Bücher: „Political capability“

1

Matlary, Janne Haaland, und Magnus Petersson. NATO's European Allies: Military Capability and Political Will. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.

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2

Nussbaum, Martha Craven. Nature, function, and capability: Aristotle on political distribution. Helsinki, Finland: World Institute for Development Economics Research of the United Nations University, 1987.

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3

The capability approach and the praxis of development. Houndmills, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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4

Andrews, Matt. Building State Capability: Evidence, Analysis, Action. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2017.

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5

Ricoeur, Rawls, and capability justice: Civic phronesis and equality. New York: Continuum, 2012.

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6

Capability of elected women representatives on gender issues in grassroots governance. New Delhi: Concept Pub. Co., 2011.

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7

Bourgoing, Jean-François. L'état actuel de l'Espagne (Septembre 1779): A French diplomat's report to his government about the social, economic, and political situation and military capability of Spain in 1779. Lewiston, New York: The Edwin Mellen Press, 2013.

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8

Ludra, Kuldip S. Pakistan: India's bete noire : a critical analysis of Pakistan's capability and intentions. Chandigarh: Thakur Kuldip S. Ludra, 1999.

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9

Levrat, Nicolas, und Pierre Willa. Actors and models: Assessing the European Union's external capability and influence. Genève: Institut européen de l'Université de Genève, 2001.

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10

Buchan, Glenn C. The impact of the revolution in military affairs on developing states' military capability. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 1995.

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11

Baybakova, Larisa. In search of a modern concept of US foreign policy of the late XIX-early XX century. ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1071748.

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The monograph of the Russian American historian is devoted to a number of conceptual problems of US foreign policy in the period of early globalization (late XIX-early XX century). The significance of the socio-economic factor is reinterpreted from the standpoint of modern theory and methodology; the role of the ideology used by the political elite to justify American expansion is traced. New interpretations of the causes and consequences of the Spanish-American war of 1898 are given: for the first time, the place of the "yellow" press in inciting anti-Spanish sentiment among ordinary Americans is shown in detail as one of the first manifestations of successful manipulation of public opinion; the level of combat capability of the American army, which achieved victory over a weaker enemy, but was unprepared to conduct an armed struggle for achieving geopolitical interests with leading European powers, is critically assessed. The archival material, first introduced into scientific circulation, traces the mediation activities of President Roosevelt As the first successful experience in the peaceful settlement of regional conflicts, and also shows the search by top officials for a new world order under the auspices of the United States, with an emphasis on the use of the principles of international arbitration. It is addressed to researchers, teachers, and students interested in the history of the United States.

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12

Office, General Accounting. Foreign assistance: Disaster recovery program addressed intended purposes, but USAID needs greater flexibility to improve its response capability : report to congressional committees. Washington, D.C: U.S. General Accounting Office, 2002.

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13

Levy, Brian, Robert Cameron und Vinothan Naidoo. Context and Capability. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198824053.003.0007.

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This chapter explores how context influences bureaucracy. Bureaucratic behaviour and performance are interpreted as endogenous, shaped by decisions of political elites as to whether to direct their efforts towards providing public services or towards more narrowly political or private purposes. The chapter distinguishes among three broad contextual differences between the Western Cape and Eastern Cape—socio-economic, political, and institutional. It identifies the causal mechanisms through which these variables exert their influence, distinguishing between demand-side and supply-side influences. In the Eastern Cape, the consequence of an initially weak context is a low-level equilibrium trap in which incentives transmitted from the political to the bureaucratic levels reinforce factionalized loyalty within multiple patronage networks. By contrast, in the Western Cape, both demand-side and supply-side contextual variables support public service provision; however, weaknesses in ‘soft governance’ limit the positive impact.

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14

Pritchett, Lant, Matt Andrews und Michael Woolcock. Building State Capability: Evidence, Analysis, Action. Oxford University Press, 2017.

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15

Pritchett, Lant, Matt Andrews und Michael Woolcock. Building State Capability: Evidence, Analysis, Action. Oxford University Press, 2019.

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16

Negotiating Capability and Diaspora: A Philosophical Politics. Lexington Books/Fortress Academic, 2013.

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17

Khasnabish, Ashmita. Negotiating Capability and Diaspora: A Philosophical Politics. Lexington Books/Fortress Academic, 2015.

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18

Robeyns, Ingrid. Wellbeing, Freedom and Social Justice: The Capability Approach Re-Examined. Open Book Publishers, 2017.

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19

(Editor), Severine Deneulin, Mathias Nebel (Editor) und Nicholas Sagovsky (Editor), Hrsg. Transforming Unjust Structures: The Capability Approach (Library of Ethics and Applied Philosophy). Springer, 2006.

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20

Luhtakallio, Eeva, und Nina Eliasoph. Ethnography of Politics and Political Communication. Herausgegeben von Kate Kenski und Kathleen Hall Jamieson. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199793471.013.28.

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The ethnographic approach has particular potential for studying political communication through enlarging understandings of political institutions and expanding definitions of “politics.” First, widening institutional understanding takes advantage of ethnography’s capacity to open windows that traditional analysis of political institutions leaves shut. Second, ethnography is uniquely able to examine new forms of engagement that people have not yet defined as “politics.” Third, studying political communication ethnographically means expanding the modes of communication and activity examined to include nonverbal and virtual communication. Politics is one of the principal arenas in which “culture” unfolds and becomes observable, yet in ways that are not limited to political institutions or decision-making practices. Common to political ethnographies is the capability to show how “how” and “why” are linked: how a political process or practice takes place enables finding out why it does.

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21

Wren, Anne, und Kenneth M. McElwain. Voters and Parties. Herausgegeben von Carles Boix und Susan C. Stokes. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199566020.003.0023.

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This article studies voters and parties, beginning with realignment or dealignment in the party-voter nexus. It discusses changes in the policy preferences of voters and even organizational changes to the party-voter linkage. Electoral competition, performance of traditional parties, and organizational change are discussed as well. This article determines that there are two parallel trends in the linkage between parties and voters. The first is that voters are showing weaker partisan identification with political parties, and a widening gap between the policy preferences of voters and the electoral manifestos of parties is apparent. The second trend is that improvements in educational attainment and innovations in media technology are strengthening the political capability of both parties and voters.

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22

Gibbons, William. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190265250.003.0013.

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This brief conclusion brings together threads from several previous chapters. It begins with a consideration of the independent game The End Is Nigh, a recent postapocalyptic game that contains a soundtrack by the duo Ridiculon consisting of remixed classical works. It then reflects on ways in which the cultural barriers between classical music and video games have weakened in popular culture, emphasizing that games are increasingly recognized for their capability to tell meaningful stories, produce insightful political and cultural commentary, and make artistic statements. It closes by calling attention to the arguably elitist cultural spheres in which biases that favor classical music persist.

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23

Christman, John, Hrsg. Positive Freedom. Cambridge University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108768276.

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Freedom is widely regarded as a basic social and political value that is deeply connected to the ideals of democracy, equality, liberation, and social recognition. Many insist that freedom must include conditions that go beyond simple “negative” liberty understood as the absence of constraints; only if freedom includes other conditions such as the capability to act, mental and physical control of oneself, and social recognition by others will it deserve its place in the pantheon of basic social values. Positive Freedom is the first volume to examine the idea of positive liberty in detail and from multiple perspectives. With contributions from leading scholars in ethics and political theory, this collection includes both historical studies of the idea of positive freedom and discussions of its connection to important contemporary issues in social and political philosophy.

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24

Kenney, Padraic. “But I Have No Wish to Be Discharged”. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199375745.003.0002.

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Political imprisonment originated in the mid-nineteenth century, as European states turned away from the use of exile (to places such as Australia or Siberia) and increasingly placed opponents in state prisons for lengthy periods. At the same time, opposition movements became more organized around coherent ideologies and developed the capability of celebrating and publicizing their imprisoned comrades. This era would see the first concentration camps, the first genocides, and the first civilian refugees. It is not surprising that political prisoners would take their place on stage at the same time. The Fenian movement in Ireland, the socialists in the Russian Empire (especially in Poland), the British suffragettes, and Gandhi’s satyagraha resisters in British South Africa are the primary examples used.

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25

Goodier, Susan. Conclusion. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037474.003.0008.

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This chapter summarizes key themes and presents some final thoughts. It argues that the anti-suffrage women in New York State were not mentally deranged or even women who simply followed the lead of their husbands or male relatives. Virtually all of them sincerely believed that suffrage was wrong for women, or that women generally needed more time to develop political capability. While their contentions were themselves idealistic, even outdated, anti-suffragists won enough of the battles to help prevent the granting of voting rights to women for seventy-two years. Anti-suffragists were vitally important to the suffrage movement for they provided an opportunity for suffragists to clarify their arguments and hone their political techniques, even influencing shifts in the ways suffragists presented their argument.

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26

Margetts, Helen. The Internet and Democracy. Herausgegeben von William H. Dutton. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199589074.013.0020.

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This chapter deals directly and broadly with the Internet and democracy, specifically republicanism, pluralism, and cosmopolitanism, and also covers the connection between the Internet and democratic institutions such as elections, political parties, legislatures, and interest groups. Next, it investigates how the Internet has been associated with individual political behaviour and what effect this relationship might have on democratic citizenship. The Internet improves the capability of citizens to convey and receive information to and from governments. The Fifth Estate allows networked individuals to use the Internet to increase the accountability of the more traditional Estates. It is noted that as the Internet becomes increasingly intertwined with democratic life, it necessarily means that democratic citizenship relies upon digital citizenship. But as democratic life moves online, political scientists in general may find an increasing need to incorporate such methods and tools into their own research.

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27

Wolff, Jonathan. Equality. Herausgegeben von George Klosko. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199238804.003.0036.

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To trace the history of the concept of equality in political philosophy is to explore the answers that have been given to the questions of what equality demands, and whether it is a desirable goal. Considerations of unjust inequality appear in numerous different spheres, such as citizenship, sexual equality, racial equality, and even equality between human beings and members of other species. Ancient Greek political philosophy, despite Aristotle's famous conceptual analysis of equality, is generally hostile towards the idea of social and economic equality. Plato's account of the best and most just form of the state in the Republic is a society of very clear social, political, and economic hierarchy. It is with Thomas Hobbes that the idea of equality is put to work. This article explores equality as an issue of distributive justice; equality in the history of political philosophy; equality in contemporary political philosophy; the views of Ronald Dworkin, Karl Marx, and David Hume; equality of welfare; equality, priority, and sufficiency; Amartya Sen's capability theory; and luck egalitarianism.

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28

Flavio, Comim, Qizilbash Mozaffar und Alkire Sabina, Hrsg. The capability approach: Concepts, measures and applications. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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29

(Editor), Flavio Comim, Mozaffar Qizilbash (Editor) und Sabina Alkire (Editor), Hrsg. The Capability Approach: Concepts, Measures and Applications. Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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30

Buchanan, David. Managing Change. Herausgegeben von Adrian Wilkinson, Steven J. Armstrong und Michael Lounsbury. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198708612.013.18.

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There is no shortage of advice on the subject, but the management of change is widely regarded as problematic, and the failure rate seems to be high. This chapter assesses the value of practical change guidelines, and of contingency and processual perspectives, reviews debates concerning the pace of change—should we accelerate or slow down (the acceleration trap)—and explores the roles and capabilities of change leaders, including the need for political skill. Suggestions for further research in this area concern understanding change in different economic conditions (growth, recession), exploring different modes of transformational change, helping to develop continuous change capability, exploring path dependent explanations of change processes, and tracing the fate of post-crisis recommendations for change, which are rarely implemented.

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31

Engwicht, Nina. “We Are the Genuine People”. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198794974.003.0011.

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The study of legality and illegality in markets usually relies on the assumption of “consolidated” statehood. This is surprising given that the strong state is by far an exception rather than the norm in the international system. It raises the question of how illegality is socially defined and enacted in contexts in which statehood is limited; that is, when the legitimacy, capability, and willingness of political authorities to develop and enforce a coherent body of laws is restricted. Analyzing social interactions in Sierra Leone’s illegal diamond market, this chapter argues that in order to understand illegality in situations of limited statehood it is crucial to take into account how illegal economies and their relation to the legal sphere are shaped by social norms of legitimacy.

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32

(Editor), Philip Hammond, und Edward S. Herman (Editor), Hrsg. Degraded Capability: The Media and the Kosovo Crisis. Pluto Press, 2000.

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33

1962-, Hammond Phil, und Herman Edward S, Hrsg. Degraded capability: The media and the Kosovo crisis. London: Pluto Press, 2000.

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34

Hyde-Price, Adrian. The Common Security and Defence Policy. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790501.003.0023.

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Since the late 1990s, EU member states have committed themselves to deeper and more structured military cooperation, within the framework of the ESDP/CSDP. At the same time, European defence budgets have shrunk and military capabilities reduced. This chapter analyses the evolution of European military cooperation and identifies its key drivers and the changing strategic context to Europe’s east and south. The chapter argues that the emergence of a credible EU military capability will depend both on developing new defence synergies and on investment in critical military capabilities and infrastructure. Above all, however, it requires greater political cohesion and a common European strategic culture. Elements of a shared strategic culture have emerged, but substantial differences remain among EU member states. The chapter concludes by highlighting the crucial role of Europe’s major states in fostering defence and security cooperation, particularly the UK, France, and Germany.

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35

Papastavridis, Efthymios. Who Will Prosecute Piracy in Africa? Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198810568.003.0014.

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The prosecution of piracy and armed robbery off the Somali coast has been at the centre of political and academic discourse since the initiation of the counter-piracy campaign. Notwithstanding the principle of universal jurisdiction which is widely seen as applicable to piracy, the overwhelming majority of the states involved in counter-piracy operations have proved reluctant to prosecute alleged pirates within their national courts. The international community seems to have selected the establishment of piracy prosecution centres in other states in the region, mainly Kenya, the Seychelles, Mauritius, and Tanzania, while at the same time it is making efforts to enhance prison capability within Somalia for the transfer of tried pirates. International prosecution does not fit the crime of piracy and armed robbery and in any event seems not to be an option for the international community. Nevertheless, there are many jurisdictional issues to be addressed in relation to the prosecution of piracy off Somalia, especially by third states.

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36

Crisologo, Mendoza Lorelei, University of the Philippines College Baguio. Cordillera Studies Center. und Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Manila Office, Hrsg. Building local administrative capability for regional autonomy in the Cordillera: Some implementing guidelines. Baguio City: Cordillera Studies Center, University of the Philippines College Baguio, 1992.

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37

Bynner, John, und Walter Heinz. Youth Prospects in the Digital Society. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447351467.001.0001.

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Youth Prospects in the Digital Society In an age when the next generation have worse prospects than their parents, this book appraises the challenges that young people face resulting from the instability and uncertainty of their lives. Based on young people’s experience of education, training, employment, family life and political participation in England and Germany, the book examines the impact of digitalisation on identity in the context of rising inequality. The focus is on the effects of technological transformation, fragile European Union institutions, growing nationalism and mental and economic stress arising from the Covid-19 pandemic on youth transitions and the ever-present shadow of climate change. Such an uncertain context presents systemic challenge for the forms and effectiveness of youth policy in the different national contexts as addressed in each of the chapters that follows. Youth policy is shaped by such key issues as the future of vocational education and training in the digital society, job creation, family, political engagement and community life, the impact of social media and universal connectivity. The book argues that government should be under an obligation to ensure that every young person has access to the technical, economic, and educational resources needed to shape their personal transition to adulthood and acquire the capability needed to participate fully in the digital society.

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38

Moody, Simon J. Imagining Nuclear War in the British Army, 1945-1989. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846994.001.0001.

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The primary mission assigned to the British Army from the 1950s until the end of the Cold War was deterring Soviet aggression in Europe by demonstrating the will and capability to fight with nuclear weapons in defence of NATO territory. This ‘surreal’ mission was unlike any other in history, and raised a number of conceptual and practical difficulties. This book provides the first comprehensive study on how the British Army imagined the character of a future nuclear land warfare, and how it planned to fight it. Based on new archival evidence, the book analyses British thinking about the political and military utility of tactical nuclear weapons, the role of land forces within NATO strategy, the development of theories of tactical nuclear warfare, how nuclear war was taught at the Staff College, the Army’s use of operational research, and the evolution of the Army’s nuclear war-fighting doctrine. The book argues that the British Army was largely successful in adapting to its new nuclear mission in Germany, but that it displayed a cognitive dissonance when faced with some of the more uncomfortable realities of nuclear war.

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39

Reed, Christopher Robert. The Struggle for Control over Black Politics and Protest. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036231.003.0006.

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The 1920s witnessed a dual black presence beyond tokenism in the chambers of the Chicago City Council as well as possessing the nation's sole black voice in the U.S. Congress. Further, the Illinois Senate, the Illinois Commerce Commission, the Cook County Municipal Court, and the Chicago Library Board accommodated a new African American membership. Among white racists, Chicago's City Hall even derisively carried the label of being “Uncle Tom's Cabin” because of extensive black employment and a small black decision-making capability. This chapter explores this occurrence. Focusing on economically regenerative politics and robust economics as integral features of the bedrock foundation for the heralded Black Metropolis, the chapter also explores the nexus of politics and nonpolitical economic protest, along with this pivotal relationship to the economic fabric of black Chicago in business, labor, associational linkages, the professions, and the underground economy.

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40

Lake, Peter. The Paradoxes of ‘Popularity’ in Shakespeare’s History Plays. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198806899.003.0002.

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This chapter surveys the development of sixteenth-century popularity politics, noting Burghley, Essex, and Bancroft all to have been practitioners of that ‘dark art’. It shows that popularity was a term of opprobrium and distaste to the elite, yet was taken up with equal enthusiasm by Puritanism and Roman Catholic enemies of the Elizabethan regime, contributing to a fitful emergence of the public sphere. Deploying English history in support of their claims, religious partisanship focused certain late medieval reigns: those of Richard II, Henry IV, Henry V, Henry VI, and Richard III—the very reigns that Shakespeare then addressed in his history plays. Shakespeare’s dramas are shown to present the complexities and risks attendant upon popularity politics; and to demonstrate, further, the resistance of popular attitudes to conscription by elites, given the independent intelligence of commoners and their capability for large-scale news gathering.

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41

Kleiber, Martin, und Anthony H. Cordesman. Iran's Military Forces and Warfighting Capabilites: The Threat in the Northern Gulf (CSIS Significant Issues Series). Center for Strategic & Intl Studies, 2007.

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42

Brady, David, und Linda M. Burton, Hrsg. The Oxford Handbook of the Social Science of Poverty. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199914050.001.0001.

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This book is concerned with the social science of poverty and covers topics ranging from the intricacies of measuring poverty using objective quantitative, income-based measures, to the interrelationships between structural violence, poverty, and social suffering; capability deprivation as the basis for analyzing poverty; ideologies and beliefs about poverty; how politics and institutions shape poverty and inequality; and the effects of poverty on child development. The book also explores the link between gender and poverty; the historical origins of poverty in developing countries; poor neighborhoods in the metropolis; how segregation perpetuates disadvantage; the association between nonmarital family structures, poverty, and inequality; whether social ties matter for poor people who are seeking employment; the link between poverty and education; intergenerational mobility; hunger and food insecurity; and the relation between crime and poverty.

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43

Steer, Cassandra, und Matthew Hersch, Hrsg. War and Peace in Outer Space. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197548684.001.0001.

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Historically, strategic restraint was the dominant approach among nations active in outer space, all of whom understood that continued access to and use of space required holding back on threats or activities which might jeopardize the status quo of peace in space. However, recently there has been a discernible shift in international rhetoric toward a more offensive approach to defense in space. The US move toward establishing a “Space Force” has been echoed by similar announcements in France and Japan. India launched an antisatellite weapon test and announced proudly that it thereby joined the elite group of China, Russia, and the United States, who have all demonstrated this capability in the past. As technologies in space advance, along with our terrestrial dependence on space-based systems for our peaceful civilian lives and for support of terrestrial warfare, the political stability of this vulnerable environment comes under threat. These factors, combined with a lack of transparency about actual capabilities and intentions on the part of all major players in space, creates a cyclical escalation which has led some commentators to describe this as a return to a Cold War–type arms race and to the foreseeability of a space-based conflict. Due to many unique characteristics of the space domain, an armed conflict in space would be catastrophic for all players, including neutral States, commercial actors, and international civil society. Due to the specificity of the space domain, specialized expertise must be provided to decision makers, and interdisciplinary opinions must be sought from a multitude of stakeholders. To that end, this volume provides a wide spectrum of perspectives from experts who have engaged together at a conference hosted by the Center for Ethics in the Rule of Law to discuss these issues. Ethical, legal, and policy solutions are offered here by those with experience in the space sector, including academia, legal practitioners, military lawyers and operators, diplomats, and policy advisers.

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44

Wohlforth, William C. Not Quite the Same as It Ever Was. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190675387.003.0004.

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The chapter addresses the claim that rising powers will seek to undermine the legitimacy of the current order and establish new rules using the classical Gilpinian framework as well as more recent rise-and-decline scholarship. It argues against this view and points to a more nuanced position: a harder-to-manage world has arrived, but the essential structural imperatives that have operated for twenty years are likely to remain. The chapter grounds this argument in the near certainty that all-out systemic war is off the table as a mechanism for hegemonic transition; the fact that the rising challenger to the system’s dominant state is approaching peer status on only one dimension of state capability, gross economic output; and the historically unprecedented degree of institutionalization in world politics coupled with the central role institutions play in the dominant power’s grand strategy. Each change favors the status quo states and makes revisionism harder.

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45

Certoma, Chiara, Susan Noori und Martin Sondermann, Hrsg. Urban gardening and the struggle for social and spatial justice. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526126092.001.0001.

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It is increasingly clear that, alongside the spectacular forms of justice activism, the actually existing just city outcomes from different everyday practices of performative politics that produce transformative trajectories and alternative realities in response to particular injustices in situated contexts. The massive diffusion of urban gardening practices (including allotments, community gardens, guerrilla gardening and the multiple, inventive forms of gardening the city) deserve a special attention as experiential learning and in-becoming responses to spatial politics, able to articulate different forms of power and resistance to current state of unequal distribution of benefits and burdens in the urban space. While advancing their socio-environmental claims, urban gardeners makes evident that the physical disposition of living beings and non-living things can both determine and perpetuate injustices or create justice spaces. In so doing, urban gardeners question the inequality-biased structuring and functioning of social formations (most notably urban deprivation, lack of public decision and engagement, and marginalization processes); and conversely create (or allow the creation of) spaces of justice in contemporary cities. This book presents a selection of contributions investigating the possibility and capability of urban gardeners to effectively tackling with spatial injustice; and it offers the readers a sound theoretically-grounded reflections on the topic. Building upon on-the-field experiences in European cities, it presents a wide range of engaged scholarly researches that investigate whether, how and to what extend urban gardening is able to contrast inequalities and disparities in living conditions.

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46

Bobić, Marinko. Why Minor Powers Risk Wars with Major Powers. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529205206.001.0001.

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Major powers have immense resources at their disposal, while minor powers are assumed to avoid wars and power politics due to structural and material constraints. This provokes the question why do some minor powers nonetheless decide to militarily engage their vastly stronger opponents, particularly major powers? Inspired by several theoretical insights, this book proposes a more complex framework of minor powers in interstate asymmetric conflict. It analyses five conditions highlighted by previous studies: domestic crisis, foreign support, window of opportunity, anomalous beliefs, and regime stability. The theoretical framework works well with a mixed-methods approach, a medium-N research design (Qualitative Comparative Analysis), and three case studies: Iraq (1990), Moldova (1992), and Serbia (1999). The book finds that by looking through the lenses of multiple theories, one can observe a more nuanced relationship how different conditions interact in impacting minor powers’ decisions. Ultimately, minor powers militarily engage major powers when facing a more important domestic crisis and when they also believe that they have a window of opportunity or support from another major power in order to constrain major powers’ capability and resolve. Looking at the current conflict in Syria, there are important policy implications given the observation that minor powers do and will continue to challenge major powers in the future.

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47

Lieber, Keir A., und Daryl G. Press. The Myth of the Nuclear Revolution. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749292.001.0001.

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Leading analysts have predicted for decades that nuclear weapons would help pacify international politics. The core notion is that countries protected by these fearsome weapons can stop competing so intensely with their adversaries: they can end their arms races, scale back their alliances, and stop jockeying for strategic territory. But rarely have theory and practice been so opposed. Why do international relations in the nuclear age remain so competitive? Indeed, why are today's major geopolitical rivalries intensifying? This book tackles the central puzzle of the nuclear age: the persistence of intense geopolitical competition in the shadow of nuclear weapons. The book explains why the Cold War superpowers raced so feverishly against each other; why the creation of “mutual assured destruction” does not ensure peace; and why the rapid technological changes of the 21st century will weaken deterrence in critical hotspots around the world. By explaining how the nuclear revolution falls short, the book discovers answers to the most pressing questions about deterrence in the coming decades: how much capability is required for a reliable nuclear deterrent, how conventional conflicts may become nuclear wars, and how great care is required now to prevent new technology from ushering in an age of nuclear instability.

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48

Short, Courtney A. Uniquely Okinawan. Fordham University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823288380.001.0001.

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This study explores the planning considerations of the United States military in formulating and implementing policy for the occupation of Okinawa from April 1945 to July 1946. American soldiers, Marines, and sailors on Okinawa encountered not only a Japanese enemy, but a large local population. The Okinawans were ethically different from the Japanese, yet Okinawa shared politics with Japan as a legal prefecture. When devising occupation policies, the United States military analyzed practical military considerations such as resources, weapons capability and terrain, as well as attempted to ascertain a conclusive definition of Okinawa’s relation to Japan through conscious, open, rational analysis of racial and ethnic identity. While the Marines held steadfast to the image of the enemy civilian, soldiers’ ideas about the race, ethnicity, and identity of the Okinawans evolved through their interactions with the civilians on the battlefield. As the population exhibited obedience and cooperation, the Army expressed feelings of kinship toward the civilians and reshaped its military government policies toward leniency. With the exception of the Marines, the U.S. military recognized the Okinawans as competent and civilized: a group that formed a distinct, separate, unique ethnic community that was neither American nor Japanese in its likeness. Considerations of race, ethnicity, and identity by the Americans deeply influenced the conduct of the occupation beyond practical concerns of resources and battlefield conditions. The mercurial nature of the identity of the Okinawans displays both the malleability of race and ethnicity and its centrality in occupation planning.

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