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1
Cosby, Bruce. „Technological politics and the political history of African-Americans“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1995. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/AAI9543185.
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This dissertation is a critical study of technopolitical issues in the history of African American people. Langdon Winner's theory of technopolitics was used to facilitate the analysis of large scale technologies and their compatibility with various political ends. I contextualized the central technopolitical issues within the major epochs of African American political history: the Atlantic slave trade, the African artisans of antebellum America, and the American Industrial Age.
Throughout this study I have sought to correct negative stereotypes and to show how "technological gauges" were employed to belittle people of African descent. This research also has shown that the mainstream notion that Africans had no part in the history of technology is false.
This study identifies and analyses specific technologies that played a major role in the political affairs of Africans and African Americans. Those technologies included nautical devices, fort construction, and automatic guns in Africa, and hoes, plows, tractors, cotton gins, and the mechanical cotton pickers in America. The findings of this study suggested that African Americans have been disengaged and victimized by western technologies. This dissertation proposes how to overcome the oppressive uses of technology.
2
Harris, David. „Sierra Leone: A Political History“. Hurst, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17555.
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NoSierra Leone came to world attention in the 1990s when a catastrophic civil war linked to the diamond trade was reported globally. This fleeting and particular interest, however, obscured two crucial processes in this small West African state. On the one hand, while the civil war was momentous and brutal, affecting all Sierra Leoneans, it was also just one element in the long and faltering attempt to build a nation and state, given the country’s immensely problematic pre-colonial and British colonial legacies. On the other, the aftermath of the war precipitated a huge international effort to construct a ‘liberal peace’, with mixed results, and interrupted by the devastating Ebola pandemic. This made Sierra Leone a laboratory for both post-conflict and health crisis interventions. Sierra Leone examines over 230 years of its history and sixty years of independence, placing state–society relations at the centre of an original and revealing investigation of those who have tried to rule or change Sierra Leone and its inhabitants, and the responses engendered. It interweaves the historical narrative with sketches of politicians, anecdotes, the landscape and environment and key turning-points, alongside theoretical and other comparisons with the rest of Africa. It is a new contribution to the debate for those who already know Sierra Leone and a solid point of entry for those who wish to.
3
Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. „Politics, Love and Longing: The Political Marriage of Sarah Crowninshield“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/734.
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4
Tsai, Ying-Wen. „History and politics in Michael Oakshott's and Hannah Arendt's political thought“. Thesis, University of York, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316180.
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5
Collins, Merle Angela. „Grenada : a political history: 1950-1979“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263364.
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6
Manzoor, Farhat. „A political history : abortion in Ireland“. Thesis, University of Ulster, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342408.
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7
Niang, Amy. „Naam : political history as state ideology“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/14226.
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This thesis argues that the ideology of Naam (principle of power) is an essential and overlooked component in explaining both the logic of state formation, as well as the institutional continuities evident within the Mossi-Mamprusi-Dagomba states system. With reference to Igor Kopytoff’s Internal African Frontier Thesis, it understands this logic as a single, continuous historical process whereby states were formed and dismantled, broken in autonomous entities and (re)created as clones of a constitutive Naam ‘model’. This model also was negatively responsible for the genesis of acephalous non-state formations, composed of frontier men and women who escaped the stifling grip of the state. Specifically, the thesis argues that the ideology of Naam was the overarching principle that not only informed the expansion of the Mossi-Mamprusi-Dagombasystem, but also enabled the construction of a Mossi identity. Naam was ‘proposed’ in some places, and ‘imposed’ in others, through rituals, family-like associations, and the integration of indigenous groups into the sphere of political rule. Naam ideology was confronted with a fundamental contradiction: the Mossi ruled (over) people but had no control over the territorial basis of their rule. This contradiction was partly resolved through the extension of the discourse of power to the realm of Tenga (the sphere of rituals and earth-custody), by uniting the Mossi divinity (Wende) to the earth divinity (Tenga) and by tapping into the possibilities of a common belief, in order to buttress state legitimacy but also to articulate ‘Mossi’ culture on the basis of a shared idiom that transcended the dichotomy Naam/Tenga. This contradiction cannot be explained with reference to the materiality of conquest alone, as most accounts of state formation, within and beyond Africa, have suggested. Yet the process was informed throughout by violence of a different kind. The deployment of Naam in the realm of rituals served to mediate the gap between power and legitimacy; but at the same time, state power as discourse and representation concealed the ontological violence inherent in the Mossi state. It also concealed the limits of discourse in making valid statements on historical experience. In the Mossi case, pânga (a form of travesty/violent version of Naam), intervenes in the disarticulation of power from kinship by isolating the Naaba (king) from all forms of loyalties. An extended analysis of the consolidation of the Mossi state in the eighteenth century demonstrates how centralisation centred on the twin conditions of the necessary separation between kinship and kingship, and the integration of the stranger-kin as mediating agent at the junction of this divorce. The thesis will contribute to a better understanding of the role of ideology in state formation and society-making in the Voltaic region and West Africa more generally.
8
MacDonald, Catriona M. M. „The radical thread : political change in Scotland : Paisley politics 1885-1924“. Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1995. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21281.
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This is a study of the transition of the political community of Paisley in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century, from one dominated by industrial paternalism and local Liberal Party hierarchies to one in which deferential modes of electoral behaviour had broken down. It questions many historiographical conventions and orthodoxies regarding the rise of' the Labour Party in Scotland and, by focussing on the language of political discourse, seeks to highlight an important historical continuum in the evolutlon of challenges to Liberal dominInance from both 'left' and 'right' in the form of locally defined Radical Tradition. Through the extensive use of the local press, company records records and trade union and party minutes, the study considers political change in its wider economic, industrial and cultural context, developing a theory of political change which reaches out to an appreciation of how 'community' forms determined both the pace and character of change. Beyond this, however, changes in Paisley are further considered in their national context. Through the use of national party archives, the collected papers of prominant political leaders and parrliamentarians and a wide variety of secondary sources, a picture of Paisley as a community which, whilst following many, national trends, proved locked in nineeteenth-century patterns of status politics far longer than comparable Scottish burghs and Engiish cotIon towns. The analysis of the evolution of political change, as presented in this study, moves bevond conventional class-based models of party politics to an appreciation of the totality of the political experience as the product of the continual re-definition of popular political traditions, and in this case, the emergence of new strands in a Radical thread.
9
Fooks, Gary Jonas. „The Serious Fraud Office : a political history“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264649.
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10
Treadwell, William Luke. „The political history of the Sāmānid state“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2bcb89ab-29b3-401b-84b9-e25c477476bb.
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The Sāmānids (204/819-395/1005) were the last Iranian dynasty to rule Eastern Iran before the advent of the Turkish Muslim states which dominated the_central Islamic lands during the medieval period. The Sāmānid state was the largest and most prosperous of the "Abbasid successor states and one of the most vigorous culturally. Yet like all successor states, the Samanids were beset by a high level of political instability which led finally to the dismemberment of the state between two Turkish dynasties, the Qarākhānid steppe rulers and the Ghaznavids, former vassals of the Sāmānids. This thesis explores the causes of this instability and attempts to account for the fall of the state, using the works of V.V. Barthold and R.N. Frye as points of reference. Barthold's hypothesis, which concludes that the Samanids and their bureaucrats were overwhelmed by an alliance of military and scholarly interests before the arrival of the Qarākhānids, is rejected. Instead the fatal weakness in the state structure is sought in the institution of patronage which controlled appointments to provincial governorships. Chapter one presents a survey of the sources with particular reference to the chronicle literature and the geographers, Iṣtakhrī, Ibn Hawqal and Muqaddasī; the unpublished works of the chronicler Ibn Ẓafir al-Azdī (d. 613/1216) and Muhammad ibn ˋAbd al-Jalll al-Samarqandī's 12th century biographical dictionary of Transoxanian scholars are also analysed. Chapter two comprises an overview of the physical and human geography of the 10th century mashriq. The following six chapters form a narrative of the political history of the dynasty from the obscure pre-monarchical period to 395/1005. Chapters five and six are devoted to the reign of Nasr ibn Aḥmad, a watershed in the Sāmānid period during which the earliest works of Persian literature were composed and many senior courtiers converted to Ismāˋīlīsm. Chapter nine examines the Sāmānids 1 sources of revenue, the state apparatus, the nature of Sāmānid politics and the ways in which rulers sought to legitimize their authority and Chapter ten summarizes my conclusions regarding Barthold's interpretation of the fall of the dynasty. The appendices include prosopographical studies of members of the state elite, notes on the Ismāˋīlī rebellion of 295/907, the history of the Khwārazmshāhs and an edition of Ibn Ẓāfir al-Azdī's chapter on Sāmānid history.
11
Nawotka, Krzysztof. „Western Pontic cities : history and political organization /“. Amsterdam : A. M. Hakkert, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39274280d.
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12
Laughren, Pat. „Picturing Politics: Some Issues in the Documentary Representation of Australian Political and Social History“. Thesis, Griffith University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366409.
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This submission groups together four 'TV Hour' documentaries - Red Ted and the Great depression 1994, The Legend of Fred Paterson 1996, The Fair Go: Winning the 1967 Referendum 1999, and Stories from the Split: the Struggle for the Souls of Australian Workers 2005 - researched, developed and produced between1990 and 2005. Each of the submitted documentary films treats an event or individual that made a decisive and lasting contribution to Australian political and social history in the course of the 20th Century. The projects also had the good fortune to win support from institutions such as the Australian Film Commission, the Australian Research Council, the Film Finance Corporation, the Australian Foundation for Culture and the Humanities and the Australian Broadcasting Corporation. The selected films may be viewed as representing a sustained exploration of the relations between documentary modes and production practices, the uses of oral history, the institution of television, and certain understandings of Australian Politics. Taken together, the works exemplify some significant issues in the documentary representation of Australia political and social history. All the films take their content from the field of Australian political and social history; all work within the limits of the 'Television Hour' - from 51 to 60 minutes for public broadcasters; and all emply a mix of interview and archival materials in their construction. Crucially, the films emphasise the experience, opinions and testimaony of participants and witnesses rather than experts. Each film also employs elements of an approach to compilation filmmaking which can be traced to the montage strategy pioneered by the Soviet filmmaker Esther Shub; celebrated by Jay Leyda in his groundbreaking study 'Films Beget Films' (1964).Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy by Publication (PhD)
Griffith Film School
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text
13
Melaku, Misganaw Tadesse. „Social and political history of Wollo Province in Ethiopia: 1769-1916“. University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7290.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhDWollo, formerly referred to as ―Bete Amhara,‖ refers to a region of Amharic-speaking Christians. It was one of the oldest provinces of Ethiopia; located in the north-eastern part of Ethiopia at the cross- roads of the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, Sudan, and central and Southern Ethiopia. Its geostrategic central position has made it a historical focal point of historical dynamics in Ethiopia. Due to its geostrategic position, many writers of the medieval period referred to Wollo as the ―center and the heartland of the Abyssinian Empire. On account of these, major historical battles among political, social, and religious forces occurred in this region leaving their own mark on it and the nature of the Ethiopian state. Before the sixteenth century, Wollo had been a center of history, political administration, religion, and religious education. As a result, numerous historical events have taken place in this province. Due to such factors, it was part of the historically dominant regions in Ethiopia. However, after the sixteenth century we see a decline in the position of Wollo. A province which was part of the center, afterwards the sixteenth century, had been downgraded to the periphery following its domination by Islam and Oromo, which were two subjects of marginalization in Ethiopian historiography. Thereafter, the province was relegated from the country‘s political ground and historical narration due to ethnic, religious, and political backgrounds. In the earliest recordings of the historically dominant groups of Ethiopia, Wollo was not properly represented as it was regarded as a Muslim and Oromo province. In much of the recently recorded literature on the subaltern groups in the post-1991 period, the internal events of Wollo have been ignored. Therefore, both in the past and recently, the socio-political history of Wollo province has never been given due regard. Despite the fact that Wollo bears elements of both the historically dominant and historical subaltern of Ethiopia, it has not been provided proper representation by the narrative of the historically dominant groups, as it is not given proper place in the emergent history of the subaltern in Post-1991 Ethiopia. This paradox of Wollo belonging to both but not given due attention and representation is the corridor leading to explore the dark sides of Ethiopian historiography. Thus, this study attempts to examine why, how and in what way Wollo has been neglected from the country‘s political ground and historical narration. It will also try to reconstruct the social and political history of the province in the period under study.
14
Price, Jay Marsh. „Symbolic Action as Politics: The Canadian Senate as a Political Symbol“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1992. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625753.
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15
Henderson, Peter Charles, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College und School of Humanities. „A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950“. THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Henderson_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.
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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trendsDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
16
Ghosh, Gour Chandra. „History of minor dynasties in early Bengal : studies in socio-political cultural history“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1591.
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17
Symon, Toni. „Paparua Men's Prison: A Social and Political History“. Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/7775.
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Situated amidst farmland 18 kilometres from the centre of Christchurch is Paparua men’s prison, one of New Zealand’s oldest and largest penal institutions. Prisoners have been housed at the Paparua site since 1915 and when the prison buildings were completed in 1925, around 120 prisoners were incarcerated there. Still at the same location where the two original wings continue to accommodate inmates, Paparua has the capacity for nearly 1,000 low to high-security male prisoners.
Despite being almost a century old, very little has been recorded about Paparua, which is symptomatic of the paucity of published material on New Zealand prisons. This thesis seeks to address this shortfall in the literature by, for the first time, documenting the events which have taken place at Paparua and giving insight into life for prisoners there over the last 100 years. These events and the changes to prison life have been driven by the social conditions of the day and their intersection with a complex range of factors at the inmate, community and administrative levels. Paparua’s evolution, therefore, has been the product of the changing socio-political climate and by contextualising the prison’s history I will show how these dynamics have contributed to the development of Paparua.
The research undertaken to achieve such a task involved an historical analysis of 130 years of departmental reports, government reports, parliamentary debates and newspaper articles. This was accompanied by 13 comprehensive interviews with former and current staff and inmates of Paparua.
The reconstruction of Paparua’s past is valuable not only in that it captures the details of an interesting feature of New Zealand history but because it offers insight into the complex range of forces that a are likely to influence its development in the future.
18
MacGregor, Martin D. W. „A political history of the Macgregors before 1571“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.329829.
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19
Boumahdi, B. „A political history of the Western Sahara dispute“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.383716.
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20
BAHIA, RENATO SABBAGH. „GENOCIDE AND ITS POLITICAL USE: A CONCEPTUAL HISTORY“. PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=30952@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE EXCELENCIA ACADEMICA
O presente trabalho propõe uma investigação de algumas das condições de possibilidade quanto ao conceito de Genocídio. Buscando entender alguns dos limites políticos e sociais na utilização do termo Genocídio – no Internacional ou não -, estabelece-se uma análise que tenta conciliar as bases que tornam possível a invenção do conceito em 1944 pelo jurista polonês Raphael Lemkin, bem como sua recepção, abordagem, e disputas quanto ao que o conceito deve(ria) significar entre 1944 e dezembro de 1948, quando a Convenção para a Prevenção e a Repressão do Crime de Genocídio foi aprovada pela Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas. Mais do que apenas determinar a politização (Politisierung) do Conceito, argumenta-se que um entendimento sobre o que Genocídio é ou deveria ser, seja no recorte temporal proposto, seja nos debates que se seguem no Campo de Estudos sobre Genocídio, requer uma abordagem que reflita as múltiplas temporalidades que cada reinvindicação de significado do Conceito traz em si.
This work seeks to investigate a few of the conditions of possibility for a concept of Genocide. By establishing an analysis that tries to reconcile the basis under which the creation of the concept in 1944, as well as its reception, take and dispute of what the concept must (have) mean(t) between 1944 and December 1948, when the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide was approved by the United Nations General Assembly, this work aims for an understanding of a few of the political and social limits on the employment of the term Genocide. More than just considering the politicisation (Politisierung), it is argued that a certain understanding of what Genocide is or ought to be, be it through the proposed temporal frame or through the debates that follow in the Field of Genocide Studies, requires an approach that reflects on the multiple temporalities that each claim for a certain meaning that is brought within the Concept.
21
Nawotka, Krzysztof Dariusz. „The Western Pontic cities : history and political organization /“. The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487694702785773.
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22
Rotnem, Thomas Eric. „The politics of employment in Yeltsin's Russia: the crucial nexus between economic and political transitions /“. The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487935125878939.
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23
Vernon, James. „Politics and the people : a study of English political culture and communication, 1808-68“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303531.
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Howell, Philip M. R. „'A free trade in politics' : a geography of Chartism's political culture, c.1838-1848“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272582.
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25
Gaunt, Sarah K. „English political propaganda, 1377-1485“. Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2018. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/34644/.
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Previous historiography on propaganda has focused on particular themes or time periods; this thesis provides a comprehensive and inclusive analysis drawing on a multidisciplinary approach to encompass the period c.1377-1485. The main conclusion is that propaganda was more prevalent and involved a larger proportion of the polity than previously thought. A conceptual framework based upon certain criteria used in Jacques Ellul’s, Propaganda the Formation of Men’s Attitudes, has been adopted to help define and identify propaganda. One of the dominant themes is the prerequisite of communication to enable the propagandist to reach his audience and the opportunities available to do so. An examination of the various methods available, from official sources to rebel manifestoes, together with the physical communication network required demonstrates that there existed a nationwide environment where this was possible. The literary media used for propaganda include proclamations, poetry, letters, and bills. The political audience was broad in terms of understanding of literary and visual forms of communication and their ability to use the available mechanisms to convey their opinions. Whether it was a disgruntled magnate, merchant or yeoman farmer, there was a method of communication suited to their circumstances. Visual propaganda was particularly important in politically influencing an audience, particularly for a largely illiterate population. This is an area that is often overlooked in terms of political influence until the Tudor period. The use of the human body will be a particular focus along with the more traditional aspects of art, such as heraldry. The thesis considers the relationship between kings’ personality, policy and propaganda. What emerges is that the personality of the monarch was essentially more influential than the use of propaganda. Finally, incorporating the analysis of the previous chapters, the North, is examined as a regional example of the presence and impact of propaganda. The North was a subject of propaganda itself and there was a two-way flow of communication and propaganda between the North and Westminster revealing the political consciousness of the region and its role as an audience. The overall argument of the thesis is that communication within the late medieval polity was essential and extensive. Propaganda was frequently used through a variety of media that could reach the whole polity, whether literate or not and not only in times of crisis.
26
Streator, Campbell. „"Pig-Sawce" and Politics: The History of Barbecue as a Political Institution in the United States“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1920.
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This thesis examines the history of barbecue as a political institution in the United States. It pulls from a wide variety of cultural and political sources to trace the story of barbecue’s evolution in America from cooking structure to social gathering, and addresses barbecue’s varied political meanings and implementations from before the American Revolution through the twentieth century. Along the way, it discusses the ways in which barbecue as a political institution has been used to cultivate an American identity, played a role in the development of personality driven politics in the United States, and found itself at the center of debates over race and equality in America.
27
Lebron, Christopher J. (Christopher Joseph). „Race, power, history, and justice in America“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/53078.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009.Includes bibliographical references.
This project sets out two broad aims. First, I seek to explain the persistence of racial inequality in an era of formal racial inequality. I offer a theory of power, historically evolved socially embedded power. The theory states that racial inequality is to be explained in the first instance by the way historical racial norms become embedded in practices and processes of path dependent institutions, shaping the way institutions value persons of color. Subsequently, this impacts the way broader society values persons of color, and the way they value themselves. This sets up the conclusion that the problem of racial inequality is fundamentally a problem of racial valuation rather than a problem of distributive justice. In articulating the theory of power, I depart from orthodox analytic political thought methodology by relying on a cross-section of empirical resources, such as history, sociology, and social psychology. Second, I conclude from the above that a theory of justice appropriate for the needs of racial inequality must center on a normative ideal as its primary aim to counteract this more fundamental dynamic. Given the above characterization of racial inequality, I argue that self-respect is the necessary ideal and the social bases of self-respect are the appropriate currency of justice. By self-respect I mean, one's disposition towards oneself such that plans and perceived purposes are reflectively developed in line with an autonomously articulated morally appropriate conception of the good life.
(cont.) By the social bases of self-respect I mean, the public commitment and efforts made by major social institutions to embrace and affirm persons of color as substantive equals in a way that reckons with both the history and contemporary reality of racial injustice. I formulate justice as democratic partnership as the appropriate conception of racial justice. It states that justice obtains when institutions consistently provide the social bases of self-respect as per a defined set of institutional principles, and persons of color utilize this resource, as per a defined set of personal principles, by conceiving and pursuing the good of their lives just as the more socially and politically advantaged are able to.
by Christopher J. Lebron.
Ph.D.
28
Grossman, Daniel P. (Daniel Phillip). „A policy history of Hanford's atmospheric releases“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12258.
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Gold, Irving. „Jewish political behavior: Liberalism or rational political tradition? The 1989 Quebec election and the Equality Party“. Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/10364.
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Jewish political behavior is generally characterized as liberal. This study advances an alternative conception based on rationality and pragmatism rather than reflexive liberalism. The author argues that pragmatism can dictate either liberal or non-liberal behavior for Jews, and that behavior which departs from liberalism need not be treated as a departure from an historical trend but can be regarded as a continuation of a long tradition of pragmatism. The 1989 Quebec election, which saw the election of four Equality Party of Quebec candidates, serves as the case study. The support given to the Equality candidates by the Montreal Anglophone Jewish community is examined by way of a content analysis of several pre-election editions of The Suburban, a Montreal English weekly newspaper. The Suburban is demonstrated to have been extremely supportive of the Equality Party and overwhelmingly Jewish in content and orientation. It is argued that The Suburban served as a tool for direct and indirect Jewish support for the Equality Party.
30
Jarin, Alexander Wiessmann. „British Jewish Organizations and the Politics of Zionism: Evolution of a Political and Social Movement, 1880-1920“. Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/433496.
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HistoryM.A.
British Zionism developed into a major political and religious movement between 1880 and 1920. It was initially seen differently by two leading Jewish organizations in Britain, the Board of Deputies of British Jews and the English Zionist Federation. For many years, the work of the Board of Deputies and the EZF involved petitioning the government either in support of or opposition to the development of Zionism in the United Kingdom. For much of its history the Board of Deputies opposed Zionism and instead advocated for relative assimilation into British society, culture, and politics, whereas the Federation consistently advocated for Jewish emigration to Palestine and the establishment of a Jewish state. However eventually the two organizations worked cooperatively to advance the Zionist cause. For many generations Jews in Britain had worked to insure that their loyalty to Britain would not be questioned and to thereby insure that they would have a chance at a prosperous life. The years between 1880-1920 are particularly crucial to understanding British Zionism because of the creation of modern political Zionism under the leadership Theodor Herzl. The onset of the First World War saw British Jewish leaders finally gain support from the British government for a Jewish homeland. Nineteenth Century Europe experienced a surge in anti-Semitism which affected all levels of European society and many nations including Britain. This rampant anti-Semitism affected the Board’s and Federation’s efforts to find a solution and led to conflicting approaches, most notably assimilation versus emigration to Palestine. The research set forth herein belies the assumption that all Jews subscribed to the Zionist ideology. However, despite their early differences these organizations ultimately joined together to influence the government during the years leading up to and including the First World War, and their efforts changed British Jewry and Zionism forever.
Temple University--Theses
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Reaume, Amanda. „Embodying history : the memoirs of Canadian female political trailblazers“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/15225.
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The purpose of this study was to show how Canadian women’s political memoirs form a
subgenre of their own, distinct from Canadian men’s political memoirs and that these memoirs operate according to certain
strict narrative conventions because of the limited ways in which women politicians can express themselves and act within male-dominated institutions like parliaments. The distinctive aspects of women’s political memoirs are illustrated by the narrative anecdotes, descriptions, and commentary that are present within their
‘trailblazing narratives’ and the mechanisms through which the subgenre of political memoir functions (i.e. through anecdotes, narrative description, and other narrative strategies). Among the similar anecdotes featured in these narratives are descriptions of the lack of washrooms for
female politicians, identification with other women politicians through the creation of a genealogical narrative of women in politics, and struggles to be heard and respected as female politicians. This study
focuses on Canadian women’s political memoirs from the 1980s to the present and includes analysis of Being Brown: A Very Public Life (1989) by Rosemary Brown, Time and Chance (1996) by Kim Campbell,
Trade Secrets (2000) by Pat Camey, Worth Fighting For (2004) and Nobody’s Baby (
1986) by Sheila Copps, Never Retreat, Never Explain, Never Apologize (2004) by Deborah Gray, A Woman’s Place (1992) by Audrey McLaughlin and No Laughing Matter (2008) by Margaret Mitchell.
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Howard, Jeremy P. „A political history of the magazine Encounter 1953-67“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359516.
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Voiculescu, Aurora. „Prosecuting history : political justice in post-Communist Eastern Europe“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1564/.
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Fifty years after the Nuremberg trials, Europe is challenged once again with a question: Who is responsible for state-sponsored violations of human rights. This time, those put on trial or ostracised from power are elements of the Communist structures of control. Some observers have criticised these measures of political justice, comparing them to a 'witch hunt,' and accusing the courts and legislature of often engendering an unjustifiable collective guilt. In contrast, others have claimed that not enough is being done; that the people of Eastern Europe "have asked for justice, and got the rule of law." In this thesis, the author proposes an assessment of the process of political justice taking place in post-Communist Eastern Europe. The approach taken is from the perspective of the role played in this process by the concept of collective responsibility of political organisations for violations of human rights. While concentrating on the way collective responsibility appears in the criminal law measures taken in Hungary, and in the administrative procedures of screening used in the Czech Republic, the thesis also aims to offer a comprehensive picture of the general debate on accountability for past human rights violations which takes place in post-Communist Eastern Europe. The thesis underlines the complexity of the political reality in which the expectations for accountability for state-sponsored violations of human rights are answered. It also emphasises the importance for this answer to acknowledge the nature of the Communist regime, and of its representative structure known under the name of Nomenklatura. Based on these elements, the author argues for the necessity of combining individual and collective responsibility for human rights violations. A reconstructed concept of collective agency and collective responsibility appears to be the solution to the inconsistencies otherwise manifested in a process of political justice. Such concepts, the author argues, should allow for the acknowledgement - through commissions of truth, as well as through prosecution and screening - of the role played by the Communist structure of power in the violations of human rights which took place under its regime.
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Dickson, Anna-Kumari. „A political history of the ACP-EEC Sugar Protocol“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315984.
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Clark, Rebecca. „Montesquieu on the History and Geography of Political Liberty“. Thesis, Boston College, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:103616.
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Thesis advisor: Christopher KellyMontesquieu famously presents climate and terrain as enabling servitude in hot, fertile climes and on the exposed steppes of central Asia. He also traces England's exemplary constitution, with its balanced constitution, independent judiciary, and gentle criminal practices, to the unique conditions of early medieval northern Europe. The English "found" their government "in the forests" of Germany. There, the marginal, variegated terrain favored the dispersion of political power, and a pastoral way of life until well into the Middle Ages. In pursuing a primitive honor unrelated to political liberty as such, the barbaric Franks accidentally established the rudiments of the most "well-tempered" government. His turn to these causes accidental to human purposes in Parts 3-6 begins with his analysis of the problem of unintended consequences in the history of political reform in Parts 1-2. While the idea of balancing political powers in order to prevent any one individual or group from dominating the rest has ancient roots, he shows that it has taken many centuries to understand just what needs to be balanced, and to learn to balance against one threat without inviting another. Knowledge of the administration of criminal justice has proven the most important to liberty, as well as the most difficult to acquire and put into practice. Montesquieu's attention to accidental causes sheds light on the contradictions within human nature, and the complex relationship between humans and their physical and conventional environments. He shows how nature provides support for both political liberty and for despotism. The wisdom of organizing government with a view to political liberty, as well as the means for doing so, does not follow from human nature in the abstract, but has required reflection on experiences with the consequences of actual governments. By highlighting the dependence of free politics on conditions outside the legislator's immediate control, he encourages reformers to attend to the non-legal supports of political liberty, the limits of human ingenuity, and the risks of unintended consequences. His attention to forces beyond human control provides the occasion to clarify the character of liberal legislative prudence, the art of leading by "inviting without constraining."
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Hanna, Ninos. „Founding of the Federal Reserve System: A Political History“. Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104882.
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Thesis advisor: Marc LandyThesis advisor: Gerald Easter
The Federal Reserve System has been the focus of significant scrutiny, but stakeholders educated as to its history and functions are aware that it serves as a crucial resource for preserving national (and by extension global) economic stability. This paper consists of a historical overview of the Federal Reserve and the many controversies, which have led to adjustments that improved the system and kept it effective throughout changing times. With discussion of its constitutional foundations, the establishment of the central bank of the United States, pertinent legislation, and political controversies, the Federal Reserve will be explained in a comprehensive way that can lead to accurate appreciation for the nature of the System, as it exists today – with greater transparency and importance than ever before
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Macola, Giacomo. „A political history of the Kingdom of Kazembe, Zambia“. Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2000. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29010/.
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This is a study of the eastern Lunda kingdom of Kazembe, the political history of which has never received detailed treatment despite its indisputable regional significance between the mid-eighteenth and the mid-nineteenth century. This work differs from most monographic studies of the history of the eastern savanna of Central Africa in its attempt to examine both the pre-colonial and the colonial experiences of the Kazembe kingdom. This approach reflects awareness of the manipulability of historical consciousness and the extent to which oral sources were moulded by the colonial context. The implementation of a flexible set of symbols and institutions of rule was the principal contribution of the rulers of the Kazembe kingdom to the political transformation of the territory to the east of the upper Lualaba River. It enabled them to wield a measure of influence over peripheral societies in both southern Katanga and the plateau to the east of the lower Luapula valley, the heartland of the kingdom and an ecological niche conducive to the development of political complexity and centralization. The disparity between the articulations of political control in the heartland and the periphery, together with the role of long-distance trade and the growing importance of external influences and threats, are essential to understand the decline of the power of the eastern Lunda in the second half of the nineteenth century. It was a much enervated polity which faced British and Belgian empire-builders in the last decade of the century. The kingdom was easily subdued, but the aspirations of its rulers lived on throughout the colonial period. An examination of the interactions between Lunda leaders, British officials and subjects of both shows that the royal family was better placed than the aristocracy to take advantage of the new political circumstances and answer the challenges of economic change and mission education. The furtherance of a new ethno-history was another manifestation of the fundamental adaptability of the royal family.
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Lower, Chad D. „The political ideology of Connecticut's Standing Order“. Thesis, Kent State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3618870.
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Many historians of religion and politics in the early republic period fail to fully examine the importance of the debate between the Connecticut's Standing Order and religious dissenters concerning the necessity of a religious establishment in America. Relying on sermons, newspaper accounts, this project examines the ideology and justification of Connecticut's Standing Order in defending religious establishment, as well as the ideological reasons Republicans and religious dissenters offered in opposing it. Exploring the value of the church establishment from the perspective of both the supporters of the Standing Order and those who sided with the Jeffersonians offers important insight into how issues of religion shaped the political and social battles in the early republic.
This work focuses upon the political ideology of Connecticut's established clergy and Federalist allies in relation to the defense of the church establishment. In particular, the motives for those who defended the established church were based not upon selfish ambition, but rather upon well-constructed ideas about how best to maintain the prosperity of the American republic. In Connecticut, the adherents of the Standing Order valued holding the Congregational Church as the established church for the state because traditional social structures and social systems such as churches seemingly benefitted the continued success of the community.
This project demonstrates that the convictions on both sides of the debate were grounded upon ideas, not ambitions. For the Standing Order, the state church was a fundamental component of stability and prosperity in Connecticut. The established clergy of Standing Order, as well as their dissenter counterparts, believed that the outcome of the ecclesiastical issue was crucial for determining the future prosperity of the republic. Their vision for the nation may have lost out to that of the Jeffersonians and religious dissenters, but it was nonetheless a vision that ultimately had meaningful consequences for the development of the nation and the role of Christianity in shaping the political and social spheres.
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McNutt, Dylan. „The Life and Political Career of Hubert Horatio Humphrey“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3610.
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Hubert Horatio Humphrey never reached the Oval Office, but his accomplishments during his tenure as mayor, senator, and Vice President are just as noteworthy. During Humphrey’s political career he played a pivotal role in the most influential period of liberal American politics. During his youth and college years Humphrey became learned how to remain loyal to the people around him, and about the racial divisions of the South. Most research on Vice President Humphrey analyzes his time as a Senator, Vice President, and the 1968 Presidential election. The Life and Political Career of Hubert Humphrey, examines Humphrey’s life in its entirety through themes and life lessons as he became the conscience of the nation. Furthermore, The Life and Political Career of Hubert Humphrey, examines the relationship between President Lyndon B. Johnson and Vice President Humphrey and how Humphrey’s loyalty caused with the nation’s conscience to fall short of his lifelong goal.
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Finch, Michael C. E. „Min Yong-hwan : a political biography“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285252.
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Singh, Ujjwal Kumar. „Political prisoners in India, 1920-1977“. Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29435/.
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This is a study of the politics of 'political prisonerhood' in colonial and independent India. Prison going and the struggles inside the prison had, with the nationalist culture of jail going in the early part of the twentieth century become an integral part of the protest against the colonial state. Imprisonment in its multifarious forms also became the major bulwark of the colonial state's strategy for harnessing recalcitrant subjects. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the process by which the notion of 'political' became a festering issue in the contest between the colonial state and the subject population and later between the state in independent India and the various 'rebel' groups, and also the manner in which the ruling classes assumed the sole responsibility of defining the 'political'. We have confined our study to the peaks of nationalist resistance against the colonial state and popular struggles against the dominant classes in independent India. Through this exploration of the notion of political prisonerhood we also attempt to understand the permanence and ruptures in the forms of repression and the nature of penal sanctions which the state deployed against its political opponents in colonial and independent India. In order to understand what constitutes 'political crime', and who were or were not recognized as 'political prisoners' at a particular historical moment, we have examined the role of the ideological discourses which informed penal regimes in colonial and independent India. The theoretical premises and conceptual tools in this study bear the influence of the Marxist studies on Indian politics and the Subaltern school's understanding of Indian history. The material for research has been drawn from various official and unofficial sources viz., archival records of the colonial government and the government of independent India, reports on prisons by various governmental committees, jail manuals, rules, regulations, laws, autobiographies, biographies, prison memoirs, prison diaries and interviews with erstwhile political prisoners.
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Hunter, Jason. „Taiwan domestic politics political corruption, cross strait relations, and national identity /“. online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2007. http://digital.library.okstate.edu/etd/umi-okstate-2271.pdf.
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Walker, Simon. „The politics of contaminated land : a political history of UK contaminated land policy 1975-2002“. Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.402278.
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Yager, Brian. „Northwest Ohio Political Sentiment During The Civil War“. Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1458746818.
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Henderson, Peter Charles. „A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950“. Thesis, View thesis, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.
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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends
46
O'Connell, Ashanti. „Children's memories of political violence“. Thesis, University of Ulster, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268561.
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Lawrence, Jonathan. „Party politics and the people : continuity and change in the political history of Wolverhampton, 1815-1914“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235919.
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This dissertation adopts the case-study approach to undertake a detailed analysis of English popular politics in the century between the end of the Napoleonic wars and 1914. The first two chapters analyse popular Radicalism in Wolverhampton between 1815 and 1880 and argue that historians have greatly underestimated the continuity between supposedly 'class conscious' Chartism and 'reformist' mid-Victorian Radicalism. Contrary to much speculation, popular Liberalism developed in spite of, rather than because of the, activities of local Liberal elites. Indeed plebeian/patrician conflict was a constant feature of Radical-Liberal politics throughout the nineteenth century and played an important part in the labour movement's break with Liberalism after 1890. Chapter three looks in details at the popular Tory revival of the 1880s and '90s, arguing that it should be seen in the context of widespread disillusionment with the Liberal penchant for Caucus politics and moral evangelism. In short, popular Toryism is treated as a serious political movement which established strong roots in many working class communities, rather than as a form of political deviance to be dismissed as an aberration. Chapters four and five present a new interpretation of early Labour politics by rejecting the orthodox assumption that the shift from Liberalism to 'Labourism' can be seen as the product of more fundamental structural changes affecting the working class as a whole. Labour politics cannot be seen in any unproblematic way as class politics, or even as distinctively 'working class'. On the one hand, a large proportion of Labour activists sprang from the middle classes (especially the petty bourgeoisie), while on the other, Labour consciously appealed to all workers, 'by hand and by brain', in its campaign against the 'idle classes' who dominated political and social life. Here, as elsewhere, Labour politics stood in a direct line of descent from Paine, the Chartists and the mid-Victorian Radicals. The final section focusses on the problematic relationship between pre-war Labour politicians and the people they sought to represent. Labour's systematic marginalisation of women, and its misrepresentation of the urban poor is shown to have seriously undermined its attempt to construct a broad political coalition in pre-war Wolverhampton. This section also discusses the organisational shortcomings of Edwardian Labour politics and concludes that reliance on a narrow trade union base, though necessary, undermined Labour's claim to be a popular, all-encompassing mass movement.
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Jerbi, Matthew J. „Political parties and democracy in Haiti“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA392100.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 2001.Thesis advisor(s): Giraldo, Jeanne. "June 2001." Includes bibliographical references (p. 123-132). Also Available in print.
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Badsey, Phylomena H. „The political thought of Vera Brittain“. Thesis, Kingston University, 2005. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20238/.
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This thesis investigates the political thought of the well known British 20th Century political activist and writer Vera Brittain (1893-1970), who is acknowledged as one of the most important feminists and pacifists of her era. It was undertaken in response to the continuing success of her most widely known work, 'Testament of Youth: An Autobiographical Study of the Years 1900-1925, first published in 1933, and her increasing importance since her death to modem feminists, pacifists, and to the study of the First World War (1914-1918). It draws extensively on Vera Brittain's own writings, published, and unpublished, and includes material never before used in previous research. It provides a comprehensive review of the secondary literature on Vera Brittain, showing that the power of her arguments has been undermined by studying each area of her life and literary work in isolation. Although Vera Brittain's work and life have been frequently cited for specific purposes, this thesis is the first to identify her political thought in its totality. In particular, this thesis identifies for the first time the importance in Vera Brittain's political thought of her Christian beliefs, particularly after 1940; and the way in which this related to her two other major political beliefs, her feminism which she adopted very early in her life, and her pacifism, which she adopted in 1937. The emphasis placed in previous secondary literature on Testament of Youth and Vera Brittain's role in the First World War has also obscured the importance of her later political thought, particularly during the Second World War (1939-1945), and in her role in the early years of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) and the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa. The argument made in this thesis is that Vera Brittain's mature political thought was based on her faith in individuals, which acted like a 'thread' upon which the three 'pearls' or 'circles' of her political thought, those of Christianity, feminism and pacifism, were strung, each interacting with the other at various times, and finally joining to become the 'necklace' of her political thought. The thesis concludes that Vera Brittain's political thought did not constitute a coherent political theory of which she was herself aware; she developed a personal ideology or belief-system, but although she also held a world-view throughout most of her life, this was not original or unique to her. Her political writings and actions reflected the issues of her own time, including Equality Feminism, and the Christian Pacifist opposition to war. But she also drew on earlier political theories of the relationship between. the state and the individual, such as those of Mary Wollstonecraft and John Locke. In her political thought, she also acknowledged the importance of the issues of race, class, gender and sexuality, which would later become central to Second Wave Feminism. In sum, this thesis describes the political thought of Vera Brittain, its importance in the history of political thought, and its continuing relevance for today.
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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. „Shaping the Nation: Early 19th Century America“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/731.
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