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Ceva, Emanuela, und Maria Paola Ferretti. „Political corruption“. Philosophy Compass 12, Nr. 12 (18.09.2017): e12461. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/phc3.12461.
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Soliman, Hussein, und Sherry Cable. „Sinking under the weight of corruption: Neoliberal reform, political accountability and justice“. Current Sociology 59, Nr. 6 (20.10.2011): 735–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392111419748.
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The United Nations adopted the 2003 Convention Against Corruption to reduce corruption in developing nations. Corruption’s determinants include political systems’ permeability to economic influence, state economic intervention, weak political competition and officials’ discretionary power to allocate resources. Corruption’s outcomes are slowed economic development, misallocation of government resources, income inequalities and, less frequently, disasters. Using archival and interview data, this article documents corruption’s shaping of the 2006 sinking of an Egyptian ferry in the Red Sea, which killed 1034; high-level corruption not only caused the disaster but exacerbated its impacts. The study’s findings confirm much of the empirical literature but contradict assertions that corruption is associated with high levels of government intervention in the economy. Based on the findings, the article gives a critique of neoliberal reform that associates it with high-level corruption.
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Bodruzic, Dragana. „Vice or coping mechanism? Bridging political science and anthropological approaches to the study of corruption“. Critique of Anthropology 36, Nr. 4 (25.07.2016): 363–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x16654552.
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Political science and economics have dominated the study of corruption. Recently, anthropologists have questioned traditional definitions of corruption and have conducted a deeper inquiry into the interplay of cultural dynamics and corruption. However, despite the existence of two strands in anthropology—interpretive and political economy—anthropological contributions to the study of corruption have come primarily from interpretive anthropology. Anthropologists studying corruption have focused on narratives and on understanding corruption’s embeddedness in cultural logics. Ethnography, however, has also revealed the importance of fixed price in many instances of corruption. This paper argues that fixed price is an indicator of the systematization of corruption. Consequently, greater attention needs to be paid to how corruption is also embedded in political economy.
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Werlin, Herbert H. „Is Lord Acton Right? Rethinking Corruption, Democracy, and Political Power“. International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 1 (September 2013): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.1.1.
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This article examines Lord Acton’s famous assertion, “power tends to corrupt and absolute power, to corrupt absolutely,” including the suggestion that democratization reduces corruption. This assertion requires us to look at the meaning of political power, corruption, and democracy. By making a distinction between primary and secondary corruption (essentially, controllable and uncontrollable corruption) and between liberal democracy (emphasizing competitive politics) and classical democracy (emphasizing consensus-building politics), together with introducing Political Elasticity (PE) theory, a number of difficult questions are raised: 1. What is political power (with Hobbes and Russia, in mind)? 2. What is the linkage between political power and corruption? 3. Why is it that corruption does not necessarily prevent economic development (with China in mind)? At the conclusion the autocracy-corruption linkage is examined, as exemplified by a comparison of Singapore and Jamaica, indicating: (1) that political power, if persuasive, is not necessarily corruptive; (2) liberal or partisan democracy tends to corrupt and lawless democracy, to corrupt absolutely and (3) authoritarian regimes may recognize that controlling corruption is essential for their legitimacy and economic prosperity.
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Klašnja, Marko, Andrew T. Little und Joshua A. Tucker. „Political Corruption Traps“. Political Science Research and Methods 6, Nr. 3 (24.10.2016): 413–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.45.
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Academics and policymakers recognize that there are serious costs associated with systemic corruption. Stubbornly, many countries or regions remain stuck in a high-corruption equilibrium—a “corruption trap.” Most existing theories concentrate on mutually reinforcing expectations of corrupt behavior among a fixed set of bureaucrats or politicians, implying that changing such expectations can lead to lower corruption. We develop models that more fully characterize the political nature of corruption traps by also analyzing the behavior of voters and entrants to politics, as well their interaction with incumbent politicians. We show that corruption traps can arise through strategic behavior of each set of actors, as well as through their interrelations. By linking politician, voter, and entrant behavior, we provide an explanation for why simply trying to change expectations among one set of actors is likely insufficient for eliminating corruption traps.
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Philp, Mark. „Defining Political Corruption“. Political Studies 45, Nr. 3 (August 1997): 436–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00090.
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Clark, Gordon L. „Political Corruption and Political Geography“. New Zealand Geographer 54, Nr. 1 (April 1998): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-7939.1998.tb00526.x.
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Ferreira de Oliveira, Wilson José. „Anti-corruption protests, alliance system and political polarization“. Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, Nr. 3 (13.11.2020): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.2.38032.
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The fight against corruption has become, in recent years, one of the main international causes. Many studies have been done on the effects and consequences of corrupt and corrupting practices for the political system and for the general society. However, there are still few who are dedicated to analyzing the conditions and dynamics of the fight against corruption as a public and international cause and its consequences and impacts on national political systems. Therefore, the objective of this article is to examine the emergence and spread of anti-corruption movements and protests in Brazil, between 2013 and 2018. I aim to demonstrate that the emergence and development of anti-corruption protests and mobilizations in this period are related to the crisis and collapse of the “alliance system” between the main political leaders and organizations, becoming a political resource to recompose and change such alignments. This analysis shows the relevance of the “political dimension” to understand the process of emergence and the development of protests and mobilizations against corruption.
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Shashkova, A. V. „Corruption as a Problem of Political Theory and Political Practice“. MGIMO Review of International Relations, Nr. 6(45) (28.12.2015): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-64-73.
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The present article is dedicated to the analysis of "corruption" from point of view of political practice and political theory. The present article studies historical examples of corruption: corruption during the era of Alexander the Great, Carthage, Roman Republic. The article gives the evolution of the term "corruption", pointing out current aspects of the term. The article provides positive and negative results of corruption, gives resume. The present article analyses corruption results: economical, political and social. Most important economical consequences of corruption are the following: increase of shadow economy, decrease of tax payments, weakening of the state budget, breach of market competition, decrease of market effectiveness, destabilization of the idea of market economy. Most important social consequences of corruption are the following: great distinction between the declared and real values, which creates a "double standard" of the moral and behavior, distraction of great sums from public and humanitarian development, increase of property disproportion, increase of social tension. The present article names most important political consequences of corruption: shift of ideas from public development to the security of power of oligarchy, decrease of trust to the state, decrease of image of the country at the international arena, increase of its economical and political isolation, decrease of political competition. The present article gives one of the resumes that the globalization process increases corruption. Together with globalization most important role is given to corporations and corporate corruption comes to the front raw.
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Hine, David. „“Political corruption in Italy,” political corruption in Europe and Latin America“. Trends in Organized Crime 2, Nr. 4 (Juni 1997): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12117-997-1090-3.
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Myndresku, Iuliia. „Corruption Study Paradigm in Modern Political Science“. Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, Nr. 7 (23.12.2019): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2019.7.285-304.
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In the last decades a growing awareness emerged of the relevance of corruption as an hidden factor which may negatively affect political and economic decision-making processes. In spite of a lively scientific debate there is no general consensus on a commonly accepted definition of what corruption is. The A. distinguishes three main paradigms, focusing on different (though not irreconcilable) variables. The first is the economic paradigm, which usually takes the principal-agent model of corruption as its founding pillar. In this paradigm corruption is considered the outcome of rational individual choices, and its spread within a certain organization is influenced by the factors defining the structure of expected costs and rewards. A second approach – the cultural paradigm – looks at the differences in cultural traditions, social norms and interiorized values which shape individuals’ moral preferences and consideration of his social and institutional role. These are a leading forces that can push a corrupt public or private agent (not) to violate legal norms. A third neo-institutional approach considers also mechanisms which allow the internal regulation of social interactions within corrupt networks, and their effects on individuals’ beliefs and preferences. Though the corrupt agreements cannot be enforced with legal sanctions, several informal, nonwritten rules, contractual provisos and conventions may regulate the corrupt exchange between agent and corruptor. Corruption is the outcome of a multitude of individual and collective choices which change public opinion towards corruption and its diffusion throughout the state, markets and civil society. There is no univocal recipe to deal with anti-bribery measures, since corruption is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon. Reforms aimed at dismantling systemic corruption have to be finely tuned against its hidden governance structures, i.e. its internal regulation of exchanges and relationships. Otherwise, a vicious circle may emerge: the more an anticorruption policy is needed, because corruption is systemic and enforced by effective third-parties, the less probable its formulation and implementation. Only when official rules are complemented by coherent informal institutions, bottom-up initiatives, they tend to produce the expected outcomes and make anticorruption regulation more effective.
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Navot, Doron, und Itai Beeri. „Conceptualization of Political Corruption, Perceptions of Corruption, and Political Participation in Democracies“. Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 15, Nr. 2 (30.04.2017): 199–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/15.2.199-219(2017).
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This study empirically examines relationships between conceptions of political corruption, perceived levels of corruption, and political participation among members of the public. Based on a field study of 298 Israelis, we show that the effects of perceived levels of corruption on participation are significantly influenced by how citizens conceptualize corruption. The public's conceptions of corruption influence whether and how they will participate. The findings provide strong evidence that while the perceived extent of political corruption is a powerful determinant of participation, the public's conception of corruption must not be overlooked. Rather, both factors should be considered as important indicators of participation.
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Ullah, Asad, Mamoon Khan Khattak und Mussawar Shah. „Transition in Pakistani Political Norms of Society and Corruption“. Global Social Sciences Review III, Nr. III (30.09.2018): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-iii).04.
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The Messenger of ALLAH Almighty, the Holy Prophet MUHAMMAD (peace be upon him) has said "Ar-Rashi Wal Murtashi Kila huma Finnar" that mean "the giver and taker of bribes (corrupt) will both go to the fire of hell". This research analyzes corruption's effect on existing social values in Peshawar region of Islamic Republic of Pakistan. A total of 150 respondents were selected as sample using stratified random sampling technique for study using Likert scale as measurement tool in interview schedule. The bi-variate and uni-variate analyses were made for reaching results. The existence of the effect of "corruption perception" as independent variable's effects were assessed on the "social values in political institutions" as dependent variable by applying Chi-square test. Furthermore, Gamma (y) statistics' application was made for finding the bond and relationship's direction. It was concluded that a significant association prevails regarding corruption perception with organized corruption alliance between government servants and politicians (P=0.002), politicians who are corrupt do safeguard corrupt interests (P=0.000) and favoured political environment (P=0.000). Moreover, posting candid politicians on significant government posts (P=0.000), removing political influence form bureaucracy (P=0.000), making politicians accountable to agencies related to stopping corruption (P=0.000), recompensing politicians of honesty (P=0.033), sensitizing politicians to be aware of corruption (P=0.000) and applying court's judgements regarding reducing corruption (P=0.000) were found significantly associated with improving state of corruption.
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Fell, Dafydd. „Political and Media Liberalization and Political Corruption in Taiwan“. China Quarterly 184 (Dezember 2005): 875–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005000548.
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This article examines the relationship between democratic and media reforms and political corruption in Taiwan. Has liberalization resulted in increased corruption or has it created a cleaner political system? I argue that the Taiwan case reveals the potential positive effects of multi-party democracy for tackling political corruption, as opposition parties have exploited a liberalized media to challenge and alter accepted but corrupt norms of governance. Pillars of the KMT party state such as its party assets, vote buying and the corrupt patron–client relationship with local factions were until the 1990s either openly or tacitly accepted as legitimate. The Taiwanese opposition parties took a latent political issue, corruption, and progressively broadened the scope of what is publicly acknowledged as corruption. By exposing cases of KMT government corruption and establishing new norms of clean governance it is possible that in the long term opposition parties can contribute to the creation of a cleaner political system.
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Joković-Pantelić, Milica. „Characteristics and manners of corruptive acts described in feuilletons, records and short stories by Branislav Nušić“. CM: Communication and Media 18, Nr. 54 (2023): 235–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/cm18-46780.
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Branislav Nušić - whose descriptions of corruption and corruptive conduct of individuals and authorities of his time are presented and analyzed in this paper - humorously and accurately depicted situations, manners and character of the participants in corruptive acts. His observations reveal causes, reasons and motives of why people become involved in corruptive activities. Greed and gaining a social status, position and reputation at all costs reflect important character traits of the people resorting to corruption. Nušić particularly describes the use of the joint budget by people in power, bribing for positions in the hierarchy of power and of voters during the election process for members of parliament, the role of nepotism in gaining privileges, promotion and advancement in civil service and the profit provided by such status. Different events involving characters inclined towards corruption are described by Nušić through comic, tragic and farcical plots. The paper is aimed to use Nušić' s insight into his era to show how corruption as a phenomenon is dangerous when it involves individuals and society, and how difficult it is to stop or eradicate corruption to the extent that it cannot threaten social life. Nušić's descriptions of corruptive situations are still present in similar forms today. Nušić's message is that Serbia's political life is inundated in corruption. By their repetition over time, corruptive cases lead to the formation of corruptive patterns accompanying Serbia's political life to date.
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Šumah, Štefan. „“Ethnic” Corruption: When Ethnic Identity Meets Political Corruption“. Academicus International Scientific Journal 30 (Juli 2024): 70–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7336/academicus.2024.30.05.
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Corruption is a complex phenomenon which can appear in various forms and political corruption remains one of the most common forms.Political corruption further encompasses many forms, one of which is ethnic corruption. Ethnic corruption is one of form of corruption that involves giving certain ethnic groups privileges that other groups do not have. The purpose of these privileges is for the ruling political structure to stay in power. This type of corruption was common practice in the former Yugoslavia and the former Soviet Union, and continues in its successor, the Russian Federation.. Pronounced ethnic corruption remains prevalent in many countries across Asia and Africa. With an increasingly polarized voting base in the United States, new forms of ethnic corruption have started to appear. Because of its characteristics, ethnic corruption is one of the most challenging types of corruption to address.
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Nisnevich, Y. „What Is Political Corruption“. World Economy and International Relations 64, Nr. 12 (2020): 133–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-133-138.
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The article analyzes the definitions of political corruption based on the following approaches used in political science to classify forms and manifestations of corruption: subject-oriented, actor-based and targeted. Within the framework of these approaches, we offer an updated definition of political corruption which can involve public officials of all levels. Political corruption is instrumentally defined as the unlawful use by a public official of various types of administrative resources of public authority to extract personal and (or) group political benefits (political enrichment), including in favor of third parties. The author singles out such form of corruption as state policy corruption, the essence of which is to skew the state policy in favor of private interests at the expense of public interests in order to unlawfully gain both tangible economic and intangible political benefits. The institutional mechanism of state policy corruption is the unlawful use by public officials of its legislative and regulatory administrative resources not to implement public policy in order to realize national interests and goals in various spheres of life of society and the state, but to create “rules of the game” that allow obtaining illegal advantage, to extract personal and (or) group benefit, which may have both tangible and intangible expression. Actors of such corruption can be senior public officials, whose competence includes adopting laws and regulations that determine state policy in various areas and mechanisms for its implementation. It is noted that state policy corruption is characterized by “autocorruption” – a situation where there is no external stimulation to commit a corruption act, it is not necessary, and its executor and final beneficiary are the same actor and (or) actors belonging to the same community. The author identifies the relationship between state policy corruption as a symbiosis of political and economic corruption at the highest levels of power and the peak of systemic corruption with corrupt state capture.
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Kumar, Pawan. „Addressing Political Corruption In India“. Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 20 (29.06.2013): 14–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.20.3.
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The debate on the relationship between corruption and democracy involves the fundamental issue of the nature of corruption and that of democracy. Both these concepts can be understood in quite different manners. This paper tries to bring corruption into the realm of democratic theory by focusing on the nature of the problem and its effects on democracy. It begins by discussing the various ways in which theorists and thinkers have conceptualized political corruption, making it a complex phenomenon. This explores how political corruption takes root in and thrives in a democracy. The paper also highlights the importance of focusing more on the effects of corruption so that the systemic nature of the problem can be explored. The intention in this paper is not to come up with any grand theory of corruption but it only seeks to problematize the conventional and prevalent understanding of political corruption. Conventionally, corruption has been considered as a moral, individual or social problem but recent approaches to study corruption have tried to establish link between corruption and democracy by focusing on the effects of corruption on democratic institutions and processes. These different understandings have made corruption a contested field of research as it affects economic, social, and political aspects of a political system almost equally. This exercise insists the need of looking at it from institutional perspective as it is engulfed in social, economic and political fields. The paper presents its arguments by acknowledging the link between reducing corruption and broader process of democratization.
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Ciric, Jovan. „Problems of political corruption“. Socioloski pregled 42, Nr. 4 (2008): 531–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg0804531c.
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Moxon-Browne, E. „Political corruption in Africa“. International Affairs 63, Nr. 4 (1987): 699–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619732.
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Philp, Mark, und Elizabeth Dávid-Barrett. „Realism About Political Corruption“. Annual Review of Political Science 18, Nr. 1 (11.05.2015): 387–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-092012-134421.
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WISEMAN, JOHN A. „Political Corruption in Africa“. African Affairs 87, Nr. 346 (Januar 1988): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097989.
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Reed, Steven R. „Political corruption in Japan“. International Social Science Journal 48, Nr. 149 (September 1996): 395–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2451.00040.
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Stratford, Jean Slemmons, Juri Stratford und Mark Mccullough. „Thinking about political corruption“. Journal of Government Information 21, Nr. 5 (September 1994): 495–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/1352-0237(94)90026-4.
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Fleischer, David. „Political corruption in Brazil“. Crime, Law and Social Change 25, Nr. 4 (1996): 297–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00572512.
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Guarnieri, Carlo, Cristina Dallara und Michele Sapignoli. „Political corruption in Italy“. Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, Nr. 3 (13.11.2020): 324–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.3.37879.
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At least since the 1990s, corruption has continued to be listed as one of the major shortcomings affecting old and new European democracies. In spite of that, measuring political corruption is still a tricky task. In this scenario, some recent studies proposed to turn the attention to the judicial actions to curb corruption, through criminal prosecution, shedding light specifically on the investigations involving high-level politicians (Popova and Post 2018; Dallara 2019). In this paper we aim to present data about judicial prosecution of political corruption in Italy, emphasizing how the number of investigations involving political actors seems rather high, although relatively few cases end with a conviction. Moreover, we aim to suggest some explanatory factors that could account for this situation. Among them: the salience of the issue in the political and public debate; the governance structure of the Italian judicial system and some characters of the Italian criminal law and procedure.
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Shabbir, Ghulam, Mumtaz Anwar und Shahid Adil. „Corruption, Political Stability and Economic Growth“. Pakistan Development Review 55, Nr. 4I-II (01.12.2016): 689–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v55i4i-iipp.689-702.
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This paper gives insight of the role of political stability in investigating the two competing hypotheses in Developing Eight Muslim countries, and also investigates whether conditional liaison between corruption and political stability matters or not. The empirical findings indicate that investment, population and political stability play positive role in promoting economic growth. Corruption not only impact growth but also influenced by the institutional quality that a nation experiences. Corruption acts as sands in the wheels in the nations having higher degree of political stability, and greases the wheels in less politically stable countries such as Nigeria and Pakistan. Thus, political stability is conducive to growth, as it reduces the social unrests, political turmoil, and encourages investment, and there by economic growth. JEL Classification: C30, D73, O43, P48 Keywords: Corruption, Economic Growth, Political Stability, Conditional Cooperation
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Milova, Tatyana, Kateryna Troshkina, Yevhenii Horlov und Jaroslaw Dobkowski. „Country’s Brand and Corruption Level: Cointegration Analysis“. Marketing and Management of Innovations, Nr. 3 (2019): 366–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/mmi.2019.3-28.
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The paper summarized the arguments and counterarguments in the scientific debate on the impact of corruption on a country's brand. The modern approaches to the analysis of corruption’s impact on the country's macroeconomic indicators were analysed. The authors justified that increasing the corruption’s level is considered as one of the most significant deterrents to the radical political and economic changes taking place in the countries by society. The main purpose of the paper is to analyse the long-term cause-and-effect relationships between Control of Corruption and the country's brand. Four European countries (Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine) were selected as the object of the investigation, which pursued an evolutionary policy of reforming the political and economic system after the collapse of the Soviet Union, which encouraged the practice of eliminating corruption. The research period was 2000-2018. With a purpose to check the hypothesis of the investigation the 3-stage algorithm to estimate the long-term cause-and-effect relationships between Control of Corruption and the key parameters of the country brand is developed. The developed algorithm was based on the Augmented Dicker-Fuller test and granger casualty test. It is established that for Ukraine, the interconnections between Control of Corruption and International migrant stock, Control of Corruption and Exports of goods and services, Control of Corruption and Foreign direct investment had a unidirectional character of influence of the corruption’s level on the components of the country’s brand. The findings proved that 51.73%, 43.79% and 66% of the total fluctuations of International migrant stock, Exports of goods and services, Foreign direct investment depend on changes in the level of corruption in the country. The obtained results allowed concluding that for the European Union countries (Poland, Lithuania and Latvia) it was the country brand that had a positive impact on reducing the corruption’s level. It was justified that the choice of a specific model for combating the corruption’s level in the chosen countries significantly determined the course of their political transformation and influenced the change’s rate of the social and economic development. Keywords: brand, stakeholders, competitiveness, investors, corruption.
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Quddous, Abdul, Aftab Anwar Shaikh und Liaqat Ali Abro. „Solution of Corruptions in Pakistan through Legal Aspects“. Bulletin of Business and Economics (BBE) 12, Nr. 4 (31.12.2023): 682–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.61506/01.00274.
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Pakistan's development is greatly endangered by the corruption problem. This issue necessitates the administration of justice. The primary cause of corruption is institutional dysfunction, which is negatively impacting our nation's reputation abroad. The goal of the current study, "Solution of Corruptions in Pakistan through Legal Aspects," is to categorize the various ways that corruption, a wicked practice, has crept into Pakistan's political system. In addition, the study aims to offer recommendations for the practical elimination of corruption as a societal ill via the Pakistani legal system.
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Hu, Yiming, und Mingxia Xu. „China’s anti-corruption campaign, political connections and private firms’ debt financing“. China Finance Review International 9, Nr. 4 (18.11.2019): 521–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cfri-09-2018-0132.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the deleveraging impact of the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) on private firms with political connections, relative to those without political connections. Design/methodology/approach In this paper, taking the anti-corruption campaign employed from the end of 2012 as an exogenous shock, the authors design a quasi-experiment difference-in-difference approach to examine how the loss and failure of political connections impacts private firms’ debt financing. Findings The authors find that the loss and failure of political connections following the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress causes the yearly new debt ratios of treatment firms with political connections to decrease, relative to those of control firms without political connections. This outcome is more pronounced for provinces with more cadres excluded in the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress, which rendered politically connected firms susceptible to lose connections with central or provincial cadres. To explore the mechanism, the authors find that following the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress, politically connected firms limit rent-seeking activities, whereas resource acquisition is weakened. The authors also find that the impact of the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress on the debt financing of politically connected firms, relative to their counterparts, is more pronounced for groups with high levels of information asymmetry and for less explicit guarantee groups. Finally, politically connected firms are more likely to be dominated by internal funds in dealing with a loss of advantages in debt financing, compared with their counterparts without political connections. Research limitations/implications The findings in this study suggest that the loss or failure of previous political connections following Xi’s anti-corruption campaign make politically connected firms lose the advantages in debt financing through the rent-seeking, resource acquisition, information asymmetry, implicit guarantee channels, which provide new evidence for research on the impact of the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress on private firms’ financing behaviors via the loss or failure of existing political connections. Practical implications The findings in the study will have some inspiration for policy makers and entrepreneur. Originality/value This study provides new evidence on the different impacts of Xi’s anti-corruption campaign on private firm’s debt financing between politically connected and unconnected firms.
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Naxera, Vladimír. „The Never-ending Story: Czech Governments, Corruption and Populist Anti-Corruption Rhetoric (2010–2018)“. Politics in Central Europe 14, Nr. 3 (01.12.2018): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2018-0017.
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Abstract Corruption is a phenomenon with significant effects – economically, politically and culturally. Corruption tends to be viewed negatively by the public. As such, anti-corruption rhetoric may be an ideal election strategy for individual political parties. Nevertheless, anti-corruption rhetoric does not necessarily translate into an actual anti-corruption policy. This study analyses the impact of anti-corruption rhetoric that does not reflect the actual practices of its speaker and has been used strategically to gain favour. My focus is on elections and the subsequent formation and exercise of government in the Czech Republic. I analyse how anti-corruption rhetoric directed at political opponents works as an election success strategy. At the same time, I show how electoral success, transformed into real political power, strengthens the ability of actors to engage in activities that amount to borderline or outright corruption, irrespective of any anti-corruption rhetoric.
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Jiménez, Alfredo, und Ilan Alon. „Corruption, political discretion and entrepreneurship“. Multinational Business Review 26, Nr. 2 (16.07.2018): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mbr-01-2018-0009.
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Purpose While common sense suggests that corruption will likely have a negative impact on the economy as it raises the cost of doing business, research on the topic showed inconsistent results (positive, negative and neutral). This paper aims to verify whether corruption has a “grease” or “sand” effect on the wheels of entrepreneurial rates and under which conditions corruption will have stronger or weaker effects. Design/methodology/approach Using institutional theory as the basis for the hypotheses, generalized least squares estimation is conducted to empirically examine the role of corruption and political discretion in entrepreneurship in a sample of 93 countries. Findings Countries with higher levels of corruption are associated with lower levels of firm creation. However, this negative effect of corruption is weaker when there are higher levels of political discretion. Originality/value This is the first evaluation of the moderating effect of political discretion on the negative impact of corruption on entrepreneurship.
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Dasgupta, Sandipto. „The Power of Corruption“. Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 39, Nr. 3 (01.12.2019): 558–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-7885524.
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Abstract The central paradox of corruption in the political life of the global South is how such a widely despised phenomenon persists so untroubled by allthe negative attention. The two books under discussion—Steven Pierce's Moral Economies of Corruption and Milan Vaishnav's When Crime Pays—demonstrate that to make sense of that paradox, one needs to go beyond the dominant legal/technocratic understanding of corruption as either private acts of illegality or failures of the civic democratic process. Thinking further with the insights offered by those books, the article sugg ests that the phenomenon of corruption can only be made sense of when placed within the matrix of political and social power relations in the global South democracies. Corruptions appear not as distortions in an idealized democratic marketplace, but in the context of maneuvers of counter-democratic power to maintain existing hierarchies of dominations against tides of democratic mobilization, not merely as a subversion of the public good, but in reaction to attempts to make goods public.
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Tuathail, Gearóid Ó. „Book Review: Political corruption and political geography“. Progress in Human Geography 23, Nr. 1 (März 1999): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/030913299670653863.
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Baig, Saranjam, Cuneyt Yenigun und Khalid Mehmood Alam. „Political Capacity and Corruption Nexus: Re-Examining Evidence for Developing Countries“. Economies 10, Nr. 6 (31.05.2022): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies10060127.
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This article examines the question of whether developing countries with strong political capacity have lower levels of corruption. Despite the ubiquity of literature on corruption, the relationship between a state’s political capacity and corruption has not been addressed by the existing academic literature. To measure the political capacity of a country, the authors have used relative political capacity (RPC), an indicator that gauges the effectiveness of governance by its ability to meet or exceed their expected extractive capabilities and its ability to implement a set of policy choices. On the one hand, politically capable and stable governments are in a position to pursue their political and economic goals, such as reducing corruption. On the other hand, a strong political capacity provides them with the opportunity for rent-seeking and corruption. This implies that a state’s strong political capacity can be either a ‘boon’ or ‘bane’ to implement a set of desired policy goals. Based on this assertion, the authors test the hypothesis of whether a strong relative political capacity increases or reduces the level of corruption. The analysis uses the ordinary least-squares and two-stage least squares methods for 98 developing countries to test the hypothesis. The findings suggest that the explanatory power of political capacity is at least as important as conventionally accepted causes of corruption, such as economic development, and democracy.
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Navot, Doron. „Political Corruption, Democratic Theory, and Democracy“. Les ateliers de l'éthique 9, Nr. 3 (12.03.2015): 4–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1029057ar.
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According to recent conceptual proposals, institutional corruption should be understood within the boundaries of the institution and its purpose. Political corruption in democracies, prominent scholars suggest, is characterized by the violation of institutional ideals or behaviors that tend to harm democratic processes and institutions. This paper rejects the idea that compromises, preferences, political agreements, or consent can be the baseline of conceptualization of political corruption. In order to improve the identification of abuse of power, the concept of political corruption should not be related directly to democratic institutions and processes; rather, it should be related to ideals whose content is independent of citizens’ preferences, institutions and processes. More specifically, I articulate the relations between political corruption and the notion of subjection, and include powerful citizens in the category of political corruption. Yet, I also suggest redefining under what conditions agents are culpable for their motivations in promoting private gain. By doing this, we better realize how democratic institutions can be the source of corruption and not just its victims. Such a redefinition, I propose finally, is the basis for the distinction between individual and institutional corruption.
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Munyai, Anzanilufuno, und Jean-claude N. Ashukem. „The political economy of political corruption in 21st century Africa: Perspectives from Cameroon and South Africa“. Law, Democracy and Development 27 (08.11.2023): 330–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2077-4907/2023/ldd.v27.13.
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AAFrom ancient to modern times, corruption has plagued human civilisation. Its existence confirms that it has been integrated into the social fabric of global society and become a vice of governance. Corruption has dual implications: the direct financial benefit for the perpetrators due to the misuse of entrusted power, which raises the issue of accountability; and the deprivation to society of the allocation of resources. Political corruption results in large amounts of public funds being systematically siphoned off at the expense of society, and against the dictates of the constitutional values of transparency and accountability. For South Africa and Cameroon, political corruption continues to impede growth and development, despite the prevalence of anti-corruption mechanisms in these countries. From a comparative perspective, we investigate the scale and consequence of political corruption in South Africa and Cameroon to analyse the existing anti-corruption mechanisms, strategies and regimes in the two countries in combatting political corruption. We further analyse how and to what extent courts, particularly the Special Crime Court in Cameroon, have been able to address the issue. Furthermore, we demonstrate the similarities between high-level abuse of power in South Africa and Cameroon, notwithstanding existing anticorruption mechanisms. We conclude that a proactive system of checks and balances is urgently required to quench the growing cancerous phenomenon of political corruption in Africa, specifically in Cameroon and South Africa.
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Alfiantoro, Handoko, Abdul Maasba Magassing, M. Syukri Akub und Judhariksawan. „Legal Position of Criminal Act of Political Corruption as Part of Reflection Money Political Practice“. Journal of Hunan University Natural Sciences 49, Nr. 6 (30.06.2022): 236–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.55463/issn.1674-2974.49.6.24.
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Until now, there has been no specific regulation regarding the crime of political corruption in the laws and regulations in Indonesia, but this kind of activity has become familiarly mentioned. This phenomenon makes the legal position of the criminal act of political corruption worthy of being a separate offense in a material criminal law regulation. The purpose of writing this article is to determine the legal position which can later be used as material to formulate a new criminal act in the form of political corruption in the applicable positive law. This article uses the normative juridical research method through statute approach, comparative approach, and conceptual approach, which aims to critically examine the legal position of the criminal act of political corruption as part of the reflection of money politics practices. The study results indicate that in the context of future legal reforms, money politics as a form of political corruption must be regulated as a special offense in the law on eradicating corruption. The novelty offered by the authors in this article is the idea of the need to criminalize political corruption as a separate crime in the future.
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Ceva, Emanuela. „POLITICAL CORRUPTION AS A RELATIONAL INJUSTICE“. Social Philosophy and Policy 35, Nr. 02 (2018): 118–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052519000013.
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Abstract:The corruption of public officials and institutions is generally regarded as wrong. But in what exactly does this form of corruption consist and what kind of wrong does it imply? Recent proponents of the “institutionalist approach” to political corruption have concentrated on those occasions when incentive structures distract institutions from their essential purpose and weaken public trust. The corruption of individual public officials has been less relevant to their work, except for when it leads to the erosion of the functioning of institutions. From this perspective, a clear emphasis has been put on the consequences of corruption. In contrast, I argue that political corruption, whether individual or institutional, can be more fundamentally understood as a form of political injustice in which someone has violated the logic of mutual accountability that undergirds all relations of justice in rights-based systems. In this sense, political corruption occurs when public officials use their entrusted power of office for the pursuit of an agenda whose rationale may not be vindicated as coherent with the terms of their mandate. By focusing on the inherent qualities of corrupt political relations, I lay out a novel relational and deontological understanding of the inherent wrongness of political corruption as a form of unaccountable action.
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Setiyono, Budi. „MEMAHAMI KORUPSI DI DAERAH PASCA DESENTRALISASI: BELAJAR DARI EMPAT STUDI KASUS“. Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 8, Nr. 1 (25.10.2017): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.8.1.2017.27-62.
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Since ‘reformasi movement’ and decentralization takes place, a lot of local government officials (politicians and bureaucrats) are jailed due to their involvement in corruption cases. While on the one hand, this may an evidence that corruption eradication efforts have shown positive results, but on the other hand, it leaves ironic heartbreaking questions. Why these officials caught in corruption cases? Are they economically shortage that forced them to illegally "steal the state money" for themself, their family, as well as their patrons? Or is it related to the wider socio-political context that they can not control? This paper shows that the causes, patterns and modes of corruption at local level were very diverse. In addition to factors related to moral hazard, corruption is also associated with poor government administration, convoluted and unclear regulations, rigid organizational hierarchy, and political rivalry that can lead to an entrapment of official in actions that are perceived as corrupt. These conditions are exacerbated by the weakness of the behavior and commitment of law enforcement agencies in combating corruption. It is urgent, therefore, to develop an integrated system and strategy to increase the effectiveness of corruption eradication. We need to form an a comprehensive policy of combating corruption which is based on the principle of accountability and public participation.Keywords: local government corruption, anti-corruption measures, accountability, governance.
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Silva, Marcos Fernandes da. „The political economy of corruption in Brazil“. Revista de Administração de Empresas 39, Nr. 3 (September 1999): 26–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-75901999000300004.
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This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption"�. However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.
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de la Poza, Elena, Lucas Jódar und Paloma Merello. „Modeling Political Corruption in Spain“. Mathematics 9, Nr. 9 (24.04.2021): 952. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/math9090952.
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Political corruption is a universal phenomenon. Even though it is a cross-country reality, its level of intensity and the manner of its effect vary worldwide. In Spain, the demonstrated political corruption cases that have been echoed by the media in recent years for their economic, judicial and social significance are merely the tip of the iceberg as regards a problem hidden by many interested parties, plus the shortage of the means to fight against it. This study models and quantifies the population at risk of committing political corruption in Spain by identifying and quantifying the drivers that explain political corruption. Having quantified the problem, the model allows changes to be made in parameters, as well as fiscal, economic and legal measures being simulated, to quantify and better understand their impact on Spanish citizenship. Our results suggest increasing women’s leadership positions to mitigate this problem, plus changes in the political Parties’ Law in Spain and increasing the judiciary system’s budget.
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Della Porta, Donatella, und Alberto Vannucci. „Controlling political corruption in Italy“. Res Publica 38, Nr. 2 (Juni 1996): 353–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/rp/048647001996038002353.
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Kim, Jin Yong. „Political corruption and its control“. Korea Association for Corruption Studies 26, Nr. 1 (31.03.2021): 159–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.52663/kcsr.2021.26.1.159.
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Navot, Doron. „The Concept of Political Corruption“. Public Integrity 16, Nr. 4 (27.09.2014): 357–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/pin1099-9922160403.
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Kresina, I. O., und I. V. Kushnaryov. „Political corruption: the ukrainian dimension“. Bûletenʹ Mìnìsterstva ûsticìï Ukraïni 9, Nr. 9 (September 2019): 28–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.36035/2312-1831-9-9-28-33.
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LODGE, T. „POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN SOUTH AFRICA“. African Affairs 97, Nr. 387 (01.04.1998): 157–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007924.
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Singh, Ranjit. „Corruption: Political and Bureaucratic Persepective“. Indian Journal of Public Administration 57, Nr. 3 (Juli 2011): 766–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120110335.
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Adams, Harry. „Against Plutocracies: Fighting Political Corruption“. Constellations 15, Nr. 1 (März 2008): 126–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8675.2008.00477.x.
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McQueen, Alison. „Political realism and moral corruption“. European Journal of Political Theory 19, Nr. 2 (30.08.2016): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885116664825.
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Political realism is frequently criticised as a theoretical tradition that amounts to little more than a rationalisation of the status quo and an apology for power. This paper responds to this criticism by defending three connected claims. First, it acknowledges the moral seriousness of rationalisation, but argues that the problem is hardly particular to political realists. Second, it argues that classical International Relations realists like EH Carr and Hans Morgenthau have a profound awareness of the corrupting effects of rationalisation and see realism as an antidote to this problem. Third, it proposes that Carr and Morgenthau can help us to recognise the particular ways in which realist arguments may nonetheless rationalise existing power relations and affirm the status quo by default, if not by design.