Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Political changeover“

Introduction. In this article issues, are considered, that are connected with the change of smenovekhovtsy in scientific and political publications of Russian authors in the historical retrospective. The article snows that the initial assessments were greatly defendant on the political environment at the beginning of the XX century when of the articles criticism the entire intellectual class but this tendency gradually evolved in to a more detailed and conscious analysis of the smenovekhovtsy ideas through the lens of the Russian post-revolutionary thought.Materials and Methods. The material of the research is the publications of various authors devoted to the problems of changeover as a philosophical and political trend. To solve the set tasks, the methods of philosophical analysis, interpretation, comparison, generalization are used.Results. The result of the conducted research is the systematization of the history of consideration of the phenomenon of changeover from political criticism to understanding the originality of the originality of the thought of the creators of this movement, including the personality characteristics of N.V. Ustryalov, a description and assessment of his political, scientific, managerial and other activities directly related to the process of the origin and development of the project of change. In general, it can be stated that the philosophical studies of the works and biography of N.V. Ustryalova are devoted to a limited range of topics: an assessment of his activities as a political figure of the white movement, an analysis of his ties with the Bolsheviks, a study of the reasons that served as the basis for the formation of the idea of national bolshevism and a conceptual comparison of this trend with Smenovekhovtsy. Currently, this thematic circle has expanded due to the study of the philosophical and political views of N.V. Ustryalov from the point of view of the influence of Smenovekhovtsy on other trends of Russian social thought in emigration, the originality and patriotism of his works.Discussion and Conclusion. Within the framework of this article, a scientific discussion of well-known experts on the history of changeover is presented and makes it possible to characterize the main ideas of the representatives of this trend. One of the most important issues discussed in the works devoted to the changeover and directly by N.V. Ustryalov, is the question of the originality of smenovekhovtsy as a political and philosophical direction of Russian thought. An important role in the study of N.V. Ustryalov plays the fact of the influence of his ideas on other currents of emigration, Soviet and philosophical thought, understanding of the origins and foundations that served to create smenovekhovtsy and National Bolshevism. Therefore, it can be argued that a deep meaningful analysis of domestic ideas is needed, a study of the history of interpenetration and the influence of the teachings of the smenovekhovtsy on post-revolutionary socio-political and philosophical thought, both inRussia and abroad.Thus, the author was able to form a full-fledged political and philosophical analysis of journalism devoted to the changeover and demonstrate the importance of the ideas of its creators in the history of Russian philosophy.

AbstractThe focus of this study was on the application of orders for supervised access made by the Australian Family Law Court in cases that involved conflicting claims by custodial and noncustodial parents. Based on accessible Court transcripts for the 28-month period ending in early 2019, 103 cases involving 172 children were identified in which orders required supervision for visitation and/or changeovers. The patterns found through thematic analysis suggest that there is a shift to increasing use of final orders involving supervision through child contact centers as either an indeterminate or permanent arrangement. This shift has significant implications for current models of supervised access/changeover, and a greater understanding in terms of the outcomes being achieved is required.

In any defined political system with sustained democracy, the political parties act as basic solid pillars that contribute in the right direction, exact nature, and level of political development. The history of political development is so deeply stained by military interference but the major political parties such as PMLN, and PPP played a significant role in maintaining a stable democracy though they were lacking in their commitments at many points in economic and social levels. In the constantly changing and unpredictable political climate of Pakistan, the smooth changeover of power is so rare and the history of Pakistani politics is compromised by political parties' rivalries that affect the democratic development and its sustenance on larger bases. The following survey was conducted to evaluate the contribution of political parties to the development of the democracy in changing political climate. Data was collected by using a simple convenient sampling technique through different secondary sources and then analyzed by using content analysis. The survey concluded that political intolerance among different political parties at different stages affects the political climate so drastically and also is a major factor for poorly sustained democracy along with unnecessary military interference.

The indisputable uniqueness of the US’s political system is also reflected in its party system. The exceptional nature of some elements that characterize the most important US political par- ties can be illustrated by presenting the evolution of what is called neoconservative thought. Neoconservative roots reach back to the Democratic Party, yet the implementation of their most important assumptions, in particular in the field of international policy, is strictly related to their changeover to the Republican side. The objective of this paper is therefore to indicate the transi- tion that took place in the US political stage, mainly in the period of the Ronald Reagan adminis- tration, and to determine the modern position of neoconservatism, in particular in the context of the weakened Republican position following the election success of Barack Obama.

In contrast to the voluminous literature dealing with the post-communist transformation, much less attention has been paid to the circumstances that led to the communist collapse. The purpose of this paper is to redress the imbalance by trying to examine the socio-political and economic situation on the eve of the changeover and to determine which factors, taken collectively, produced a trigger which ignited the implosion of 1989. The focus will be on Poland, the country which—it is generally agreed—was the first one to launch the process of change and to initiate the “domino effect” which ultimately affected the entire region.

Abstract This article aims to investigate if and how Sayyid Quṭb’s social insights can be considered an example of radical political thought – not in an Islamic sense, but as one of the “counter-hegemonic articulations” within the Egyptian political debate in the 1940s and 1950s. The essay also wants to re-discuss the widespread belief that Qutb’s intellectual production underwent a clear transition in two distinct periods of his life. In fact, Quṭb’s political thought is generally described (especially by those who only consider him as the mentor of international jihadism) as initially characterized by a phase of nationalistic commitment and later by his “changeover” to extremist, fanatical and violent Islamism. To underline how this transition was in fact far more nuanced and gradual, I will focus on Quṭb’s essay Al-ʿadāla al-iǧtimāʿiyya fīʾl-Islām (1949), its particular editorial history and its enormous resonance among Egyptian intellectuals.

The weakening of local power structures in Tunisia, whether linked to the authoritarian centralization of the country or to the erosion of the mechanisms for coopting local elites, strongly contributed to upset the political equilibrium of fallen President Ben Ali’s regime. The weakened position created conditions favorable to an ongoing negotiation over power-sharing among social groups and their access to resources. The adoption of a new Constitution in 2014 attests to this redefinition of power relations between local elites and the central State inasmuch as it established, for the first time in modern Tunisian history, the principle of an elected, decentralized ‘local power’ with financial and administrative autonomy. The aim of this article is to answer the question of whether the adoption of a new Constitution, brought in on the basis of a historical compromise between the representatives of the country’s different political tendencies, would enable an orderly changeover from authoritarian government to long-term power-sharing arrangements.

Fondée sur une enquête ethnographique menée auprès des dirigeant·e·s de Montreuil-sous-Bois entre 2008 et 2014, la thèse fait plonger dans les coulisses d'un gouvernement municipal, et esquisse une sociologie des prescriptions en acte, qui articule la question classique de « Qui se conforme aux prescriptions plurielles de rôle, et comment ? » à celle de « Qui a le pouvoir de prescrire, et comment, au sein d'un gouvernement ? ». L'alternance municipale montreuilloise en 2008 se caractérise par l'arrivée d'une professionnelle politique nationale, l'écologiste Dominique Voynet, qui cherche à bousculer les arrangements et prescriptions localement dominants. Le fait qu'elle ne se représente pas aux élections municipales de 2014, en dénonçant les pratiques de patronage et de notabilité de son prédécesseur Jean-Pierre Brard, apparenté communiste, interroge sur le poids des attentes qui pèsent sur les élu·e·s dans cet ancien bastion rouge, et les luttes pour (re)définir ce qu'est être un·e « bon·ne » gouvernant·e local·e aujourd'hui.La thèse explore cette énigme de formulations locales et concurrentielles de prescriptions de rôles gouvernants. Or, au-delà des luttes visibles sur les scènes politiques, l'enquête menée en coulisses révèle combien les luttes prescriptives structurent l'activité gouvernante « de l'intérieur » et expliquent la variété des prises de rôle en mairie. La focale ethnographique sur l'entourage mayoral montre que les normes et prescriptions de rôle, sédimentées dans une histoire institutionnelle singulière, sont aussi intermédiées par des auxiliaires, qui interviennent pour déterminer et imposer ce qu'ils·elles jugent être les bonnes normes de conduite en matière de gouvernement. En prenant le travail prescriptif comme piste d'analyse centrale, la thèse souligne le poids de ces auxiliaires prescripteur·rice·s dans la professionnalisation des élu·e·s, et les concurrences qui émergent entre eux·elles autour des prescriptions à faire valoir. Deux principaux modèles prescriptifs s'affrontent : un modèle de gouvernement « à chaud », porté par le cabinet, vs un modèle de gouvernement « à froid », portée par la direction générale. Le suivi au long cours révèle le poids croissant de cette dernière qui, par divers instruments de procédure et de gestion, renforce peu à peu son pouvoir professionnel et prescriptif sur le personnel démocratiquement élu.La thèse tire ainsi tous les bénéfices du croisement entre plusieurs sociologies - la sociologie des institutions et des rôles, la sociologie des entourages et de la professionnalisation politique, la sociologie du travail et des professions, la sociologie du genre - pour passer de l'étude des prescriptions de rôle à celle des prescripteur·rice·s de gouvernement, et pour éclairer le nouveau règne des gouvernant·e·s « à froid » au cœur de la démocratie locale
Based on an ethnographic survey carried out among the leaders of Montreuil-sous-Bois between 2008 and 2014, the thesis takes us behind the scenes of a municipal government, and outlines a new sociology of prescriptions in action, which articulates the classical question of “Who conforms to plural role prescriptions, and how?” to that of “Who has the power to prescribe, and how, within a government? ". The municipal changeover in Montreuil in 2008 was characterized by the arrival of a national political leader, the ecologist Dominique Voynet, who sought to shake up the locally dominant arrangements and prescriptions. The fact that she did not run again in the 2014 municipal elections, denouncing the patronage and notability practices of her predecessor Jean-Pierre Brard, questions the weight of expectations on elected officials in this former communist bastion, and the struggles to (re)define what it means to be a “good” local governor today.The thesis explores this conundrum of local and competitive formulations of governing role prescriptions. Beyond the visible struggles on the political scenes, the investigation carried out behind the scenes reveals how prescriptive competition structures the governing activity “from the inside” and explains the variety of role taking among municipal rulers. The ethnographic focus on the mayoral entourage shows that the norms and role prescriptions, sedimented in a singular institutional history, are also mediated by auxiliaries, who intervene to determine and impose what they judge to be the good standards of conduct and ways of governing. By taking this prescriptive work as a central line of analysis, the thesis underlines the weight of these auxiliary prescribers in the professionalization of elected officials, and the competition that emerges between them around the prescriptions to be upholded. Two main prescriptive models confront each other: a government model “in the heat of the moment”, supported by the cabinet, vs. a government model “with a cool head”, supported by managing directors. The long-term observation reveals the growing weight of the latter which, through various procedural and management instruments, gradually strengthens their professional and prescriptive power over democratically elected staff.The thesis thus draws all the benefits of the crossing between several sociologies - the sociology of institutions and roles, the sociology of entourages and political professionalization, the sociology of work and professions, the sociology of gender - to move from the study of the governing role prescriptions to that of government prescribers, and to illuminate the new reign of “cold” rulers at the heart of local democracy

This chapter examines the internal and external causes of variations in corruption and white-collar crime through a comparative case study of Georgia and Armenia. From the domestic perspective, different outcomes in relation to ethnic conflicts, as well as differences in terms of the political elite’s stability (a radical changeover of political elites in Georgia versus a continuation of existing elite networks in Armenia), explain the varying degrees of corruption and white-collar crime rates between the two states. From the external dimension, this chapter states that the varying attitudes toward Russia and amenability to Western influence have provided different incentives for reform in Georgia and Armenia, and resulted in different outcomes with reference to corruption.

Drawing primarily on Dutch and Afrikaans archival sources including the Dutch Reformed Church Archive and private collections this book presents a trans-generational narrative of the influence and role played by diasporic Scots and their descendants in the religious and political lives of Dutch/ Afrikaner people in British colonial southern Africa. It demonstrates how this Scottish religious culture helped to develop a complex counter-narrative to what would become the mainstream discourse of Afrikaner Christian nationalism in the early 20th century. The reader can expect new perspectives on the ways in which the historical changeover from British Imperial rule to apartheid South Africa was both contradicted, but also in often paradoxical ways facilitated, by the influence and legacies of Scottish religious emissaries. The book specifically narrates the role of Scots-Presbyterian ministers and their descendants, focusing particularly on the Murray family, within the context of the Dutch Reformed Church and its missionary enterprises in wider Africa, specifically Mashonaland and Nyasaland. The missionary response to discourses of race, separatism, nationalism, and apartheid is an underlying thread to much of the narrative. The book shows how the Scots Afrikaners tended to err on the side of missionary accommodation whenever confronted with the racial prejudice of their principal missionary subjects, who it is argued, were none other than the Boer/Afrikaner people of South Africa. The contradictory consequences of how this identity formation played out over time receive attention throughout the book.

This chapter addresses the changeover from a silver standard to a gold standard for the Norwegian monetary system. On 8 May 1873, after a long and heated debate, the Storting decided to establish a new metal basis for the Norwegian monetary system, by transitioning from silver to gold. In the same resolution, the Storting rejected the proposal to join Sweden and Denmark in a monetary union. The gold standard eventually prevailed, thanks to Great Britain’s financial weight and pragmatic arguments regarding gold’s superiority to silver as a basis for metal-based monetary systems. However, the larger dream, partly forgotten because it did not materialize, was the establishment of a universal coin (universal coinage), intended to give all people access to the same monetary unit for cross-border payments. In its first round, this initiative was aborted as a result of international events and national politics. Two years later, as a strictly regional solution, Norway finally joined its two neighbouring countries in the Scandinavian Monetary Union. Along with two other national banks, Norges Bank contributed to the ever-expanding monetary union in its area of influence and improved it with new and efficient ways of settling payments, the main objective being the promotion of trade.