociology, history, political science. ЦНК МОАН, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/spc-01-07-2020-05.
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„Rising Internet Use, Generational Effects, and Changing Patterns of Political Participation in East Asia“. In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.09.
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Rezer, Tatiana. „History of Corruption & Social Values“. In The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-75.
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A study of the history of corruption and the penalties for it has inadvertently led to the conclusion that this socially dangerous phenomenon not only fails to disappear from public administration, but continues to remain and increase, having the features of a transnational phenomenon that affects societies and economies of all countries. Throughout history, there has been an evolution of corruption parallel to the evolution of the state. Corruption undermines democratic institutions and values and the ethical values of the individual, leading to a double standard of behaviour in both public service and civil society. In Russia, corruption is recognised by both officials and the population. The main purpose of the study is to examine the manifestation of corruption and methods of counteracting it from a historical perspective. Objectives: analyse the forms and methods of corruption control as viewed through the prism of historical experience; consider contemporary manifestations of corruption from a position of social values. Research methods: a comparative analysis method to investigate the manifestation of corruption and the possibilities for its prevention from a historical perspective. Main conclusions: corruption is a multi-faceted and multi-dimensional phenomenon that is seen and studied as an economic, political, social and cultural problem; social values are the basis of a modern preventive mechanism against corruption; public policy against corruption is the main mechanism and strategy.
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Warjio, Warjio, Heri Kusmanto und Yusniar Lubis. „The Problems of Political Development of Islamic Party Politics in Indonesia and Malaysia: History Review on Democration Process“. In Proceedings of the International Conference of Democratisation in Southeast Asia (ICDeSA 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icdesa-19.2019.26.
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Kobos, Edgar. „Analysis of Development Factors of Non-Governmental Organizations with Particular Emphasis on Public Funds and the Process of European Integration“. In 5th International Scientific Conference 2021. University of Maribor Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-464-4.5.
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In the last quarter of the century, there has been a steady increase in the number and scope of organizations operating under the so-called third sector. These organizations implement a wide range of activities, from social services to recreational activities, from political pressure groups to groups that promote art or history. Foundations and associations are an important arena of social, economic and political activity, alongside the state and the private sector, they feature an increasingly important role in today's world. European public funds provide a plentiful supply of financing for these activities. It has been shown that European funds change the statutory objectives of foundations and associations as public funds determine their operational priorities and directions of development. Active civil society supports the creative processes of social capital, and the most important function of NGOs is precise to strengthen social capital. Participation in NGOs is a determinant of civic maturity for citizens. On the other hand, due to the active participation of citizens in such organizations, societies have changed. This is the reason why the direction of the third sector development and the phenomena of its growth is so crucial for every European State.
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İkiz, Ahmet Salih. „Economic Expectations for Turkey, Central Asia and Caucasus Beyond 2050“. In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01187.
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In this study main international strategic theories will be shortly discussed under the time and space dimension. Almost all of the Turkic republics do have common historical and cultural ties with Turkey compared to the other European countries. Even though common values have simply forgotten during the time frame under different regimes spatial history and ties had never disappeared. Thus, the citizens of those countries preserve common spatial memory so they shared same land in history. So it is expected that those people would reach the idea of economic and political integration if certain social grounds were initiated. This is basically the idea of economic integration between those republics and Turkey for better economic standards. So, in final part of the study, author will provide his humble opinions for future expectations for 2050 and beyond.
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Woolley, Tom. „Architectural Education and Community Power“. In 1995 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.1995.53.
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Architectural Education in the UK has drifted toward an esoteric preoccupation with style and artistic production and is ignoring important issues of society and urban change. Techniques of user participation and involvement of students in real life social problems is on the agenda in only a few schools of architecture. Yet in the real world more emphasis is being placed on tenants and resident participation in social housing programmes. The Community Technical Aid movement is going from strength to strength. However UK schools of architecture are not preparing students for work of this kind. In this paper it is argued that architectural history and theory is largely to blame for placing too much emphasis on precedent studies divorced from social and political context. Progressive movements in CIAM and radical social programmes are ignored in favour of pre-occupation with fashionable but content free stylisms.
Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Political participation – asia – history"
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Saleem, Raja M. Ali, Ihsan Yilmaz und Priya Chacko. Civilizationist Populism in South Asia: Turning India Saffron. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), Februar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0009.
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The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications of civilizationist populism through this case study, the paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of the concept more generally.
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Avis, William Robert. Participation Rates in HE and TVET and Socio-economic Development. Institute of Development Studies, Dezember 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4dd.2024.015.
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This rapid evidence review examines women's participation rates in Higher Education (HE) and Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) across the Middle East North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, and Southeast Asia regions, alongside socio-economic development indicators. It highlights link between gender equality and sustainable development, stressing the need for equal access to education, economic resources, and political participation for women. Drawing on UNESCO and UNDP data, the review outlines global commitments and provides country-level data, categorised by income groups.
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Panwar, Nalin Singh. Decentralized Political Institution in Madhya Pradesh (India). Fribourg (Switzerland): IFF, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.51363/unifr.diff.2017.23.
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The change through grassroots democratic processes in the Indian political system is the result of a growing conviction that the big government cannot achieve growth and development in a society without people's direct participation and initiative. The decentralized political institutions have been more participatory and inclusive ensuring equality of political opportunity. Social exclusion in India is not a new phenomenon. History bears witness to exclusion of social groups on the bases of caste, class, gender and religion. Most notable is the category of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Women who were denied the access and control over economic and social opportunities as a result they were relegated to the categories of excluded groups. It is true that the problems of the excluded classes were addressed by the state through the enactment of anti-discriminatory laws and policies to foster their social inclusion and empowerment. Despite these provisions, exclusion and discrimination of these excluded groups continued. Therefore, there was a need to address issues of ‘inclusion’ in a more direct manner. Madhya Pradesh has made a big headway in the working for the inclusion of these excluded groups. The leadership role played by the under privileged, poor and the marginalized people of the society at the grassroots level is indeed remarkable because two decade earlier these people were excluded from public life and political participation for them was a distant dream. Against this backdrop, the paper attempts to unfold the changes that have taken place in the rural power structure after 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act. To what extent the decentralized political institutions have been successful in the inclusion of the marginalized section of the society in the state of Madhya Pradesh [India].
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Singh, Savitri, Hrsg. Empowering the Female Rural Workforce. Asian Productivity Organization, Mai 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.61145/tlku6381.
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In this P-Insights report, Savitri Singh discusses the urgent issue of increasing women’s economic and political participation, especially in rural areas. As half of the world's population, it's time to address the glaring inequalities that deprive women of access to basic resources necessary for labor market participation. Empowering rural women is key to achieving national food security and economic growth. Drawing on her own experiences and examples of cooperatives in Asia, she offers positive solutions to this pressing issue.
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Buchanan, Riley, Daniel Elias, Darren Holden, Daniel Baldino, Martin Drum und Richard P. Hamilton. The archive hunter: The life and work of Leslie R. Marchant. The University of Notre Dame Australia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32613/reports/2021.2.
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Professor Leslie R. Marchant was a Western Australian historian of international renown. Richly educated as a child in political philosophy and critical reason, Marchant’s understandings of western political philosophies were deepened in World War Two when serving with an international crew of the merchant navy. After the war’s end, Marchant was appointed as a Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia’s Depart of Native Affairs. His passionate belief in Enlightenment ideals, including the equality of all people, was challenged by his experiences as a Protector. Leaving that role, he commenced his studies at The University of Western Australia where, in 1952, his Honours thesis made an early case that genocide had been committed in the administration of Aboriginal people in Western Australia. In the years that followed, Marchant became an early researcher of modern China and its relationship with the West, and won respect for his archival research of French maritime history in the Asia-Pacific. This work, including the publication of France Australe in 1982, was later recognised with the award of a French knighthood, the Chevalier d’Ordre National du Mèrite, and his election as a fellow to the Royal Geographical Society. In this festschrift, scholars from The University of Notre Dame Australia appraise Marchant’s work in such areas as Aboriginal history and policy, Westminster traditions, political philosophy, Australia and China and French maritime history.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail und Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, Januar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail und Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), Januar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Arora, Saurabh, Arora, Saurabh, Ajit Menon, M. Vijayabaskar, Divya Sharma und V. Gajendran. People’s Relational Agency in Confronting Exclusion in Rural South India. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), Dezember 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/steps.2021.004.
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Social exclusion is considered critical for understanding poverty, livelihoods, inequality and political participation in rural India. Studies show how exclusion is produced through relations of power associated with gender, caste, religion and ethnicity. Studies also document how people confront their exclusion. We use insights from these studies – alongside science and technology studies – and rely on life history narratives of ‘excluded’ people from rural Tamil Nadu, to develop a new approach to agency as constituted by two contrasting ways of relating: control and care. These ways of relating are at once social and material. They entangle humans with each other and with material worlds of nature and technology, while being mediated by structures such as social norms and cultural values. Relations of control play a central role in constituting exclusionary forms of agency. In contrast, relations of care are central to the agency of resistance against exclusion and of livelihood-building by the ‘excluded’. Relations can be transformed through agency in uncertain ways that are highly sensitive to trans-local contexts. We offer examples of policy-relevant questions that our approach can help to address for apprehending social exclusion in rural India and elsewhere.
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Crooks, Roderic. Toward People’s Community Control of Technology: Race, Access, and Education. Social Science Research Council, Januar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/jt.3015.d.2022.
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This field review explores how the benefits of access to computing for racialized and minoritized communities has become an accepted fact in policy and research, despite decades of evidence that technical fixes do not solve the kinds of complex social problems that disproportionately affect these communities. I use the digital divide framework—a 1990s policy diagnosis that argues that the growth and success of the internet would bifurcate the public into digital “haves” and “have-nots”—as a lens to look at why access to computing frequently appears as a means to achieve economic, political, and social equality for racialized and minoritized communities. First, I present a brief cultural history of computer-assisted instruction to show that widely-held assumptions about the educational utility of computing emerged from utopian narratives about scientific progress and innovation—narratives that also traded on raced and gendered assumptions about users of computers. Next, I use the advent of the digital divide framework and its eventual transformation into digital inequality research to show how those raced and gendered norms about computing and computer users continue to inform research on information and communication technologies (ICTs) used in educational contexts. This is important because the norms implicated in digital divide research are also present in other sites where technology and civic life intersect, including democratic participation, public health, and immigration, among others. I conclude by arguing that naïve or cynical deployments of computing technology can actually harm or exploit the very same racialized and minoritized communities that access is supposed to benefit. In short, access to computing in education—or in any other domain—can only meaningfully contribute to equality when minoritized and racialized communities are allowed to pursue their own collective goals.
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Chandrasekhar, C. P. The Long Search for Stability: Financial Cooperation to Address Global Risks in the East Asian Region. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, März 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp153.
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Forced by the 1997 Southeast Asian crisis to recognize the external vulnerabilities that openness to volatile capital flows result in and upset over the post-crisis policy responses imposed by the IMF, countries in the sub-region saw the need for a regional financial safety net that can pre-empt or mitigate future crises. At the outset, the aim of the initiative, then led by Japan, was to create a facility or design a mechanism that was independent of the United States and the IMF, since the former was less concerned with vulnerabilities in Asia than it was in Latin America and that the latter’s recommendations proved damaging for countries in the region. But US opposition and inherited geopolitical tensions in the region blocked Japan’s initial proposal to establish an Asian Monetary Fund, a kind of regional IMF. As an alternative, the ASEAN+3 grouping (ASEAN members plus China, Japan and South Korea) opted for more flexible arrangements, at the core of which was a network of multilateral and bilateral central bank swap agreements. While central bank swap agreements have played a role in crisis management, the effort to make them the central instruments of a cooperatively established regional safety net, the Chiang Mai Initiative, failed. During the crises of 2008 and 2020 countries covered by the Initiative chose not to rely on the facility, preferring to turn to multilateral institutions such as the ADB, World Bank and IMF or enter into bilateral agreements within and outside the region for assistance. The fundamental problem was that because of an effort to appease the US and the IMF and the use of the IMF as a foil against the dominance of a regional power like Japan, the regional arrangement was not a real alternative to traditional sources of balance of payments support. In particular, access to significant financial assistance under the arrangement required a country to be supported first by an IMF program and be subject to the IMF’s conditions and surveillance. The failure of the multilateral effort meant that a specifically Asian safety net independent of the US and the IMF had to be one constructed by a regional power involving support for a network of bilateral agreements. Japan was the first regional power to seek to build such a network through it post-1997 Miyazawa Initiative. But its own complex relationship with the US meant that its intervention could not be sustained, more so because of the crisis that engulfed Japan in 1990. But the prospect of regional independence in crisis resolution has revived with the rise of China as a regional and global power. This time both economics and China’s independence from the US seem to improve prospects of successful regional cooperation to address financial vulnerability. A history of tensions between China and its neighbours and the fear of Chinese dominance may yet lead to one more failure. But, as of now, the Belt and Road Initiative, China’s support for a large number of bilateral swap arrangements and its participation in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership seem to suggest that Asian countries may finally come into their own.