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Chung, Jonghyuk. „"Who needs MacArthur?" : analyzing South Korea's counterinvasion capability against North Korea“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/68961.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2011.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 87-90).
Assuming there is another North Korean invasion; could the South Koreans counterinvade North Korea and prevail even without the United States' assistance? This paper studies the possibility of a South Korean counterinvasion against North Korea by looking at the qualitative combat dynamics and performing a formal campaign analyses based on the Korean peninsula's conventional military balance. This study first analyzes the process of the South Korean defensive against the North Korean invasion, and examines South Korea's likely counterinvasion scenarios and assesses their chances of success. These scenarios vary based on North Korea's likely courses of action once its offensive fails, depending on whether the North Koreans retreat to the military demarcation line or hold their position within the South territory. According to this paper's analysis, South Korea is capable of counterinvading North Korea in all the scenarios suggested. South Korea possesses a qualitatively superior force with better readiness and logistics powered by a stronger economy, while the North Koreans lack the force effectiveness necessary to carry out their theory of victory. First, the South Korean forces are capable of fending off a North Korean invasion while inflicting severe damage to the North Koreans; second, the South Korean forces would inflict considerable casualty to the North Koreans during their retreat; finally, the South Korean offensive would be capable of breaking through the weakened North Korean defense. This study makes several contributions. First, it examines the puzzle of South Korean counterinvasion that has been under-discussed despite its political and strategic significance. In doing so, the study presents an opportunity to explain North Korea's recent behaviors and the United States' redefinition of its role involving the peninsula, hence increasing our understanding of the East Asian security dynamics. Second, by providing an updated survey of the peninsula's conventional balance, this study enhances our knowledge in the two Korea's strategic capabilities which have undergone considerable changes. Third, this study advances our usage of campaign analyses by applying a phased use of the models with changing parameters. This approach enables us to analyze multi-phased campaigns comprised of different dynamics with better accuracy.
by Jonghyuk Chung.
S.M.
2
Comim, F., S. Fennell und Prathivadi B. Anand. „New frontiers of the capability approach“. Cambridge University Press, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17559.
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NoFor over three decades, the capability approach proposed and developed by Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum has had a distinct impact on development theories and approaches because it goes beyond an economic conception of development and engages with the normative aspects of development. This book explores the new frontiers of the capability approach and its links to human development in three main areas. First, it delves into the philosophical foundations of the approach, re-examining its links to concepts of common good, collective agency and epistemic diversity. Secondly, it addresses its 'operational frontier', aiming to give inclusive explanations of some of the most advanced methods available for capability researchers. Thirdly, it offers a wide range of the applications of this approach, as carried out by a mix of renowned capability scholars and researchers from different disciplines. This broad interdisciplinary range includes the areas of human and sustainable development, inequalities, labour markets, education, special needs, cities, urban planning, housing, social capital and happiness studies, among others.
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Mero, John C. „Under the influence has MADD's policy agenda limited the Elks' capability to create social capital? /“. Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Crichton, Andrew Trevor Mark. „Prospects of an effective African peacekeeping capability : from rhetoric to reality“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2178.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the prospects of an effective African peacekeeping capability in light of the developing peace and security architecture of the relatively new continental body, the African Union (AU). The primary aim is to determine the nature and severity of those challenges that currently face the organization’s ambition of realizing this Pan-African dream. This study is a qualitative analysis that comprises both descriptive and exploratory aspects. The thesis begins by discussing the development of peacekeeping in conflict management. It establishes that peacekeeping emerged as an ad hoc response by the UN to address the growing issue of inter-state conflict during the Cold War, but has evolved into one of the primary tools used by the international community to manage complex crises. The advent of new security threats in the post-Cold War era, spurred on by the dynamic process of globalization, necessitated that peacekeeping adapt and is commonly perceived in contemporary discourse as a multidimensional practice. Central to this development was the shift in focus from international to human security and the recent development of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. The study then goes on to explore the process that has ultimately led to the establishment of the AU’s proposed peacekeeping capability, the African Standby Force (ASF). With a dramatic increase in incidences of violent conflict across the globe in the 1990s, the UN’s limited resources were pushed to the limit, thus paving the way for regional organizations to play a more important role in ensuring international peace and security. The establishment of the AU in 2002 was meant to put to bed the inability of its forerunner, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which had suffered from limited financial, logistical and structural competence, while its political and institutional authority was hampered by dissent and the qualified support of member states. However, as the African Union Mission in the Darfur region of Sudan (AMIS), highlights, the AU’s peacekeeping capacity is hamstrung by a lack of political will on the part of African leaders, weak institutional capacity, severe financial constraints as well as an overly militaristic approach that neglects the essential multidimensional nature of peacekeeping.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis ondersoek die vooruitsigte van ‘n effektiewe Afrika vrede-bewaringsmag, binne die konteks van die huidige Afrika Unie (AU) se raamwerk vir vrede en sekuriteit. Die primêre navorsingsdoel is om vas te stel wat die AU se belangrikste uitdagings is, om die die strewe na Pan-Afrikanisme te bewerkstellig in die area van vrede-instandhouding op die kontinent. Eerstens word ‘n oorsig gegee oor die ontwikkeling van vrede-instandhouding binne die konteks van konflikbestuur. Die afleiding word gemaak dat vrede-instandhouding ontstaan het as ‘n ad hoc proses binne die Verenigde Nasies ten einde inter-staat konflik tydens die Koue Oorlog, te besleg. Dit is later binne die internasionale gemeenskap aanvaar as die primêre strategie vir die oplossing en hantering van internasionale konflik. Na die einde van die Koue Oorlog, en tesame met die dinamiese proses van globalisering, het vredeinstandhouding egter verder ontwikkel en ’n multi-dimensionele proses geword. Hierdie ontwikkeling is hoofsaaklik gekenmerk deur ’n fokus wat wegbeweeg het van tradisionele soewereiniteits-sekuriteit na menslike sekuriteit. Dit het gepaardgegaan met die gelyktydige ontwikkeling van die Verantwoordelikheid om te Beskerm doktrine. Die studie ondersoek verder die prosesse wat bygedra het tot die AU se voorgestelde vredesmag – die Afrika Bystandsmag (ASF). As gevolg van ’n toename in internasionale konflik tydens die 1990s is die Verenigde Nasies se vermoeëns tot die uiterste beproef. Dit het die weg gebaan vir die opkoms van kontinentale en streeks-organisasies om ‘n meer prominente rol te speel in internasional vrede-instandhouding en sekuriteit. Die stigting van die AU in 2002, was veronderstel om die finansiële, logistieke en strukturele tekortkominge van sy voorganger, die Unie vir Afrika Eenheid (OAU) aan te spreek, aangesien laasgenoemde se politieke en institusionele hoedanigheid ondermyn is deur sy lidlande. Daar word bevind – met behulp van ’n gevalle-studie analise van die AU se Sending na Soedan (AMIS) dat die AU se kapasiteit nie na wense is nie, as gevolg van die gebrek aan samewerking tussen leiers, finansiële tekortkominge en ’n neiging om militaristiese benadering te volg, ten koste van die multi-dimensionele aspek van vredes-instandhouding.
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Cordeiro, Guerra Susana Leite Ribeiro. „On the fringes of formality : organizational capability in street-level bureaucracies in Brazil“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/117311.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2017.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 197-200).
Middle capability countries have over the last few decades implemented a range of reforms to improve their service delivery systems - and yet have made only marginal progress. Despite better macroeconomic conditions, service delivery outcomes are still lagging behind. This is more than a puzzle, it has been a cause for revolt. Millions and millions have risen in protest-demanding improvements in the quality of basic services. When the state is unable to deliver on its core functions, then it highlights a fundamental crisis of the state in these countries. My dissertation aims to unravel a piece of this puzzle by examining variation in the implementation of a comparable type of reform across the policing, education and industrial policy sectors in Brazil. It does this in particular by looking at intermediate outputs of front-line service delivery units (police units, schools, and innovation institutes), using this as a proxy for bureaucratic administration, which has been shown to be associated with service delivery outcomes. My research finds that there is much variation in these intermediate outputs and that this variation cannot be easily explained by structural factors. For instance, while some schools do very well on these bureaucratic administration metrics in poor neighborhoods, others do poorly in rich neighborhoods. What lies behind this variation in bureaucratic administration in front-line service delivery units? Drawing on extensive fieldwork over the course of three years, I find that there is a particular behavioral profile among middle-tier bureaucrats - what I call the fringes of formality behavior - that is associated with more positive bureaucratic administrative- outputs in the front-line units. Middle-tier bureaucrats practicing this behavior exhibit three main characteristics: initiative, a focus on strategic functions, and an ability to identify and make use of bureaucratic zones of opportunity. I detail in the dissertation the different categories of action of how the fringes of formality behavior manifests itself in practice. I demonstrate how these categories are consistent across sectors, and then, drawing on case studies and surveys, I show the positive association between the fringes of formality behavior and bureaucratic administrative outputs both within and across sectors. Ultimately, I argue that the way the fringes of formality bureaucrats behave differs from the "best practices" often advocated by the development and public policy communities. My findings suggest that there may be an alternative path to building a higher capability bureaucracy that does not necessarily involve adherence to top-down rationalistic approaches. Rather, they provide support for identifying those behaviors that are already meeting the genuine needs of the local units on the ground - even if they do not seem to adhere to preconceived notions of effective bureaucratic administration - and then nurturing and promoting those behaviors. These findings will have significant implications for how best to improve service delivery by bureaucracies in middle-income countries.
by Susana Leite Ribeiro Cordeiro Guerra.
Ph. D.
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Lebow, Ellen. „Justice and Obligation: Building on the Capability Approach“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/368.
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Sen and Nussbaum generate very different degrees of obligation for the affluent under their theories of justice, despite each of them deriving their theory of justice from capability as a metric for quality of life. On one hand, Sen’s account of obligation seems very weak, while Nussbaum’s seems overwhelmingly robust. I argue that the sufficient/decisivereasons framework as put forth by philosopher Derek Parfit captures the nuances of their extremely different accounts of obligation. Further, I argue that this framework convincingly demonstrates that the accounts of obligation that Sen and Nussbaum offer in each of their versions of the capability approach are unsatisfying, as each approach occupies such extremes that they are unreasonable. In spite of this, supplementing the capability approach with a different and perhaps more centrist account of obligation can make the capability approach a more consistent and appealing theory of justice. To this end, I appropriate Thomas Pogge’s account of obligation.
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Juwana, Hikmahanto. „The right of state to establish and build up military defence capability : Japan as a case study“. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363916.
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Furubayashi, Reid. „A Scheme of International Distributive Justice: Exploring the Roles of State Sovereignty, Freedom, and Luck“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1098.
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Presented here is a critical analysis of the administration, measurement, and application of justice on an international scale. To develop a general framework through which to analyze an international theory of justice, I will start by laying out the differences between the cosmopolitan conception of justice and Thomas Nagel’s political conception of justice. I will offer my own hybrid account that designates nation-states, rather than individuals, as the primary actors of justice. An examination of how justice is measured is necessary for conceptualizing relevant compensation systems and intervention schemes. I investigate justice as measured by Ronald Dworkin’s equality of resources and justice as measured by Amartya Sen’s capability approach, both of which differ in their treatment of non-democratic and corrupt nation-states. I advocate the expansion of political freedoms and a compensation scheme based on the use of natural resources to provide a system of international justice that encourages the preservation of native tradition and respects the nature of cultural difference.
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Alldén, Susanne. „How do international norms travel? : Women’s political rights in Cambodia and Timor-Leste“. Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-26837.
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How do international norms travel, via statebuilding efforts, into post-conflict settings, and how do international and national actors interact in this process? These are the main questions addressed in this thesis. The empirical focus is the spreading and rooting of the norm of women’s political rights in Cambodia and Timor-Leste, two countries in which international actors have played a significant role in statebuilding efforts. Although statebuilding has increasingly become a part of UN peacebuilding missions, we still lack a thorough understanding of how much, and in what ways, the international community can successfully promote change. This is important in view of the fact that the key to success ultimately depends on how the receiving community responds to the presence and efforts of international actors to promote new social norms. This study analyzes the interaction between international and national actors engaged in the promotion of women’s political rights as part of the effort to advance democracy. Three institutional developments are examined in detail – electoral rules and regulations, the establishment of a national gender equality/women’s machinery and the strengthening of the local government structure. The study uses a modified norm diffusion approach and makes two theoretical contributions to the literature. First, I place the norm diffusion process in a post-conflict context. Second, I add the concept of capability to function in order to conceptualize and study the internalization of the norm. The thesis is based on both an analysis of written material and semi-structured interviews. A total of 65 interviews were conducted during three research trips to each of the countries between 2007 and 2009. In general, the four empirical chapters reveal that the interaction between international and national actors has predominantly been characterized by international actors setting the agenda, with varying degrees of consultation and collaboration with national actors. While norm institutionalization has been rather high in both countries, norm internalization lags behind. This is explained by discriminating ways of life and attitudes, lack of resources and time. Norm internalization is higher in Timor-Leste, in part because national actors have adapted the norm of women’s political rights to fit the local setting, but also due to their openness to international influences. The empirical study underscores that international actors can push for change and norm adherence, but their efforts are not enough. In the end, national actors have to buy into the message that international actors try to convey. The strengths and weaknesses that have been uncovered in the Cambodian and Timorese case studies presented here should be carefully considered as international actors, led by the UN, embark upon future statebuilding missions around the globe.
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Robey, William Bud. „Implications for United States’ Military Strategy and Policy ofChina’s Asymmetric Anti-Satellite Capability“. The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1420469689.
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Louw, Gerhard Martin. „South African defence policy and capability : the case of the South African National Defence Force“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85766.
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Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Armed forces the world over have three primary functions — force development, force deployment and force employment. Defence policy plays a guiding role in all of these, but is especially important in establishing the rationale for the creation of those military capabilities that force development brings about. The end of the Cold War, which coincided with a new political dispensation in South Africa, also gave rise to a new security paradigm: a theory implying both a reduction in the utility of military force, and an adjustment in the use of military forces. This phenomenon changed the context within which states generate modern defence policy, but did not affect the causal relationship between policy publications and the outcomes of a military’s force development activities. Usually, a defence policy presupposes the development of armed forces that are effective and efficient at executing their mandate — a condition that is measurable in terms of the organisation’s levels integration, skill, quality and responsiveness. The thesis uses this concept, both as a point of departure and as a structural organising device, to describe the variance between defence policy and military capabilities. A general analysis of South Africa’s defence policy publications indicates that, indeed, the policymakers had thoroughly considered the armed forces’ effectiveness when they wrote the White Paper (1996) and the Defence Review (1998). By 2006, the South African Army has interpreted national defence policy and formulated a future strategy of its own, very much in alignment with the ‘modern system’ approach of the original policy publications. However, further analysis of the actual capabilities of the South African National Defence Force indicates a major variance between the relevant defence policy publications, the military’s force development outcomes, and the present demands of the South African security environment. There appears to be quite serious deficiencies in the attribute of integration, which arise primarily from political influences; furthermore, the military’s quality is under strain, mainly because of the defence force’s seeming inability to formulate a strategy that is not only acceptable, but also suitable and feasible. While the armed forces appear to be skilful enough to execute their present (peacetime) missions, success in the type of operations that policy demands is unlikely. In summary, the study suggests that the principal reason for the large variance between defence policy, military capabilities, and real operational demands stems from defence’s lack of responsiveness to its resource constraints and operational realities. The thesis therefore concludes that the defence force has been largely unsuccessful in complying with the demands of defence policy, irrespective of the fact that the policy by itself may be obsolete and/or inappropriate for the South African context; furthermore, that military effectiveness in meeting current operational demands is also doubtful. Finally, the defence force’s schizophrenic organisational culture may be the primary cause of it moving ever closer to reneging on its constitutional mandate.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gewapende magte wêreldwyd het drie primêre funksies — magsontwikkeling, magsontplooiing en magsaanwending. Verdedigingsbeleid vervul ‘n rigtinggewende rol in al hierdie funksies, maar is veral belangrik om die skepping van die militêre vermoëns, wat deur magsontwikkelingsaktiwiteite daargestel word, te regverdig. Gevolglik beoog hierdie tesis om die mate van ooreenkoms tussen die voorskrifte van Suid-Afrikaanse verdedigingsbeleid en die werklike militêre vermoëns van die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag te beskryf, soos dit ontwikkel het tussen 2000 en 2011. Die einde van die Koue Oorlog (samelopend met die totstandkoming van ‘n nuwe bedeling in Suid-Afrika) het geboorte gegee aan nuwe denke betreffende veiligheid, wat ook ‘n afname in die nuttigheid van militêre mag en ‘n aanpassing in die aanwending van militêre magte tot gevolg gehad het. Hierdie verskynsel het die omgewing waarbinne moderne state verdedigingsbeleid ontwikkel verander, maar nie die kousale verband tussen beleidspublikasies en die uitkomste van ‘n weermag se magsontwikkelingsaktiwiteite aangeraak nie. Gewoonlik veronderstel ‘n verdedigingsbeleid die ontwikkeling van gewapende magte wat doeltreffend en doelmatig is in die uitvoering van hul mandaat — ‘n toestand wat meetbaar is in terme van die organisasie se vlakke van integrasie, vaardigheid, kwaliteit, en hul vermoë om toepaslik op omgewigsinvloede te reageer. Die tesis gebruik hierdie konsep, beide as ‘n vertrekpunt en as ‘n strukturele ordeningsmeganisme, en om die verskille tussen verdedigingsbeleid en militêre vermoëns te beskryf. ‘n Algemene ontleding van Suid-Afrika se verdedigingsbeleidspublikasies toon dat, met die skryf van die Witskrif (1996) en Verdedigingsoorsig (1998), beleidmakers wel deeglike oorweging geskenk het aan die weermag se doeltreffenheid; so ook die Suid-Afrikaanse Leër, wat teen 2006 sy eie toekomsstrategie die lig laat sien het. Desnieteenstaande getuig verdere ontleding van die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasional Weermag se werklike vermoëns van diepgaande verskille tussen verbandhoudende beleidspublikasies, die weermag se ontwikkelingsuitkomste, en die huidige eise van die Suid-Afrikaanse veiligheidsomgewing. Dit wil voorkom asof daar ernstige integrasie-leemtes is, komende hoofsaaklik vanuit die politieke omgewing; verder is die gewapende magte se kwaliteit onder druk, hoofsaaklik vanweë die weermag se onvermoë om ‘n strategie te formuleer wat gelyktydig aanvaarbaar, geskik en uitvoerbaar is. Die gewapende magte mag dalk vaardig genoeg wees om hul huidige (vredestydse) take te verrig, maar dit is te betwyfel of hulle suksesvol sal wees in die voer van die tipe operasies soos beleid voorgeskryf. Ter opsomming dui die studie aan dat die groot verskille tussen verdedigingsbeleid, militêre vermoëns en werklike operasionel eise voor die deur van ‘n gebrek aan doelmatige aanpassing by hulpbrontekorte en operasionele werklikhede gelê kan word. Die tesis maak dus die gevolgtrekking dat die weermag grootliks onsuksesvol was om aan die vereistes van verdedigingsbeleid te voldoen, ongeag die feit dat verdedigingsbeleid op sigself verouderderd en/of ontoepaslik binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks mag wees; verder, dat militêre effektiwiteit ter voldoening aan huidige operasionele eise tans ook verdag is. Ten slotte is die weermag se tweeslagtige organisasiekultuur moontlik die belangrikste oorsaak van die neiging na die versaking van verdediging se grondwetlike mandaat.
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Monyai, Priscilla B. „Social policy and the state in South Africa: pathways for human capability development“. Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007230.
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The main focus of this thesis is the challenges that are facing social policy development and implementation in South Africa in relation to the enhancement of human capability. The study adopted a historical approach to assess the model of social policy in South Africa and identified that social relations of domination inherited from the apartheid era continuing to produce inequalities in opportunities. Social policy under the democratic government has not managed to address social inequalities and the main drivers of poverty in the form of income poverty, asset poverty and capability poverty which are the underlying factors reproducing deprivation and destitution of the majority of the population Although South Africa prides itself of a stable democracy, social inequalities continue to undermine the benefits of social citizenship because political participation in the midst of unequal access to economic and social resources undermine the value of citizenship. Also, inequalities in the distribution of income and wealth, and in the control of economic production undermine political equality which is an ethic upon which social rights are predicated. As a result, state interventions are lacking inherent potential to build human capability for people to live the life that they have reason to value. The paradox of social policy in South Africa is that the majority of those who are marginalised are those who were excluded by the apartheid regime even though state intervention is claimed to be targeting them. This points to the failure of incremental equalisation of opportunities within a context of stark social inequities. It is also an indication that the economic growth path delivered by the political transition is working to reinforce the inherited legacy of deprivation and it is avoiding questions related to the structural nature of poverty and inequalities. Therefore, a transformative social policy is an imperative for South Africa. Such a framework of social policy should be premised upon a notion of human security in order to built human capability. Human security focuses on the security of individuals and communities to strengthen human development. It emphasises on civil, political and socioeconomic rights for individual citizens to participate fully in the process of governance. Although this thesis is a case study of social policy in South Africa, it can be used to appreciate the role of social policy in other developing countries, particularly the impact of political decision making on social distribution. Poverty and social inequalities are growing problems in developing countries and so is the importance of putting these problems under the spotlight for political attention.
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Akdag, Yavuz. „Cyber Deterrence against Cyberwar between the United States and China: A Power Transition Theory Perspective“. Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6993.
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In the last three decades, states and societies have increasingly been connected to each other through Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) such as satellites and the Internet, thus expanding the sphere of influence of cyberspace. While offering numerous economic and security benefits, this increased global connectivity also poses various security challenges and threats at the national and international level. In particular, the threat of cyberwar has become one of the top national security issues in both the United States and China, as reflected in an increasing number of cyber disputes between the two nations recently. In the wake of this emerging threat, scholars have turned to the classical deterrence strategies of Cold War to counter these new challenges, inspiring the development of cyber deterrence theory.
However, numerous pundits in the cyber deterrence literature doubt the efficacy of cyber deterrence in hindering cyberwar. What theory or approach can offer the best explanatory framework for understanding the efficacy of cyber deterrence in forestalling cyberwar, specifically between the U.S. and China, is a question that remains unanswered. This study explores the effectiveness of cyber deterrence outside the bounds of classical deterrence and technological vulnerabilities in cyber systems and networks, and, then, offers Power Transition Theory (PTT) as an alternative approach to understanding whether cyber deterrence in the context of cyberwar between the rival antagonists can be successful. It answers the question of how PTT can allow us to better understand the effectiveness of cyber deterrence in preventing cyberwar between the United States and China. A cyber application of PTT argues that cyber deterrence is largely an ineffective approach to preventing potential cyberwar between the U.S. and China, particularly if the latter achieves parity in offensive cyberwar capability with the former while concurrently remaining dissatisfied with the status quo in cyberspace.
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Hinkle, Rachael K. „Does Advocacy Matter? Examining the Impact of Attorney Expertise in Federal Courts“. Connect to Online Resource-OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=toledo1196706788.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Toledo, 2007.Typescript. "Submitted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for The Master of Arts in Political Science." "A thesis entitled"--at head of title. Bibliography: leaves 50-55.
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Abdali, Saba. „Flyktens inverkan på kvinnors liv : En kvalitativ studie om hur kvinnliga flyktingar upplever att de kan forma sina liv i den svenska staten“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352361.
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The aim of this study is to examine how female refugees in Sweden experience that their escape and arrival to Sweden have formed their lives and wellbeing. The study seeks to understand how several women live their lives in relation to equality, discrimination and justice within the Swedish territorial borders. This is done with the Capability Approach by Martha C Nussbaum where she uses a list of universal values that should be central to women in every country, as a method of comparing how fair women live. I chose to interview six women who have fled to Sweden as refugees during the past 10 years, in order to see if the Capability Approach applies to them. I have also used Nancy Frasers theory of the scales of justice in my thesis. Fraser mentions three-dimensional politics where the inclusion of redistribution, recognition and representation should be achieved to create justice for women. The result showed that the women lack central capabilities such as the right to not being discriminated based on their ethnicity or religion, and the right to experience emotional development that is not bothered by traumatic experiences or unhealthy relationships. Furthermore, these women do not have the right to participate in political decisions that affect and shape their lives. The result in relation to Fraser’s theory indicates that these women have a limited freedom in Sweden. According to Fraser, there has to be an integration of a redistribution of resources, recognition, and a representation in Swedish politics, which benefit female refugees.
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Binet, Laura. „Rule of law: a tool for security implementation in post-war contexts : An analysis of the EU’s engagement in Kosovo through the assessment of the political capability of EULEX“. Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-44337.
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Corruption and low judicial structures are two downsides that post-conflict reconstruction countries are experiencing when declaring independence. In the case of Kosovo, at the eve of its unilateral independence, there were no definite objectives launched by neighboring countries in order to counter the flaws introduced by the new actuality of things. The EULEX mission launched the same year of Kosovo’s independence is often seen as a major step by the EU in order to implement security in a post-war context, through the introduction of a tool said to help to strengthen policies: the rule of law. However, it has been seen that it is not the first time the EU is getting involved in such missions under such circumstances, leaving individuals speculating on the true intentions of the EU within its foreign policy. This research aims at analyzing the EU engagement in Kosovo from a rationalist lens, with the help of the theory of political and democratic capabilities introduced by March & Olsen in 1995. The research question being: ‘How and to what extent is the EU developing political capabilities to implement security in post-war countries?’, it is intending on assessing if EULEX Kosovo has developed political capabilities and the extent of it, in order to determinate the commitment of the EU to establish security in the country.
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Özel, Emre. „On human rights in the context of economic thought : an alternative approach throug the idea of public use of reason“. Thesis, Strasbourg, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016STRAB006/document.
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La thèse a pour objectif de développer une relation alternative entre les droits de l’Homme et l’économie. A cette fin est entreprise une analyse approfondie de l’idée d’usage public de la raison. Les concepts fondamentaux de l’économie politique, tels que la société civile et l’État, sont ainsi revisités dans un cadre conceptuel qui est, à l’origine, fondé sur la notion de majorité chez Kant, mais qui, dans le même mouvement, va au-delà de cette notion pour rendre compte du pluralisme de la société civileThe dissertation attempts to account for an alternative connection between human rights and economics. It suggests that this connection involves a comprehensive analysis of the idea of public use of reason. The fundamental concepts of political economy, such as civil society and state, are then re-visited within a conceptual framework which is originally based on Kant’s notion of becoming mature, but at the same time, surpassing it in the extent of the pluralistic society
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Gill, Glenda A. „Will a twenty-first century logistics management system improve Federal Emergency Management Agency's capability to deliver supplies to critical areas, during future catastrophic disaster relief operations?“ Fort Leavenworth, KS : US Army Command and General Staff College, 2007. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA471327.
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Thesis (M. of Military Art and Science)--U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2007."A thesis presented to the Faculty of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Military Art and Science, General Studies." Title from cover page of PDF file (viewed: May 29, 2008).
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Nguyen, Triet M. „"Little Consideration... to Preparing Vietnamese Forces for Counterinsurgency Warfare"? History, Organization, Training, and Combat Capability of the RVNAF, 1955-1963“. Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23126.
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This dissertation is a focused analysis of the origins, organization, training, politics, and combat capability of the Army of the Republic of Viet Nam (ARVN) from 1954 to 1963, the leading military instrument in the national counterinsurgency plan of the government of the Republic of Viet Nam (RVN). Other military and paramilitary forces that complemented the army in the ground war included the Viet Nam Marine Corps (VNMC), the Civil Guard (CG), the Self-Defense Corps (SDC) and the Civil Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) which was composed mainly of the indigenous populations in the Central Highlands of South Vietnam. At sea and in the air, the Viet Nam Air Force (VNAF) and the Viet Nam Navy (VNN) provided additional layers of tactical, strategic and logistical support to the military and paramilitary forces. Together, these forces formed the Republic of Viet Nam Armed Forces (RVNAF) designed to counter the communist insurgency plaguing the RVN. This thesis argues the following. First, the origin of the ARVN was rooted in the French Indochina War (1946-1954). Second, the ARVN was an amalgamation of political and military forces born from a revolution that encompassed three overlapping wars: a war of independence between the Vietnamese and the French; a civil war between the Vietnamese of diverse social and political backgrounds; and a proxy war as global superpowers and regional powers backed their own Vietnamese allies who, in turn, exploited their foreign supporters for their own purposes. Lastly, the ARVN failed not because it was organized, equipped, and trained for conventional instead of counterinsurgency warfare. Rather, it failed to assess, adjust, and adapt its strategy and tactics quickly enough to meet the war’s changing circumstances. The ARVN’s slowness to react resulted from its own institutional weaknesses, military and political problems that were beyond its control, and the powerful and dangerous enemies it faced. The People’s Army of Viet Nam (PAVN) and the People’s Liberation Armed Forces (PLAF) were formidable adversaries. Not duplicated in any other post-colonial Third World country and led by an experienced and politically tested leadership, the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam (DRVN) and the National Front for the Liberation of Southern Viet Nam (NFLSVN) exploited RVN failures effectively. Hypothetically, there was no guarantee that had the US dispatched land forces into Cambodia and Laos or invaded North Vietnam that the DRVN and NFLSVN would have quit attacking the RVN. The French Far East Expeditionary Corps (FFEEC)’ occupation of the Red River Delta did not bring peace to Cochinchina, only a military stalemate between it and the Vietnamese Liberation Army (VLA). Worse yet, a US invasion potentially would have unnerved the People’s Republic of China (PRC) which might have sent the PLAF to fight the US in Vietnam as it had in Korea. Inevitably, such unilateral military action would certainly provoke fierce criticism and opposition amongst the American public at home and allies abroad. At best, the war’s expansion might have bought a little more time for the RVN but it could never guarantee South Vietnam’s survival. Ultimately, RVN’s seemingly endless political, military, and social problems had to be resolved by South Vietnam’s political leaders, military commanders, and people but only in the absence of constant PAVN and PLAF attempts to destroy whatever minimal progress RVN made politically, militarily, and socially. The RVN was plagued by many problems and the DRVN and NFLSVN, unquestionably, were amongst those problems.
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Miller, Banks P. „State Success in State Supreme Courts: Judges, Litigants and State Solicitors“. Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1243004656.
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Wallenburg, Paula. „Ubåtsjaktförmågans utveckling på sjöoperativ helikopter : En studie av bakomliggande drivkrafter“. Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-7507.
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The aim of the present study is to explain what where the driving forces behind the development of antisubmarine warfare skill on Swedish sea operational helicopters during the time 1980-92. The study is done by using two different perspective, based on Graham Allison scientific explanation models found in his book Essence of Decision. In the study the perspectives are named “rational actor” and “governmental politics”. The purpose is to investigate if respective model can explain the development of antisubmarine warfare skill on Swedish helicopters during the previously mentioned timeframe. The result of the study is that by using the rational actor perspective the development of anti submarine warfare can be explained in a large extent. The study proves that there were a well-defined threat and that consensus was that this threat would be met i.e. with anti submarine warfare resources. It cannot be demonstrated that the helicopter and the development of its anti submarine warfare capability was the single most suitable option. By using the model governmental politics, the development is not significantly explained because no internal differences of large extent have been demonstrated. The model contributes rather to illuminate the actors and factors that shaped their actions. If the models are used as complement to each other a wider perspective of what has happened is shown, but the explanation is not strengthened.Syftet med uppsatsen är att studera de drivkrafter som låg bakom utvecklingen av den svenska ubåtsjaktförmågan på sjöoperativ helikopter under tidsperioden 1980-92. Studien genomförs med hjälp av två perspektiv vilka är baserade på Graham Allisons samhällsvetenskapliga modeller, och dennes bok Essence of Decision. I arbetet benämns perspektiven rationell aktörsmodell respektive maktspelsmodell. Ambitionen är att undersöka om respektive modell kan förklara utvecklingen av ubåtsjaktförmågan på sjöoperativ helikopter under nämnda period. Resultatet av studien är att med hjälp av den rationella aktörsmodellen kan bakomliggande drivkrafter till utvecklingen av ubåtsjaktförmågan i stor utsträckning påvisas. Studien påvisar att det fanns ett väl definierat hot samt att enighet rådde att detta hot skulle bemötas, d.v.s. med ubåtsjaktresurser. Dock kan inte påvisas att helikopter och utvecklingen av dess ubåtsjaktförmåga var det enskilt lämpligaste alternativet. Med hjälp av maktspelsmodellen kan orsakerna till utvecklingen inte nämnvärt förklaras eftersom inget maktspel av större omfattning har påvisats. Den senare modellen bidrar snarare till att belysa aktörer och faktorer som formade deras agerande. Nyttjar man modellerna som komplement till varandra ges en bredare bild av skeendet men förklaringen av bakomliggande faktorer stärks inte.
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Tirelli, Andrew. „Exploring the Relationship between Organizational Learning Capability, Trust, and Politics: An Empirical Study“. Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20104.
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A lack of research surrounding the contextual factors that either facilitate or impede the progress of developing learning capabilities in organizations suggests that researchers have yet to examine such issues. Indeed, despite a plethora of information on the trust, politics, and learning constructs, researchers have yet to explore these variables in conjunction with one another. While literature regarding organizational learning has grown substantially over the last decade, studies continue to investigate a common set of established factors that support the development of this practise. This study will explore the complex relationships between trust, politics, and learning, as well as the influence on building employee commitment and reducing turnover intentions. Results from the study provide the basis for the development of an integrative framework that illustrates how contextual factors influence organizational learning capability and in turn, the effects that developing learning capability can have on other organizational processes.
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Soroka, Stuart (Stuart Neil) Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. „Popular culture and politics: exploring the agenda-setting capability of major motion pictures“. Ottawa, 1994.
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Tinonin, Cecilia <1981>. „Determinants of child undernutrition in India. A micro-case study to operationalize the Capability Approach“. Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/4009/.
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The present research aims at shedding light on the demanding puzzle characterizing the issue of child undernutrition in India. Indeed, the so called ‘Indian development paradox’ identifies the phenomenon according to which higher level of income per capita is recorded alongside a lethargic reduction in the proportion of underweight children aged below three years. Thus, in the time period occurring from 2000 to 2005, real Gross Domestic Production per capita has annually grown at 5.4%, whereas the proportion of children who are underweight has declined from 47% to 46%, a mere one point percent. Such trend opens up the space for discussing the traditionally assumed linkage between income-poverty and undernutrition as well as food intervention as the main focus of policies designed to fight child hunger. Also, it unlocks doors for evaluating the role of an alternative economic approach aiming at explaining undernutrition, such as the Capability Approach. The Capability Approach argues for widening the informational basis to account not only for resources, but also for variables related to liberties, opportunities and autonomy in pursuing what individuals value.The econometric analysis highlights the relevance of including behavioral factors when explaining child undernutrition. In particular, the ability of the mother to move freely in the community without the need of asking permission to her husband or mother-in-law is statistically significant when included in the model, which accounts also for confounding traditional variables, such as economic wealth and food security. Also, focusing on agency, results indicates the necessity of measuring autonomy in different domains and the need of improving the measurement scale for agency data, especially with regards the domain of household duties. Finally, future research is required to investigate policy venues for increasing agency in women and in the communities they live in as viable strategy for reducing the plague of child undernutrition in India.
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Baum, Christopher J. „Flying Under the Radar: the Politics of Low-visibility Retrenchment. A Case Study Involving the United Kingdom and the Federal Republic of Germany“. Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:103469.
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Thesis advisor: Kenji HayaoThis paper discusses the forces driving variation in the success of state pension system retrenchment. Two case studies are presented: the United Kingdom’s largely successful effort in 1986, and Germany’s less than stellar effort in 2001. After examining the general impact of institutional effects, ideology, path dependency, and demographic pressures on retrenchment, the importance of these factors in each country is discussed. These two countries are particularly enlightening due to their prototypical natures and opposing democratic traditions. One objective of this paper is to explain an unexpected outcome: the successful retrenchment produced in a low-pressure environment in the U.K., and ineffective reform in Germany in a high-pressure environment. This discussion frames the factors that determine successful retrenchment as such: whether a government has the ‘will,’ or motive, to retrench, whether it has the capability to do so, and whether it has the awareness and acumen to implement low-visibility strategies. I find that low-visibilities are extremely important to success in this area, and due to the nature of pension policy, the implications of this conclusion may be applicable to other policy-making challenges
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: College Honors Program
Discipline: Political Science Honors Program
Discipline: Political Science
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Annerberg, Elin. „Good Governance i arbetet med mäns våld mot kvinnor i Sverige : En idéanalys av hur offentliga aktörer upplever sitt arbete med mäns våld mot kvinnor“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444076.
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Men's violence against women is a widespread problem in society and has been recognized as a violation of the human rights. To prevent and fight men's violence against women and to give them the support they need, the society and public actors have an important role to play. Sweden has a self-image of being one of the most equal and developed countries in the world. Despite this, Sweden has received criticism for its handling of men's violence against women, and the prevalence of violence is, according to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW Committee), relatively high. The aim of this thesis is to investigate how chosen actors within the Swedish Public administration perceive their work regarding men’s violence against women and how it might be understood with the use of the normative theory “Good governance”. The thesis is focused on examining how the public actors experience their work through capacity, capability, transparency, as well as accountability. To examine this subject, qualitative interviews are made with representants from five different public actors, and where an idea analysis is applied to distinguish how the respondents perceive their work against men’s violence against women. The public actors, which are represented in the thesis: Länsstyrelsen, Nationell centrum för kvinnofrid (NCK), Polismyndigheten, Kriscentrum för kvinnor i Göteborgs Stad och Jämställdhetsmyndigheten. The results show that the public actors believe that there are areas of improvement in their work regarding men's violence against women. From a good governance perspective, capacity and capability must increase, and transparency, accountability and cooperation must improve for the work to live up to the requirements of good governance.Mäns våld mot kvinnor är ett utbrett samhällsproblem och har erkänts som en kränkning av de mänskliga rättigheterna. För att förebygga och bekämpa mäns våld mot kvinnor och ge kvinnorna det stöd de behöver har samhället och de offentliga aktörerna viktiga roller. Sverige har en självbild av att vara ett av världens mest jämställda och utvecklade länder. Trots detta har Sverige fått kritik för sitt arbete med mäns våld mot kvinnor och förekomsten av våldet är enligt FN:s kvinnokommitté fortfarande relativt hög. Uppsatsens syfte är därför att undersöka hur utvalda aktörer inom den svenska offentliga förvaltningen upplever sitt arbete med mäns våld mot kvinnor och hur det kan förstås utifrån den normativa teorin good governance. Uppsatsen avgränsas till att undersöka hur aktörerna upplever sitt arbete utifrån kapacitet och kompetens, transparens samt ansvar. För att genomföra undersökningen används kvalitativa intervjuer med representanter från fem olika offentliga aktörer, där en idéanalys tillämpas för att urskilja hur respondenterna upplever sitt arbete med mäns våld mot kvinnor. De offentliga aktörer som representeras i uppsatsen är Länsstyrelsen, Nationellt centrum för kvinnofrid (NCK), Polismyndigheten, Kriscentrum för kvinnor i Göteborgs Stad och Jämställdhetsmyndigheten. I uppsatsen dras slutsatsen att aktörerna upplever att det finns brister och förbättringsområden i deras arbete med mäns våld mot kvinnor. Ur ett good governance perspektiv behöver kunskap och kapacitet höjas och transparens, ansvarsfördelning och samverkan bli tydligare för att arbetet ska leva upp till kraven om vad som är en god samhällsstyrning.
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Blomberg, Megan. „How do Democracies Address Malnutrition?: A Synthetic Theory to Explain Brazil and Peru’s Success“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2203.
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The World Health Organization states that 462 million adults are considered underweight, and malnutrition accounts for almost 50% of deaths for children under the age of 5. Economic, political, and medical consequences of malnutrition are severe for individuals, families, countries, and the world. The objective of this thesis is to develop a causal theory to ending malnutrition. This thesis undertakes a comparative case study analysis of Peru and Brazil to outline what factors led to their success. It synthesizes two bodies of political science literature on social movements and development to argue for the importance of civil society and social welfare policy implementation. It concludes that in democracies, a link between civil society and the state is crucial to implement necessary policies and programs that combat malnutrition. The most important of these policies are related to healthcare, maternal education, child education, and food security.
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Scholz, Fernando. „Implicações da dissuasão nuclear como capacidade de poder : o caso indiano“. reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/132900.
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O presente trabalho desenvolve o tema da dissuasão nuclear, partindo de uma discussão teórica sobre alguns conceitos desenvolvidos pela escola neorrealista de Relações Internacionais. Especificamente entra em consideração a obra de Kenneth Waltz e de John Mearsheimer, com vistas à elucidação de termos como poder, polaridade e capacidade nuclear. Num segundo momento, para fazer um contraponto à escola neorrealista, são abordados autores dos Estudos Estratégicos, com destaque para Bernard Brodie, Thomas Schelling, Lawrence Freedman, Colin Gray e Eugenio Diniz. Procura-se retratar, entre outros fatores, a evolução do pensamento estratégico nuclear ao longo da Guerra Fria. O trabalho também é permeado por questões relacionadas com uma elaborada explanação do que vem a ser dissuasão nuclear, aqui entendida como capacidade de poder. Embora grande parte do esforço desse trabalho esteja voltada para questões de cunho teórico, o refinamento da literatura permite, inerentemente, que o debate se estenda para o campo prático/político. Verificar quais são os pré-requisitos para um país ser considerado uma potência nuclear, bem como o significado e as implicações práticas disso tudo, permeiam grande parte da presente pesquisa. Acima de tudo, cabe verificar quem a Índia é capaz de dissuadir com as suas forças estratégicas/nucleares. Após a apresentação de um breve panorama securitário do subcontinente indiano, para que se tenha uma maior e melhor compreensão do que levou a Índia a se nuclearizar, o capítulo final desenvolve o tópico das implicações da dissuasão nuclear como capacidade de poder, aplicado ao caso indiano.This dissertation deals with the topic of nuclear deterrence and takes as its starting point a theoretical discussion of some of the concepts presented by the neorealist school of International Relations. In particular, this paper focuses on the work of Kenneth Waltz and John Mearsheimer, explaining terms like power, polarity and nuclear capacity. Secondly, in order to provide a kind of foil or counterpoint to the neorealist school, this dissertation presents the views of various authors from the field of Strategic Studies, particularly Bernard Brodie, Thomas Schelling, Lawrence Freedman, Colin Gray and Eugenio Diniz. Among other things, the investigation traces the evolution of nuclear strategic theory during the period of the Cold War. The dissertation also deals with issues related to the meaning of nuclear deterrence, seen here as power capability. Although the main focus of this research has to do with theoretical matters, the literature that was taken into consideration also allows one to branch out into the more practical field of politics. Thus, a good deal of the research centers on the prerequisites that have to be met before a nation can be considered a nuclear power and the meaning and practical implications of this. Above all, what needs clarification is whom or which countries India is able to deter with the nuclear or strategic power at its disposal. Therefore, after a brief presentation of the security landscape of the Indian subcontinent, which will allow one to gauge why India decided to go nuclear, the last chapter of this dissertation takes up the implications of nuclear deterrence as power capability, as it applies to India.
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Flachs, Andrew. „Female Genital Cutting, The Veil, and Democracy: Navigating Cultural Politics in Human Rights Discourse“. Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1306508531.
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Murray, Nicole Anne. „Who gets their hands 'dirty' in the knowledge society? Training for the skilled trades in New Zealand“. Lincoln University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1714.
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The vision of New Zealand as a 'knowledge society' is a mantra that has opened the twenty-first century. Underpinning any 'knowledge society', however; are people who turn resources into concrete products and who build, maintain and service the technological and social infrastructure essential to society. This thesis examines the skilled trades and, in particular, how people are trained for those trades. Industry training is a crucial component of the wealth-generating capabilities of New Zealand. It is also an essential part of the way that many young people make the transition from school to work and from adolescence to adulthood. The means of training tradespeople has moved over the years from the rigid and prescriptive apprenticeship system, to the more voluntaristic, industry-led 'industry training' strategy, introduced following the Industry Training Act 1992. Regardless of the system used to organise training, however, there have been long-standing problems in New Zealand with achieving the optimum number of skilled workers, possessing the correct 'mix' of skills required. In this research, based upon semi-structured interviews with industry training stakeholders four industry case studies, policy content analysis and an in-depth examination of the Modem Apprenticeships scheme, I ask three key questions. First, what are the things that, as a country, we could or should reasonably expect a 'good' industry training system to contribute to? These may be things like: an adequate supply of appropriately skilled workers, the ability to upskill or reskill these workers as needed, clear transition routes for young people, lifelong learning opportunities, equity goals and foundation skills. Second, I ask how the current system performs against these criteria. The short answer is that the performance is 'patchy'. There are dire skill shortages in many areas. While opportunities for workplace upskilling, reskilling or 'lifelong learning' are available, I argue that they are not yet cemented into a 'training culture'. Workplace-based learning is an important transition route for a small percentage of our young people but the favoured route is some form of tertiary education, which may be an expensive and not necessarily relevant option. Third, I ask why the performance of New Zealand's industry training system is often less than desirable. My argument is that the problems and solutions thereof, of skill formation in New Zealand have been understood largely in terms of the supply-side. That is, we have either critiqued, or looked to reform, whatever system has been in place to train skilled workers. The inadequacy of this approach is evident from weaknesses in the ability of either the prescriptive apprenticeship system or the voluntaristic industry training strategy to deliver an appropriately skilled workforce. Thus, I also examine the demand side of skill formation: the wider influences that impact on employers' training decisions. Training decisions made by individual employers, the aggregation of which represent the level and quality of training for New Zealand as a whole, are influenced by a plethora of factors. At the micro level of the employer or firm, I explore barriers to training and some of the constraints to the demand for skills. I then examine broader influences, such as the changing shape of the workforce, labour market regulation and wider economic factors, all of which impact on training levels.
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FUSCALDO, MARCO. „ESSAYS ON AGEING, HEALTH AND DISABILITY IN ITALY“. Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1494.
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La tesi è una raccolta di tre saggi sul processo di invecchiamento, salute e disabilità in Italia. Il primo capitolo esplora la relazione tra gli indicatori di salute. Il secondo guarda all'associazione tra condizioni di cattiva salute e la qualità del lavoro in un'ottica multidimensionale e di genere. Infine il terzo studia la disabilità in Italia con l'ausilio del capability approach.The thesis is a collection of three essays on ageing, health and disability for Italy. The first chapter explores the complex structure of un-health among older people in Italy. The second investigates the connection of un-health and quality of work by adopting a multidimensional view and a gender perspective. The third explores disability by adopting the capability approach.
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Bolks, Sean Michael. „Security policy choices: Foreign policy behavior as a function of threat, capability and governmental structure“. Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/19356.
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This study presents a theoretical model of state security policy choice under varying conditions of external threat and domestic political competition. This model specifies a set of conditions associated with state capability, governmental structure and external threat that determine the levels and patterns of state resource allocation and redistribution. Domestic and international arenas are linked into an inclusive political environment. As politics is a reflection of competition for resources, all policy choices reflect decisions to allocate and distribute resources for a variety of goals. Given this interaction of domestic and international political spheres in the resource tradeoff dynamic, three issue areas are emphasized: national security, the maintenance of political position, and domestic political requirements. Instead of examining policy behavior from a static perspective, the model addresses changing conditions and how these conditions influence resource allocation and policy behavior.
The model produces a number of expectations about state security behavior. In particular, external threat is hypothesized to increase resource allocation for security policies as well as increase cohesion within states. Conversely, as threat diminishes, domestic institutional factors return to prominence. Competition for the domestic allocation of resources increases. The validity of the model's expectations is assessed through the empirical examination of military expenditure levels, the formation of military alliances and foreign policy substitution efforts. Annual data (1816--1985) for all states in the international system is used in evaluation. A number of statistical tests, particularly maximum likelihood and cross-sectional time series techniques, are applied to the theoretical expectations.
The model receives a great deal of empirical support. States do react to external threat and allocate resources for the development of security policy. As threats dissipate, domestic political preferences arise forcing resources to be reprioritized across the issue areas. Five principle findings emerge from the various analyses: (1) security policy is rarely static as decision-making environments are often in a state of flux; (2) threat motivates security policy; (3) internal political structures influence through institutional and resource allocation constraints; (4) the domestic stability of a state affects its security behavior; and (5) time and evolution of the international system influence individual state security.
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Yi-Ting, Chen, und 陳亦霆. „A Study on the Relationship Among the Political Instability, Military Capability and Foreign Direct Investment“. Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/39521492950174262756.
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碩士國防大學
財務管理學系
104
Numerous scholars have examined how political instability negatively affects foreign direct investment. However, few studies have explored what existing policies can be amended or improved to reduce the negative influence of political instability on foreign direct investment.This study examines the effects of political instability on Foreign direct investment with a sample of 146 countries for the period 2002-2014. The empirical results of the study shows that foreign investors are willing to invest funds in the countries with more political stable. Military capability factor is introduced in the model which empirical results showed that strengthening the military capability of a country can mitigate the negative influence of political instability on foreign direct investment.
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Sifolo, Ntandazo. „Assessing the role and capability of the peace and security council of the African Union in bringing about peace in Africa : a case study of Burundi and Sudan“. Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/3026.
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This thesis examines the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union (AU) in light of the continental challenges of peace and security. It explores the prospects for the success of the PSC in its endeavours. The study’s central argument is that the PSC’s ability to successfully tackle peace and security challenges depends greatly on the cooperation of the fifteen members of the PSC as well as between the fifty-three African Union members and the international community at large, including the United Nations. This hypothesis is backed by the argument that although the PSC may be a practical translation of the theoretical statement that ‘African problems need African solutions’, the reality is that the PSC cannot achieve such an ambitious objective alone. The PSC’s enthusiasm should be bolstered by the requisite assistance from the international arena. The international community, especially the major players or countries in the international political spectrum, are challenged to work together with the PSC in its quest for African peace and security. The members of the international community are called upon to discontinue their parallel peace and security initiatives in Africa in favour of supporting and strengthening the PSC’s ongoing initiatives.
Another critical point raised in the study is that the UN’s brief to cultivate world peace and security obliges it to buttress the PSC’s initiatives, the home-grown regional solutions to Africa’s inherent peace and security challenges. This support should include the UN’s engagement at all levels with the newly created African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). Indeed, the moral challenge for the international community is to support Africa’s already demonstrated
political will with the necessary assistance. This study advocates political and economic cooperation, resource mobilisation and provision of the relevant expertise.
The validity of the study’s hypothesis has been tested and confirmed by means of a deeper inquiry into the PSC’s normal business conduct, and a comparative analysis of the case studies relating to the PSC’s interventions in Burundi and in Sudan’s Darfur region. This study of those interventions has illuminated the PSC’s opportunities and challenges: on the one hand, it has revealed that the PSC’s authority and legitimacy are not challenged, at least in Africa. On the other hand, however, it has lent support to the thesis that the PSC cannot go it alone - a conclusion that has encouraged the entire AU to find ways of challenging the UN to own up to its obligations. The PSC has made noteworthy strides in assisting to streamline and coordinate the support and engagement it receives from the international community.
The major limitation of the study is that it was conducted before other PSC support structures (the African Standby Force and the Continental Early Warning System) were fully operational. The study thus could not assess the full potential of the PSC. Nonetheless, the study has sought to identify potential or latent challenges which could hamper the PSC’s success, whether its support structures are fully operational or not. In the end, the study recommends greater coordination and cooperation between the PSC and major international actors including the UN.Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2010.
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Kurstak, Daniel. „The Capabilities Approach as a Foundation for an Ethical-Political Theory of the Good“. Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/8509.
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L’approche des capabilités a été caractérisée par un développement fulgurant au cours des vingt-cinq dernières années. Bien que formulée à l’origine par Amartya Sen, détenteur du Prix Nobel en économie, Martha Nussbaum reprit cette approche dans le but de s’en servir comme fondation pour une théorie éthico-politique intégrale du bien. Cependant, la version de Nussbaum s’avéra particulièrement vulnérable à plusieurs critiques importantes, mettant sérieusement en doute son efficacité globale. À la lumière de ces faits, cette thèse vise à évaluer la pertinence théorique et pratique de l’approche des capabilités de Nussbaum, en examinant trois groupes de critiques particulièrement percutantes formulées à son encontre.The capabilities approach has seen significant development over the past quarter century, branching out into a variety of fields and directions. Originally developed by Nobel Prize Laureate Amartya Sen, Martha Nussbaum has sought to extend this approach beyond its mainly instrumental role into a tangible foundation for a full-fledged ethical-political theory of the good. However, this move has attracted a great number of criticisms levelled against Nussbaum’s specific version of the capabilities approach. In this thesis, I identify three main groups of observations under which said criticisms can be classified, and assess their respective strength and tenability.
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Lemay, Marie-Pier. „Perspectives féministes sur les préférences adaptatives“. Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/18792.
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