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Thematische Bibliographien / Political capability / Zeitschriftenartikel

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Political capability“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 30. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 7. Februar 2022

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1

Kamishima, Yuko. „Political Justice and the Capability for Responsibility“. Critical Horizons 20, Nr. 2 (03.04.2019): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14409917.2019.1596214.

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2

Pryor, Christopher G. „Regulatory alignment capability and corporate political activity“. Academy of Management Proceedings 2021, Nr. 1 (August 2021): 15564. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2021.15564abstract.

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3

de Waal, Alex. „Negative capability“. Index on Censorship 24, Nr. 5 (September 1995): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209502400512.

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4

Roberts, Peri. „Nussbaum's political liberalism: justice and the capability threshold“. International Journal of Social Economics 40, Nr. 7 (31.05.2013): 613–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-2012-0136.

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5

Brown, Richard S. „AT&T's establishment of a political capability“. Journal of Public Affairs 16, Nr. 1 (18.05.2015): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.1568.

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6

Fischel, Joseph J., und Claire McKinney. „Capability without dignity?“ Contemporary Political Theory 19, Nr. 3 (15.10.2019): 404–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41296-019-00355-7.

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7

Kang, Choong-Nam. „Capability revisited: Ally’s capability and dispute initiation“. Conflict Management and Peace Science 34, Nr. 5 (14.10.2015): 546–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894215604966.

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The main questions explored here are whether alliances lead to conflict between member states and non-member states and whether the capability of allies is a source of this effect. Building on the opportunity framework, this study argues that, with more confidence in military success due to support from allies, challenger states are more likely to be emboldened and to initiate disputes. The empirical analyses show that the capability of allies has an increasing effect on dispute initiation of member states against non-member states. This increasing effect becomes stronger as the level of common interests between the allies increases. The test results consistently suggest that alliances embolden member states to initiate disputes against non-member states, and also that alliances are more likely to aggravate, but not mute, dispute initiation against member states.

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8

SUMNER, L. W. „Utility and Capability“. Utilitas 18, Nr. 1 (16.02.2006): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820805001792.

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When Amartya Sen defends his capability theory of well-being he contrasts it with the utility theory advocated by the classical utilitarians, including John Stuart Mill. Yet a closer examination of the two theories reveals that they are much more similar than they appear. Each theory can be interpreted in either a subjective or an objective way. When both are interpreted subjectively the differences between them are slight, and likewise for the objective interpretations. Finally, whatever differences may remain are less important than they might seem, since the two theories are developed by Sen and Mill for different purposes and are in that sense not genuine rivals.

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9

Kramm, Matthias. „Capability and habit“. Journal of Global Ethics 15, Nr. 2 (04.05.2019): 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449626.2019.1636114.

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10

Graham, Douglas R. „Missile defense capability“. Comparative Strategy 12, Nr. 1 (Januar 1993): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495939308402898.

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11

Hoelzl, Erik, und Arie Kapteyn. „Financial capability“. Journal of Economic Psychology 32, Nr. 4 (August 2011): 543–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.joep.2011.04.005.

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12

Magdalena, Renna, und Yanuar Dananjaya. „CEO Capability and CEO Arrogance“. International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 9, Nr. 07 (26.07.2021): 2319–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v9i07.em06.

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This study aims to see the effect of the CEO Capabilities and CEO Arrogance to fraudulent financial statements indication. The study used a sample of all manufacturing companies from 2017 to 2019. In accordance with the sample selection, there are 162 manufacturing companies that meet the sample criteria. In this study using multiple linear regression test. This study uses secondary data for the 2017-2019 annual report. Based on the results that have been tested, CEO capability as a respected party (CEO Age), CEO capability as the person who knows the most about the company (CEO Tenure) and CEO arrogance as a person who has political connections (CEO Political Connection) have an influence on the indication of fraudulent financial statements. Furthermore, the hypothesis of CEO Capability in Accounting/finance knowledge (CEO Education), CEO arrogance in the form of narcissism (CEO PIC) and CEO arrogance as company founder (Founder CEO) have no influence on indications of fraudulent financial statements.

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13

Wu, Nan, Song Zheng Zhao und Xiao Di Zhang. „Research on the Relationship between Relational Embeddedness and Organizational Learning Capability - A Concept Framework Based on SMEs Technology Alliance“. Applied Mechanics and Materials 687-691 (November 2014): 4532–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.687-691.4532.

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This paper mainly focuses on different body embedded in the SMEs’ network and explores the relationship between business network embeddedness, technology network embeddedness, political network embeddedness and organizational learning capability based on technology alliances’ specific context. Organizational learning capability is regarded as the integration of internal learning capability and external learning capability. From the perspective of the process organizational learning capability is divided into knowledge acquisition capability, knowledge absorption capability and knowledge integration capability. We found that business network embeddedness, technology network embeddedness and political network embeddedness all have a positive relationship with knowledge acquisition capability, knowledge absorption capability and knowledge integration capability.

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14

Bhatta, Gambhir. „Intent, Risks and Capability: Some Considerations on Rethinking Organizational Capability“. International Review of Administrative Sciences 69, Nr. 3 (September 2003): 401–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852303693007.

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15

Chen, Jiawen, Xiaotao Yao und Linlin Liu. „Value creation and value maintenance“. Chinese Management Studies 13, Nr. 2 (03.06.2019): 318–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cms-06-2018-0583.

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Purpose This paper aims to examine how a firm’s capability affects its political networking in emerging economies and how the institutional environment influences the relationship between a firm’s capability and its political networking. Design/methodology/approach The authors test the theoretical model by analyzing a database from a World Bank survey in China. Findings The results show a nonlinear (U-shaped) relationship between a firm’s capability and its efforts in political networking. The relationship between a firm’s capability and political networking is contingent on the institutional environment, as reflected in institutional development and industry regulation. Originality/value This study elucidates political networking in emerging economies and contributes to research on corporate political strategy.

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16

Robinson, Colin D. „Political and Military Obstacles to the North African Regional Capability“. Middle East Journal 74, Nr. 3 (01.11.2020): 379–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/74.3.12.

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It appears almost certain that the African Standby Force as originally imagined will never deploy. All five regions have, however, improved military cooperation and gained significant Western investment, strengthening well-positioned elites. Virtually nothing has eventuated in North Africa, primarily because of lack of regional interest, especially following the fall of Libyan leader Mu'ammar alQadhafi and the ensuing civil war. Regional armies have significant problems with effectiveness; the force should only be retained if it genuinely fosters regional military cooperation.

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17

Kirkpatrick, Colin. „Institutional capability, political commitment, and export assistance in developing countries“. Journal of International Development 6, Nr. 5 (September 1994): 519–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jid.3380060504.

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18

Inge, Peter. „The capability‐based army“. RUSI Journal 139, Nr. 3 (Juni 1994): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849408445813.

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19

Oros, Andrew L. „Japan's Growing Intelligence Capability“. International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 15, Nr. 1 (Januar 2002): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/088506002753412856.

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20

Shikaki, Khalil I. „Israel's Nuclear Capability“. Journal of Palestine Studies 15, Nr. 4 (1986): 156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2536625.

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21

HEITMAN, HELMOED-RÖMER. „CRISIS RESPONSE CAPABILITY“. African Security Review 11, Nr. 1 (Januar 2002): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2002.9627782.

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22

Brown, Richard S. „How do firms compete in the non-market? The process of political capability building“. Business and Politics 18, Nr. 3 (Oktober 2016): 263–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bap-2015-0019.

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This paper contributes to both corporate political activity (CPA) research and capabilities theory research by offering models that better describe the process that managers undertake to nurture a political capability. This is done through the interplay of four factors inherent in political actions, namely (i) corporate structure, (ii) firm-government linkages, (iii) political access and (iv) public policy pressure. Additionally, recognizing that political capability attainment is not a binary endeavor, I offer a political capability continuum to better categorize the magnitude by which differing firms allocate resources toward molding public policy. This paper adds to the scant literature on management-focused CPA research that integrates the resource-based view (RBV) of the firm and political action research.

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23

Shake, K., A. Bloch Lainé und C. Grant. „Building a European defence capability“. Survival 41, Nr. 1 (Januar 1999): 20–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713660050.

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24

Griffiths, Tom, und Terry Patterson. „Work Capability Assessment concerns“. Journal of Poverty and Social Justice 22, Nr. 1 (01.02.2014): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/175982714x13915082967339.

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25

SLAPPENDEL, CAROL. „Knowledge Use Versus Capability Development“. Science Communication 16, Nr. 2 (Dezember 1994): 195–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0164025994016002006.

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26

Vasquez, J. A. „Capability, Types of War, Peace“. Political Research Quarterly 39, Nr. 2 (01.06.1986): 313–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591298603900209.

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27

Bowman, A. OM, und R. C. Kearney. „Dimensions of State Government Capability“. Political Research Quarterly 41, Nr. 2 (01.06.1988): 341–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591298804100208.

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28

Srinivasan, Sharath. „No Democracy without Justice: Political Freedom in Amartya Sen's Capability Approach“. Journal of Human Development 8, Nr. 3 (November 2007): 457–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649880701462395.

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29

Bird, Tim. „The European Union and Counter-insurgency: Capability, Credibility, and Political Will“. Contemporary Security Policy 28, Nr. 1 (April 2007): 182–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260701240658.

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30

Claassen, Rutger. „Making Capability Lists: Philosophy versus Democracy“. Political Studies 59, Nr. 3 (11.10.2010): 491–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2010.00862.x.

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31

Thompson, William R., und Karen A. Rasler. „War and Systemic Capability Reconcentration“. Journal of Conflict Resolution 32, Nr. 2 (Juni 1988): 335–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002788032002005.

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32

Yamamoto, Atsumasa. „Japan's future defense capability“. Asia-Pacific Review 2, Nr. 1 (Januar 1995): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13439009508719894.

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33

Eichsteller, Marta. „Migration as a Capability: Discussing Sen’s Capability Approach in the Context of International Migration“. Social Inclusion 9, Nr. 1 (18.02.2021): 174–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v9i1.3587.

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Migration is a form of spatial and social transplant from one local and national context to another. Migration trajectories often expose the underlying intersections of social relations and social hierarchies that underpin cultural and social national environments. Migrants who encounter those complex structural inequalities must learn to negotiate classed, gendered and racialised social relations and seek the most suitable social positions within new systems. This article builds on Amartya Sen’s capability approach to conceptualise migrants’ embeddedness in the framework of social inequalities and explores the relationship between individual choices, resources and entitlements. It points towards patterns of advantage and disadvantage that frame migrants’ opportunities and draws tacit analytical, theoretical and methodological links that have the innovative potential for the study of migration. Building on the parallels between studies in the fields of social inequalities and migration, this article argues that Sen’s analytical and conceptual approach provides innovative insights into migration experiences, and Sen’s unique reasoning opens up new avenues for the discussion of migrants’ social justice.

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34

Litschka. „The Political Economy of Media Capabilities: The Capability Approach in Media Policy“. Journal of Information Policy 9 (2019): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.9.2019.0063.

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35

Litschka. „The Political Economy of Media Capabilities: The Capability Approach in Media Policy“. Journal of Information Policy 9 (2019): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.9.2019.0079.

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36

Yang, Zhuoer, Yu Gao, Shanxing Gao, Kuo-Feng Huang und Yan Yang. „"Corporate Political Activity, Firm Internal Capability: The Mediating Role of Institutional Capital"“. Academy of Management Proceedings 2013, Nr. 1 (Januar 2013): 13456. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2013.13456abstract.

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37

Gordon, Stacy B., und Gary M. Segura. „Cross-National Variation in the Political Sophistication of Individuals: Capability or Choice?“ Journal of Politics 59, Nr. 1 (Februar 1997): 126–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998218.

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38

Feldman, C. H., G. L. Darmstadt, V. Kumar und J. P. Ruger. „Women's Political Participation and Health: A Health Capability Study in Rural India“. Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 40, Nr. 1 (05.12.2014): 101–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-2854621.

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39

Codner, Michael. „Permanent United Nations Military Intervention Capability“. RUSI Journal 153, Nr. 3 (Juni 2008): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840802249604.

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40

QIZILBASH, MOZAFFAR. „Sugden's Critique of the Capability Approach“. Utilitas 23, Nr. 1 (15.02.2011): 25–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820810000439.

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In comparing Sen's work with Mill's, Sugden criticizes Sen's capability approach because it may be applied in such a way that society or theorists judge what is best for people and potentially restrict liberty on that basis. Sugden cites Nussbaum's work as evidence in making his case. Sugden's critique of Sen's approach succeeds on a narrow reading of it. On that reading Sen is also critical of it because it does not leave enough room for liberty. On a broad reading, the critique has less force. Nussbaum's approach follows Mill in allowing people freedom to act on whatever desires they have if this does not harm others. This neutralizes the central element of Sugden's critique as it applies to her approach to some degree. Both Sen and Nussbaum nonetheless recognize the danger of illiberal restrictions in application which motivates Sugden's critique.

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41

Thompson, John. „Commander generating the offensive air capability“. RUSI Journal 144, Nr. 3 (Juni 1999): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849908446393.

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42

Ouellet, André. „Towards a UN rapid‐reaction capability“. Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 3, Nr. 2 (Januar 1995): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1995.9673063.

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43

Henault, Raymond. „Combat capability and the Canadian forces“. Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 9, Nr. 3 (Januar 2002): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2002.9673292.

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44

Cobbold, Richard. „A joint maritime‐based expeditionary capability“. RUSI Journal 142, Nr. 4 (August 1997): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849708446164.

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45

HAILWOOD, SIMON. „Bewildering Nussbaum: Capability Justice and Predation*“. Journal of Political Philosophy 20, Nr. 3 (14.02.2011): 293–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9760.2010.00392.x.

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46

Geller, Daniel S. „Capability concentration, power transition, and war“. International Interactions 17, Nr. 3 (01.02.1992): 269–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629208434783.

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47

Murphy, Martin, und Peter Roberts. „The Reality of China's Maritime Capability“. RUSI Journal 163, Nr. 3 (04.05.2018): 74–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2018.1494352.

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48

Holden, Matthew. „The Competence of Political Science: “Progress in Political Research” RevisitedPresidential Address, American Political Science Association, 1999“. American Political Science Review 94, Nr. 1 (März 2000): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586377.

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Political science is two realms, the intellectual and the organizational, and the task is to consider how the organizational realm might be adapted to the highest improvement of the intellectual realm. Political science has a certain competence (domain) in the study of politics as the organization of power. It also seeks to expand competence as capability. Charles Merriam provides a point of departure Merriam's most successful idea has been that of enhancing competence through improvements in “the field of method.” Competence, however, now demands methodological flexibility, so as to probe more into theexerciseof power. Four fields are strategic: public administration, political interests, urbanization, and the interpenetration of politics and economics. Competence also leads into unorthodox subjects, such as force and foolish, irrational, and pathological decision making (or “the Oxenstierna-Mullins Effect”). Finally, competence demands (and is enhanced by) the reach of political science into serious practical problems of human affairs.

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49

Moshaver, Ziba. „Arab military industry: capability, performance and impact“. International Affairs 69, Nr. 2 (April 1993): 393. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621687.

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50

Fitzpatrick, Mark. „Can Iran's Nuclear Capability Be Kept Latent?“ Survival 49, Nr. 1 (März 2007): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396330701254503.

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