Thematische Bibliographien / Political corruption

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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Political corruption“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 31. Juli 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Political corruption"

Ceva, Emanuela, und Maria Paola Ferretti. „Political corruption“. Philosophy Compass 12, Nr. 12 (18.09.2017): e12461. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/phc3.12461.

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Soliman, Hussein, und Sherry Cable. „Sinking under the weight of corruption: Neoliberal reform, political accountability and justice“. Current Sociology 59, Nr. 6 (20.10.2011): 735–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392111419748.

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The United Nations adopted the 2003 Convention Against Corruption to reduce corruption in developing nations. Corruption’s determinants include political systems’ permeability to economic influence, state economic intervention, weak political competition and officials’ discretionary power to allocate resources. Corruption’s outcomes are slowed economic development, misallocation of government resources, income inequalities and, less frequently, disasters. Using archival and interview data, this article documents corruption’s shaping of the 2006 sinking of an Egyptian ferry in the Red Sea, which killed 1034; high-level corruption not only caused the disaster but exacerbated its impacts. The study’s findings confirm much of the empirical literature but contradict assertions that corruption is associated with high levels of government intervention in the economy. Based on the findings, the article gives a critique of neoliberal reform that associates it with high-level corruption.

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Bodruzic, Dragana. „Vice or coping mechanism? Bridging political science and anthropological approaches to the study of corruption“. Critique of Anthropology 36, Nr. 4 (25.07.2016): 363–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x16654552.

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Political science and economics have dominated the study of corruption. Recently, anthropologists have questioned traditional definitions of corruption and have conducted a deeper inquiry into the interplay of cultural dynamics and corruption. However, despite the existence of two strands in anthropology—interpretive and political economy—anthropological contributions to the study of corruption have come primarily from interpretive anthropology. Anthropologists studying corruption have focused on narratives and on understanding corruption’s embeddedness in cultural logics. Ethnography, however, has also revealed the importance of fixed price in many instances of corruption. This paper argues that fixed price is an indicator of the systematization of corruption. Consequently, greater attention needs to be paid to how corruption is also embedded in political economy.

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Werlin, Herbert H. „Is Lord Acton Right? Rethinking Corruption, Democracy, and Political Power“. International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 1 (September 2013): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.1.1.

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This article examines Lord Acton’s famous assertion, “power tends to corrupt and absolute power, to corrupt absolutely,” including the suggestion that democratization reduces corruption. This assertion requires us to look at the meaning of political power, corruption, and democracy. By making a distinction between primary and secondary corruption (essentially, controllable and uncontrollable corruption) and between liberal democracy (emphasizing competitive politics) and classical democracy (emphasizing consensus-building politics), together with introducing Political Elasticity (PE) theory, a number of difficult questions are raised: 1. What is political power (with Hobbes and Russia, in mind)? 2. What is the linkage between political power and corruption? 3. Why is it that corruption does not necessarily prevent economic development (with China in mind)? At the conclusion the autocracy-corruption linkage is examined, as exemplified by a comparison of Singapore and Jamaica, indicating: (1) that political power, if persuasive, is not necessarily corruptive; (2) liberal or partisan democracy tends to corrupt and lawless democracy, to corrupt absolutely and (3) authoritarian regimes may recognize that controlling corruption is essential for their legitimacy and economic prosperity.

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Klašnja, Marko, Andrew T. Little und Joshua A. Tucker. „Political Corruption Traps“. Political Science Research and Methods 6, Nr. 3 (24.10.2016): 413–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.45.

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Academics and policymakers recognize that there are serious costs associated with systemic corruption. Stubbornly, many countries or regions remain stuck in a high-corruption equilibrium—a “corruption trap.” Most existing theories concentrate on mutually reinforcing expectations of corrupt behavior among a fixed set of bureaucrats or politicians, implying that changing such expectations can lead to lower corruption. We develop models that more fully characterize the political nature of corruption traps by also analyzing the behavior of voters and entrants to politics, as well their interaction with incumbent politicians. We show that corruption traps can arise through strategic behavior of each set of actors, as well as through their interrelations. By linking politician, voter, and entrant behavior, we provide an explanation for why simply trying to change expectations among one set of actors is likely insufficient for eliminating corruption traps.

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Philp, Mark. „Defining Political Corruption“. Political Studies 45, Nr. 3 (August 1997): 436–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00090.

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Clark, Gordon L. „Political Corruption and Political Geography“. New Zealand Geographer 54, Nr. 1 (April 1998): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-7939.1998.tb00526.x.

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Ferreira de Oliveira, Wilson José. „Anti-corruption protests, alliance system and political polarization“. Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, Nr. 3 (13.11.2020): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.2.38032.

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The fight against corruption has become, in recent years, one of the main international causes. Many studies have been done on the effects and consequences of corrupt and corrupting practices for the political system and for the general society. However, there are still few who are dedicated to analyzing the conditions and dynamics of the fight against corruption as a public and international cause and its consequences and impacts on national political systems. Therefore, the objective of this article is to examine the emergence and spread of anti-corruption movements and protests in Brazil, between 2013 and 2018. I aim to demonstrate that the emergence and development of anti-corruption protests and mobilizations in this period are related to the crisis and collapse of the “alliance system” between the main political leaders and organizations, becoming a political resource to recompose and change such alignments. This analysis shows the relevance of the “political dimension” to understand the process of emergence and the development of protests and mobilizations against corruption.

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Shashkova, A. V. „Corruption as a Problem of Political Theory and Political Practice“. MGIMO Review of International Relations, Nr. 6(45) (28.12.2015): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-64-73.

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The present article is dedicated to the analysis of "corruption" from point of view of political practice and political theory. The present article studies historical examples of corruption: corruption during the era of Alexander the Great, Carthage, Roman Republic. The article gives the evolution of the term "corruption", pointing out current aspects of the term. The article provides positive and negative results of corruption, gives resume. The present article analyses corruption results: economical, political and social. Most important economical consequences of corruption are the following: increase of shadow economy, decrease of tax payments, weakening of the state budget, breach of market competition, decrease of market effectiveness, destabilization of the idea of market economy. Most important social consequences of corruption are the following: great distinction between the declared and real values, which creates a "double standard" of the moral and behavior, distraction of great sums from public and humanitarian development, increase of property disproportion, increase of social tension. The present article names most important political consequences of corruption: shift of ideas from public development to the security of power of oligarchy, decrease of trust to the state, decrease of image of the country at the international arena, increase of its economical and political isolation, decrease of political competition. The present article gives one of the resumes that the globalization process increases corruption. Together with globalization most important role is given to corporations and corporate corruption comes to the front raw.

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Hine, David. „“Political corruption in Italy,” political corruption in Europe and Latin America“. Trends in Organized Crime 2, Nr. 4 (Juni 1997): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12117-997-1090-3.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Political corruption"

Faller, Julie Kathleen. „Essays on Political Corruption“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17467300.

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This dissertation presents three essays offering explanations for the persistence of corruption despite electoral competition. The first essay, co-authored with Adam Glynn and Nahomi Ichino, asks what the effect of electoral systems is on corruption. Persson, Tabellini and Trebbi (2003) proposed that plurality electoral systems should lead to lower corruption compared to proportional representation (PR) systems because the former creates a direct link between voters and politicians whom voters can hold accountable for corruption. The empirical question re- mains unresolved, however, in part due to the endogeneity of the electoral institutions and difficulties in measuring corruption. Using nonparametric methods and new data to reduce sensitivity to these problems, we find no evidence for this hypothesis. Instead, we find some evidence in the opposite direction, that PR leads to less corruption. The second essay makes a theoretical distinction between voters’ perceptions of the corruption of the political system and of individual politicians. Evidence from original interviews and focus group discussions, as well as public opinion data shows that many Ugandan citizens perceive their political system to be highly corrupt. In particular, they perceive corrupt acts to be widespread, do not expect perpetrators to be punished, and have difficulty distinguishing “honest” candidates. These characteristics cause voters who perceive the system to be highly corrupt to be less likely to punish overtly corrupt individuals by withdrawing electoral support. In some cases, they even prefer clearly corrupt candidates. The third essay argues that to understand when voters hold politicians accountable for corruption, it is necessary to understand who they perceive to be corrupt. It presents evidence from a survey experiment showing that American voters perceive copartisan politicians to be less corrupt than those from the other political party or without a party label. This pattern is consistent with motivated reasoning in which voters expend extra cognitive resources to process information that contradicts their partisan leanings rather than from the use of party labels as heuristics to avoid cognitive burdens. Furthermore, I show that the ideological orientation of the media source reporting allegations of corruption affects whether they are viewed as credible. Counterstereotypical allegations – i.e., those that come from a media source that is ideologically similar to the politician – are taken more seriously by respondents. In fact, when partisans view counterstereotypical allegations, they exhibit less bias toward copartisans. In sum, this research demonstrates that in-group favoritism poses a challenge to democratic accountability, but that motivated reasoning is bounded by the evidence voters view, and thus that media sources with well-known ideological ori- entations may serve a particularly important role in encouraging democratic accountability among their bases.
Government

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Yiu, Yee-ling. „Corruption in the public sector in Hong Kong and the Philippines“. [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13641360.

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Qizilbash, M. „Corruption, political systems and economic theory“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358574.

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Ang, Amanda. „The Political Economy of Corruption Indexes“. Thesis, Department of Political Economy, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8262.

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Corruption indexes, such as the Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index and the World Bank’s Control of Corruption indicator, have played a pivotal role in focusing global attention on corruption. Since they came into existence, these indexes have been influential on research and investigations into corruption. Aid donors have also relied extensively on these indexes to determine the allocation of aid to developing countries. Despite the intense anti-corruption initiatives over the past decade, corruption still remains one of the greatest stumbling blocks for sustainable development. The lack of success of these anti-corruption initiatives has cast significant doubts on the contemporary mainstream perspective on corruption. In this thesis, I examine the underlying concepts and theoretical assumptions of the mainstream approach to corruption which has its roots in neoclassical economics. It defines corruption as bribery and views it as a rent-seeking behaviour. I argue that this understanding of corruption is too narrow and does not reflect the realities of corruption. A more appropriate framework draws on the insights of institutionalism. Focusing on the institutional structures and its violation in its analysis, this alternative defines corruption as the subversion of institutions and rules of an organisation or society which results in the corrosion of the institutional and social fabric. This alternative approach provides a broader and more realistic understanding of the realities of corruption. In theory, it may be possible to construct a corruption index based on this alternative framework. In order to give the developing countries a real chance at tackling corruption, it is necessary that the international community, in particular the World Bank and IMF, alter the way they understand corruption.

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Wong, Kam-bill. „Corruption in Japan“. Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B3197871X.

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黃錦標 und Kam-bill Wong. „Corruption in Japan“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3197871X.

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Shang, Ying. „Curbing corruption a comparative analysis of corruption control in Singapore, Hong Kong and Taiwan : a thesis /“. online access from Digital dissertation consortium access full-text, 2002. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3076914.

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Hunter, Jason. „Taiwan domestic politics political corruption, cross strait relations, and national identity /“. online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2007. http://digital.library.okstate.edu/etd/umi-okstate-2271.pdf.

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Cover, Oliver. „Political corruption, public opinion and citizens' behaviour“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e2c48400-e400-46b2-814a-a68b998179a6.

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This thesis involves the examination, using sophisticated statistical techniques, of whether political corruption measured at the national level, and individual level perceived corruption, can help explain a) levels and forms of political participation, and b) directions of partisanship and vote choice. It proposes that corruption creates conditions of distrust and disaffection towards political institutions and actors that has behavioural and partisan consequences. It finds that perceived corruption has limited influence: dampening turnout, although having only weak effects on extrainstitutional behaviour and on party support. Yet national level corruption is found to have highly salient contextual effects. It dampens turnout and induces higher levels of extra-institutional participation where corruption is particularly high, and particularly low, owed to citizen disillusionment in the former case, and elite responsiveness in the latter. Some nuanced theoretical explanations for the prowess of contextual effects over individual level effects, relating to the ability of contextual effects to entrench participatory forms, are offered. The same theme is analysed in regard to a British case study, and specialist data yields consistent results regarding perceived corruption. Important effects relating to perceptions of broader standards of public life determining party support in the UK are also found. The thesis also addresses two other themes. By examining the nature of perceived corruption in the UK, it finds that citizens display significant attitudinal sophistication. They are well able to differentiate corruption from other impropriety, and develop their perceptions of corruption more from consideration of institutional performance than from engrained orientations produced by processes of socialisation. Second, the thesis provides discussion of the intellectual challenge of defining and measuring corruption, shedding light on the limits, as well as the potential, of applying quantitative techniques to such a complex field of study.

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David-Barrett, Elizabeth. „Theorising political corruption in transition Eastern Europe“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.550500.

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The thesis has three aims. First, it engages in a theoretical discussion about how to define corruption and how to explain its occurrence. Second, it seeks to trace how privatisation policy was shaped and implemented in the first decade of privatisation in Croatia and Hungary, with reference to qualitative data gathered during interviews with elite informants and a review of literature about the period and the policy. This evidence is interpreted in light of the preceding theoretical discussion. Third, it suggests a new way of understanding behaviour that is commonly identified as corrupt, by modelling the choices that individuals face as exchange decisions and arguing that social networks provide incentives and constraints which help to explain some of the patterns of conduct observed in the case studies.

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Bücher zum Thema "Political corruption"

Miller, Debra A. Political corruption. New York: Thomson Gale, 2007.

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Paul, Heywood, Hrsg. Political corruption. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1997.

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Mitchell, Young, Hrsg. Political corruption. Farmington Hills, MI: Greenhaven Press, 2009.

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Paul, Heywood, Hrsg. Political corruption. Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1997.

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Mitchell, Young, Hrsg. Political corruption. Farmington Hills, MI: Greenhaven Press, 2009.

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Perry, Peter John. Political corruption and political geography. Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 1996.

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Perry, Peter John. Political corruption and political geography. Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 1997.

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Vannucci, Alberto. Corruption, political parties and political protection. San Domenico: European University Institute, 2000.

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Surdej, Aleksander. Political corruption in Poland. Bremen: Forschungsstelle Osteuropa an der Universität Bremen, 2005.

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J, Heidenheimer Arnold, und Johnston Michael 1949-, Hrsg. Political corruption: Concepts & contexts. 3. Aufl. New Brunswick [N.J.]: Transaction Publishers, 2002.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Political corruption"

Navot, Doron. „Political Corruption“. In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 4669–77. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-20928-9_889.

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Cerqueti, Roy, und Raffaella Coppier. „Political Corruption“. In Encyclopedia of Law and Economics, 1593–99. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-7753-2_366.

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Cerqueti, Roy, und Raffaella Coppier. „Political Corruption“. In Encyclopedia of Law and Economics, 1–8. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-7883-6_366-1.

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Navot, Doron. „Political Corruption“. In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 1–9. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_889-1.

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Simon, David R. „Political Corruption“. In Elite Deviance, 201–24. Eleventh Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018. | Revised edition of the author’s Elite deviance, c2008.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315162584-6.

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della Porta, Donatella, und Alberto Vannucci. „Political Corruption“. In The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Political Sociology, 130–43. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444355093.ch12.

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Navot, Doron. „Political Corruption“. In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 9605–13. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66252-3_889.

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Rothstein, Bo. „Corruption“. In The SAGE Handbook of Political Science, 970–85. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781529714333.n61.

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Okorie, Mitterand M. „Corruption“. In Routledge Handbook of African Political Philosophy, 151–62. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003143529-14.

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Scott, James C. „Corruption, Machine Politics and Political Change“. In Political Corruption, 221–32. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315126647-20.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Political corruption"

Sahrasad, Herdi, und Teuku Syahrul Ansari. „BUMN, Politics, and Corruption in the Reformasi Era: A Political Economy Reflection“. In International Conference on Anti-Corruption and Integrity. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0009400300900095.

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Lituhayu, Dyah, Sri Suwitri, Y. Warella und Ida Hayu D.M. „Why Corruption?“ In 6th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICOSAPS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201219.068.

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Obasi, Nwele, J. „Law, Politics and Leadership in Contemporary Africa – An Examination of Facts“. In 28th iSTEAMS Multidisciplinary Research Conference AIUWA The Gambia. Society for Multidisciplinary and Advanced Research Techniques - Creative Research Publishers, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22624/aims/isteams-2021/v28n3p6.

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Every society need to deal with legal matters, solve political and leadership problems, and, because of the nature of legal, political and leadership tasks as daunting issues, a scholarly solicitor and/or advocacy approach may be very necessary to prevent disputes and prosecution problems of leadership issue in Africa. Corruption and Fraud has been an endemic issue in the global political affairs for ages, and recently cybercrime has joined the litany of the cankerworm that impede success of democracy and development and social tranquility of nations, especially arising from electoral issue fraud. To control and manage human resource capital, in relation to stock of or supply of mineral resources, material and financial, money, and other assets that can be drawn on by a person, organization or state, to establish an effective and viable economy, individuals, organizations and governments need to maintain true leadership principles and political order that follow rules of law. It is a fact that Africa as a part of the world, especially in the new global politics tries to align to the protection of its environment against corruption and fraud. This study examines the level, and the indices of corruption and fraud in relation to true leadership principles and political order that follow rules of law in Africa. Primary and secondary data were used in this research, which aims at discovering appropriate measures to squarely or effectively address crimes related to misuse of political and leadership powers and corruption, economic fraud and cybercrime in Africa. Binary logistic regression and chi-square were applied. The findings reveal that economic development, politics, democracy and rule of law has a nexus to addressing the complex nature of entrenching true democracy; fighting corruption, fraud, and cybercrime in individual, organization, and government. The findings further indicate that coordinated and coherent academic/intellectual crossroad crusade is what is needed/required to restore Africa to glory land. Keywords: Law, Politics, Leadership, Contemporary Africa, Corruption, Fraud, Cybercrime, Economic Development Proceedings Reference Format

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Fan, Irina. „Corruption as a problem of political anthropology“. In The 3-rd All-Russian Scientific Conference with international participation “Current issues of scientific support for the state anti-corruption policy in the Russian Federation”. Institute of Philosophy and Law, Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17506/articles.anticorruption.2018.349368.

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Fliadzhynska, Olha, und Anastasiya Prytychenko. „ANTI-CORRUPTION DISCLOSERS AND THEIR ROLE IN COMBATING AGAINST CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE“. In PUBLIC COMMUNICATION IN SCIENCE: PHILOSOPHICAL, CULTURAL, POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND IT CONTEXT, chair Halyna Chyhryna. European Scientific Platform, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/15.05.2020.v5.01.

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Wang, Linjing. „Political Corruption, Punishment, and Institutions in American States“. In Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir52.

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David, Muhammad, und Prayoga Bestari. „Strategy of Political Parties in Preventing Corruption Crimes“. In 2nd Annual Civic Education Conference (ACEC 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200320.085.

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Arif, Wisal. „Political Corruption: A Renewed System Between Authoritarianism and Intransigence“. In المؤتمر الدولي الرابع في الأطر القانونية والسياسية للحكومة الرشيدة. Cihan University-Erbil, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.24086/lir2023/paper.1032.

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ان الحديث عن الفساد لايخص مجتمعا او دولة بذاتها وانما هو ظاهرة عالمية متجددة تشكو منها كل المجتمعات والدول ، حتى ان تحديد المفهوم الاصطلاحي للفساد ينم على صعوبة مرتبطة بتعدد جوانبه المتعلقة به واتجاهاته المختلفة وذلك تبعا لاختلاف الثقافات والقيم السائدة ، كما يختلف بأختلاف الزاوية التي ينظر اليها الباحث مابين رؤية سياسية او اقتصادية او اجتماعية او ادارية ، وهو مايبرر الاختلاف في تحديد مفهوم الفساد . وبدون الدخول في تفاصيل تعاريف ومفاهيم الفساد التي تزخر بها الكتب والموسوعات والابحاث سواء القانونية او الادارية او الاجتماعية وحتى من زاوية المنظمات الدولية ، يمكن وضع تعريف اجرائي للفساد على النحو التالي " هو كل تصرف وسلوك منحرف يقوم به الفرد سواء اكان في وظيفة عامة او خاصة ، يتنافى مع الاطر القانونية والمعايير الاخلاقية الصحيحة من اجل الحصول على منافع شخصية سواء اكانت مادية او معنوية ، بما يؤدي في النهاية الى الاضرار بالمصلحة العامة " ، والفساد في اللغة نقيض الصلاح وخروج الشيء عن الاعتدال ، ولهذا لاتزال الحرب بين الاصلاح والفساد قائمة ومستمرة بأستمرار الحياة وقيام المجتمعات . يهدف البحث الى توضيح طبيعة الفساد بشكل عام وعلاقته بأداء النظام السياسي ، واخطر صور الفساد هو الفساد السياسي ، والفساد السياسي هو اساءة استخدام السلطة العامة من قبل النخب الحاكمة لاهداف غير مشروعة وعادة ماتكون سرية لتحقيق مكاسب شخصية . وعموما كل انواع الانظمة السياسية معرضة للفساد السياسي التي تتنوع اشكاله الا ان اكثرها شيوعا هي يكمن في التفاعل بين السلطة والمال على اعلى مستويات السلطة السياسية ، وفي اعتقادنا ان الفساد السياسي هو بمثابة السقوط الاخلاقي والصعود نحو الهاوية ، اذ تؤدي اثاره الى تشويه دور الحكومة في العدالة والمساواة ، وفي توزيع الحقوق والمكتسبات بين المواطنين ، وكذلك تشويه دور المؤسسات السياسية والبرلمانية في الرقابة والتشريع والموازنة والقضاء وفي التمثيل الحقيقي للشعب وبذا تسقط هيبة الدولة بفقدان الثقة بينها وبين رعاياها مما يضعف الولاء للوطن وبالتالي يتسبب في تقويض الشرعية العامة للدولة واضعاف شرعية نظام الحكم وضعف الاستقرار السياسي وترديه ، وهذا مانجده في كثير من الدول التي ينتشر فيها الفساد اكثر من غيرها . البحث يناقش فرضية مفادها ان الفساد السياسي هو اختطاف للدولة او اقتناص لها من قبل مجموعة او نخبة مغلقة تتشكل من رأس السلطة والملتفين حول النظام ، بمن فيهم المتنفذون من الاحزاب سواء الحاكمة او ممن يتم احتوائهم من احزاب المعارضة والمجتمع المدني . ان معالجة الفساد السياسي بأتباع تدابير فنية وبيروقراطية ليس كافيا بل قد تترتب عليها نتائج عكسية لانها قد تواري مسبباته الجذرية السياسية ، فالقضاء على الفساد السياسي بفاعلية يتطلب استجابة هيكلية تطال النظام السياسي برمته ، تنطوي على ايجاد نظام رقابي تشريعي ومؤسسي فعال وضوابط وموازين مؤسسية وقضاء مستقل وفاعل .

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Volejnikova, Jolana. „QUANTIFICATION OF CORRUPTION AT SUBNATIONAL LEVEL“. In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b23/s7.057.

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Putranto, Hendar, und Rony Agustino. „Establishing Relationship Between Tangerang-based Senior High School Students’ Understanding on Corruption and Signification of Pancasila Values-based Anti-Corruption Behaviour“. In The 4th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007034700010001.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Political corruption"

Finan, Frederico, und Maurizio Mazzocco. Combating Political Corruption with Policy Bundles. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w28683.

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Donnelly, Robert. Postwar vice crime and political corruption in Portland. Portland State University Library, Januar 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.5437.

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Herbert, Sian. Judicial Corruption and Gender. Institute of Development Studies, Januar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.045.

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This rapid literature review explores how judicial corruption affects women and men, and lessons from policy responses to tackle it. As there is very limited literature that directly addresses these questions, this query also draws on evidence about gender and corruption (more broadly), and gender and political corruption. This paper is not comprehensive of all of the issues related to this question, but is illustrative of the most commonly discussed issues.

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Silva E Souza, Cibele. Convergence between Corruption and the Coronavirus Pandemic in Brazil. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.e-2020.96.

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In the context of the global pandemic, news platforms have started to play a fundamental role in Brazilian politics. It is in the communication environment that political disputes develop, placing the media in the focus of political disputes for their ability to destroy career policies or conversely, to enhance the democratic development of a country. Therefore, the present work provides a narrative framework for corruption in Brazilian news portals during the first months of the Covid-19 pandemic. The empirical analysis is based on the content analysis of texts published in May in Brazilian newspapers. The objective of the research is to observe how the political dialogue on corruption and the pandemic was translated in the media at a time of crisis in various sectors of the country. It is observed that in this context corruption intersected with the pandemic narrative, displaying three narrative tendencies: as a contributor to government instability, as a way to reinforce the country’s crisis, and as a way to increase the perception of corruption.

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Wallis, John Joseph. The Concept of Systematic Corruption in American Political and Economic History. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Dezember 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w10952.

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Terzyan, Aram. Dissecting Political Landscape of Post-Revolution Kyrgyzstan. Eurasia Institutes, Oktober 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/ccas-1-2023.

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This paper explores the dynamic of post-revolution state building in Kyrgyzstan, with a focus on its political landscape following the 2020 revolution. While pledging to regain the status of the Central Asian “island of democracy”, Japarov’s government’s efforts have run into significant resistance. In effect, Kyrgyzstan remains plagued with a series of authoritarian malpractices, including but not limited to corruption and human rights violations.

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Boix, Carles, Alícia Adserà und J. Mark Payne. Are You Being Served?: Political Accountability and Quality of Government. Inter-American Development Bank, November 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010787.

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This paper explores, both formally and empirically, the political accountability mechanisms that lie behind the varying levels of public corruption and of effective governance taking place across nations. The first section develops a principal-agent model in which good governance is a function of the extent to which citizens can hold political officials accountable for their actions. Although policy-makers may have strong incentives to appropriate parts of the citizens' income, well-designed institutions (those increasing both informational flows and elite competitiveness) boost political accountability and reduce the space left for the appropriation of rents. The following sections of the paper test the model. The presence of democratic mechanisms of control and an increasingly informed electorate, measured through the frequency of newspaper readership, explain considerably well the distribution of corrupt practices and governmental ineffectiveness in three types of data sets: a large cross-section of countries in the late 1990s for which an extensive battery of governance indicators has been recently developed by Kaufmann et al. (1999a); a panel data set for the period 1980-95 and about 100 nations on corruption and bureaucratic quality based on experts' rankings; and corruption data for the cross-section of US states in the period 1977-95.

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Bodenhorn, Howard. Bank Chartering and Political Corruption in Antebellum New York: Free Banking as Reform. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Mai 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w10479.

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Haider, Huma. Political Settlements: The Case of Moldova. Institute of Development Studies, Mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.065.

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The new elite in post-1991 independent Moldova gradually captured state institutions, while internal drivers of reforms have generally been weak. Civil society has had limited effectiveness; and the media is largely dominated by political and business circles (BTI, 2022). The Moldovan diaspora has emerged in recent years, however, as a powerful driver of reform. In addition, new political parties and politicians have in recent years focused on common social and economic problems, rather than exploiting identity and geopolitical cleavages. These two developments played a crucial role in the transformative changes in the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2020 and 2021, respectively.1 The new Moldovan leadership has experienced many challenges, however, in achieving justice and anti-corruption reforms—the primary components of their electoral platform—due to the persistence of rent-seeking and corruption in the justice sector (Minzarari, 2022). This rapid review examines literature—primarily academic and non-governmental organisation (NGO)-based—in relation to the political settlement of Moldova. It provides an overview of the political settlement framework and the political history of Moldova. It then draws on the literature to explore aspects of the social foundation and the power configuration in Moldova; and implications for governance and inclusive development. The report concludes with recommendations for government, domestic reformers, Moldovan society, and donors for improving inclusive governance and development in Moldova, identified throughout the literature. This report does not cover political settlement in relation to Transnistria.

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Terzyan, Aram. Uzbekistan Amid Domestic Change and an Authoritarian Legacy. Eurasia Institutes, Januar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/ccas-1-2022.

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This paper examines the complex political and economic landscape of Uzbekistan following the rise of Shavkat Mirziyoyev to the presidency in 2016. Mirziyoyev inherited a nation deeply entrenched in the authoritarian practices of his predecessor, Islam Karimov. Despite initiating significant reforms aimed at reducing corruption and enhancing transparency, the new administration faces substantial challenges. The establishment of the Anti-Corruption Committee and various legislative changes mark a departure from past governance; however, enforcement remains inconsistent, and high-level corruption often goes unpunished. While improvements in international corruption rankings suggest progress, critics argue that the reforms are superficial and fail to address systemic issues. This article also explores the broader socio-political dynamics, including the protection of whistleblowers and the role of media, highlighting the ongoing struggle between reform efforts and the enduring legacy of authoritarianism in Uzbekistan.

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