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MUNKH-ERDENE, LHAMSUREN. „Political Order in Pre-Modern Eurasia: Imperial Incorporation and the Hereditary Divisional System“. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, Nr. 4 (27.07.2016): 633–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186316000237.
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AbstractComparing the Liao, the Chinggisid and the Qing successive incorporations of Inner Asia, this article is prepared to argue that the hereditary divisional system that these Inner Asian empires employed to incorporate and administer their nomadic population was the engine that generated what scholars see either as ‘tribes’ or ‘aristocratic order’. This divisional system, because of its hereditary membership and rulership, invariably tended to produce autonomous lordships with distinct names and identities unless the central government took measures to curb the tendency. Whenever the central power waned, these divisions emerged as independent powers in themselves and their lords as contenders for the central power. The Chinggisid power structure did not destroy any tribal order; instead, it destroyed and incorporated a variety of former Liao politico-administrative divisions into its own decimally organized minqans and transformed the former Liao divisions into quasi-political named categories of populace, the irgens, stripping them of their own politico-administrative structures. In turn, the Qing, in incorporating Mongolia, divided the remains of the Chinggisid divisions, the tümens and otogs, into khoshuu and transformed them into quasi-political ayimaqs. Thus, it was the logic of the imperial incorporation and the hereditary divisional system that produced multiple politico-administrative divisions and quasi-political identity categories.
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Sossa, Rostyslav. „Political and administrative divisions of Ukrainian lands on the 16th century maps“. Polish Cartographical Review 51, Nr. 1 (01.03.2019): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pcr-2019-0004.
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Abstract The author discusses the first maps of Ukrainian lands within the borders of various countries, reflecting their political and administrative division, which were published in the 16th century. State and administration borders in Ukrainian territories were presented on the map of Southern Sarmatia (1526) by the Polish cartographer B. Wapowski and on the wall map of Europe (1554) by the Dutch cartographer G. Mercator. Maps by S. Münster and G. Gastaldi, including names of individual administrative units without reflecting state and administrative borders, were taken into account. A thorough analysis was carried out of the territorial division of Ukrainian territories on maps in the atlases by A. Ortelius (maps of Poland by W. Grodecki and A. Pograbka), on the maps of Lithuania and Taurica Chersonesus in the atlases by G. Mercator, including their subsequent adaptations. A number of inaccuracies regarding the location of state and administrative borders as well as names of administrative units have been revealed. Particular attention has been paid to the manner of presenting administrative borders. It was established that in those times no special attention was paid to the presentation of political and administrative divisions on maps. During subsequent editions of maps, no national and administrative borders were updated. Maps could be published without changes for decades. Map publishers often borrowed unverified information, which led to duplication of errors.
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Bazzi, Samuel, und Matthew Gudgeon. „The Political Boundaries of Ethnic Divisions“. American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 13, Nr. 1 (01.01.2021): 235–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20190309.
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We use a policy experiment in Indonesia to show how local political boundaries affect ethnic tension. Redrawing district borders along group lines reduces conflict. However, the gains in stability are undone or even reversed when new boundaries increase ethnic polarization. Greater polarization leads to more violence around majoritarian elections but has little effect around lower-stakes, proportional representation elections. These results point to distinct incentives for violence in winner-take-all settings with contestable public resources. Overall, our findings illustrate the promise and pitfalls of redrawing borders in diverse countries where it is infeasible for each group to have its own administrative unit. (JEL D72, D74, J15, O15, O17, O18)
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Bazarbaev, Akmal. „The Turkestan Statute and the Reorganization of Administrative Divisions in Central Asia, 1886-1917: a Case Study of Jizzakh District“. Oriente Moderno 102, Nr. 2 (19.01.2023): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340287.
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Abstract For both political and economic reasons, the Russian Empire sought to establish administrative units in Central Asia based on taxonomic principles relating to governmental control, taxation, and land use. From the first years after the conquest, the colonial authorities introduced various new types of political divisions in the region. But the most foundational step in this process was the Turkestan Statute of 1886, which formally enumerated the requirements and naming conventions for establishing official administrative units. It is clear from the available sources that, before the 1886 statute, colonial efforts to establish administrative control, taxation, and regulated land use were sporadic and imprecise at best. For this reason, the Turkestan statute pressured colonial administrators to reconstitute administrative units that did not meet the requirements of the new Russian statutes. In this respect, the colonial officials tried to find a balance between the law and political-economic interests in reorganizing political divisions. This paper examines the reasons for the rearrangement of administrative units and the differences between the law and the bureaucratic views of colonial officials in this process. Its primary objective is to delineate ways in which colonial administrators used laws to consolidate administrative control, taxation, and land use in the process of redistribution of administrative-territorial units. My argument is that colonial officials implemented reorganization in some administrative units but not in others: in some cases, redistribution took place in administrative units that did not meet the political and economic interests of the colonial authorities, or colonial officials flouted the law altogether. In other cases, the colonial administration did not engage in redistribution of administrative units that did not pose a problem in governance and tax collection despite the fact that they were in violation of the requirements of the Turkestan statute.
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Boyle, Bradley L., Brian S. Maitner, George G. C. Barbosa, Rohith K. Sajja, Xiao Feng, Cory Merow, Erica A. Newman, Daniel S. Park, Patrick R. Roehrdanz und Brian J. Enquist. „Geographic name resolution service: A tool for the standardization and indexing of world political division names, with applications to species distribution modeling“. PLOS ONE 17, Nr. 11 (14.11.2022): e0268162. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0268162.
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Massive biological databases of species occurrences, or georeferenced locations where a species has been observed, are essential inputs for modeling present and future species distributions. Location accuracy is often assessed by determining whether the observation geocoordinates fall within the boundaries of the declared political divisions. This otherwise simple validation is complicated by the difficulty of matching political division names to the correct geospatial object. Spelling errors, abbreviations, alternative codes, and synonyms in multiple languages present daunting name disambiguation challenges. The inability to resolve political division names reduces usable data, and analysis of erroneous observations can lead to flawed results. Here, we present the Geographic Name Resolution Service (GNRS), an application for correcting, standardizing, and indexing world political division names. The GNRS resolves political division names against a reference database that combines names and codes from GeoNames with geospatial object identifiers from the Global Administrative Areas Database (GADM). In a trial resolution of political division names extracted from >270 million species occurrences, only 1.9%, representing just 6% of occurrences, matched exactly to GADM political divisions in their original form. The GNRS was able to resolve, completely or in part, 92% of the remaining 378,568 political division names, or 86% of the full biodiversity occurrence dataset. In assessing geocoordinate accuracy for >239 million species occurrences, resolution of political divisions by the GNRS enabled the detection of an order of magnitude more errors and an order of magnitude more error-free occurrences. By providing a novel solution to a significant data quality impediment, the GNRS liberates a tremendous amount of biodiversity data for quantitative biodiversity research. The GNRS runs as a web service and is accessible via an API, an R package, and a web-based graphical user interface. Its modular architecture is easily integrated into existing data validation workflows.
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Курілов, Ю. Ю. „Administrative reform in Ukraine: from its origins to the future“. Public administration aspects 7, Nr. 9-10 (25.11.2019): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151949.
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In general, this article reveals the political meaning of administrative reforms and administrative divisions in some countries of Europe and Asia. A special subject of research is administrative reform and the reform of regionalization in the unitary countries, their path to regionalism and greater democratization at the level of regional governance. Administrative reform and the reform of decentralization of power have ripened in Ukraine for a long time, and even at the present stage, these reforms are inherent in some problems. This work reveals all the functional and historical-ethnographic content of administrative reform in Ukraine. The study offers a pilot map of the administrative division of regions and subregional entities in Ukraine, according to Western trends in administrative division. The historical, national foundations of administrative reform and decentralization reforms in Ukraine are interesting, as well as external factors such as European integration, which may affect the formation of the concept of administrative division in Ukraine, both from a historical retrospective and futurism in this matter, as well as from a functional point of view. In general, the Ukrainian space is inherent in some uncertainty and differences in conceptual issues of reforming the administrative-territorial structure of the state. The study analyzes promising developments in the field of reforming of the administrative-territorial divisions and suggests some new trends in possible areas of reform. First of all, the author is trying to restore order about how European trends and ideas can be expressed in the domestic environment. Some legislative initiatives are analyzed and it is proposed to highlight the historical and functional meaning of the concept of a region in legislation. It also analyzes the possible impact of administrative reform on the reforms of various branches of government. In general, the study proposes a qualitative modernization of the system of administrative-territorial construction in Ukraine. In fact, reforming the administrative-territorial structure on the basis of universally recognized world trends can significantly streamline national, regional, subregional and local governance in Ukraine, and bring it to a new level. Also, these reforms carry some modernization of regional economic policy, which the domestic space needs in the face of modern problems.
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COUPERUS, STEFAN. „Research in urban history: recent theses on nineteenth- and early twentieth-century municipal administration“. Urban History 37, Nr. 2 (06.07.2010): 322–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926810000386.
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The ways in which the organization of local government and the practice of political power locally have changed over time has attracted heightened interest from urban and administrative historians over recent decades. Much of this burgeoning interest has paralleled the concurrent decline in the status and powers of local government since the 1980s. In recent years, a shifting focus from government to governance has allowed the historian to re-conceptualize approaches to urban political power. Urban governance denotes a wider system of government by encapsulating the complex range of actors, interests and resources, which straddle the public, private and voluntary sectors, each with a vested interest in the way that political power is organized and practised locally. By broadening their approach to urban political power, urban historians have, since the late 1980s, elicited new perspectives on municipal administration, reattaching it with the national and juridical frameworks of analysis from which it had been fractured. In general, this growing number of local, regional and cross-national historical studies hints at a more complex and interesting municipal dimension which transcends previously impermeable divisions between the private and the public spheres, between political democracy and administrative bureaucracy, between the central state and municipal administration, and between national and transnational contexts of administrative thought and practice.
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AMBROSĂ, Ana-Maria. „Political-Legal Debates on Romania’s Administrative-Territorial Reform and Regionalisation“. Anuarul Universitatii "Petre Andrei" din Iasi - Fascicula: Drept, Stiinte Economice, Stiinte Politice 28 (10.12.2021): 01–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/upalaw/62.
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In search of solutions for durable peace in Europe, the latter part of the 20th century witnessed the emergence of several western-based theories that redefined the relations of national states and the way they related to their territorial subdivisions: functionalism, federalism, neo-functionalism, intergovernmentalism, multi-level governance, etc. In this context, several administrative reforms were carried out in order to stimulate decentralisation and regionalisation. After the fall of communism, the states in Eastern and Central Europe aligned with European Union “fashion” and practices. Taking the same road, Romania has shyly proceeded towards local autonomy, keeping the territorial divisions of its communist past. As far as regionalisation is concerned, it formally adopted the European Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics (NUTS). However, it did not transform the region into a true governance layer.
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Ahmetović, Amir. „Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constitution assembly of the Kingdoms of Serb, Croats and Slovenes and the transformation of social splits into political divisions“. Historijski pogledi 3, Nr. 4 (30.12.2020): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.66.
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Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisions that developed in the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods became the key and only basis for political and party gatherings and are important for today's Bosnia and Herzegovina segmented society. The paper attempts to examine the applicability of the analytical framework (theory) of Lipset and Rokan (formulated in the 1960s) on social divisions in the case of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in 1920? Elements for the answer can be offered by the analysis of the relationship between the ethno-confessional affiliation of citizens, on the one hand, party affiliation, on the other and their acceptance of certain political attitudes and values on the third side. If there is a significant interrelation, it could be concluded that at least indirectly the lines of social divisions condition the party-political division. The political system, of course, is not just a simple reflex of social divisions. One should first try to find the answer to the initial questions: what are the key lines of social divisions? How do they overlap and intersect? How and under what conditions does the transformation of social divisions into a party system take place? The previously stated social divisions passed through the filter of political entrepreneurs and returned as a political offer in which the specific interests and motives of (ethnic) political entrepreneurs were included and incorporated. After the end of the First World War, ethnic, confessional and cultural divisions were (and still are) very present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key lines of division in the ethnic, confessional and cultural spheres, their development and predominantly multipolar (four-polar) character through changes in the forms and breadth of interest and political organization have influenced political options (divisions) and further complicating and strengthening B&H political splits. The concept of cleavage is a mediating concept between the concept of social stratification and its impact on political grouping and political institutions and the political concept that emphasizes the reciprocal influence of political institutions and decisions on changes in social structure. Thanks to political mobilization in ethno-confessional, cultural and class divisions, then the "history of collective memory" and inherited ethno-confessional conflicts, mass political party movements were formed very quickly in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an integral part of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs ( Yugoslav Muslim organization, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Democratic Party, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...). The lines of social divisions overlap with ethnic divisions (Yugoslav Muslim Organization, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...) but also intersect them so that several ethnic groups can coexist within the same party-political framework (Communist Party of Yugoslavia). The significant, even crucial influence of party affiliation and identification on the adoption of certain attitudes speaks of the strong feedback of the parties and even of some kind of created party identity. The paper discusses the first elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized during the Kingdom of SCS and the formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political spectrum on the basic lines of social divisions.
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Moynihan, Donald P. „Protection Versus Flexibility: The Civil Service Reform Act, Competing Administrative Doctrines, and the Roots of Contemporary Public Management Debate“. Journal of Policy History 16, Nr. 1 (Januar 2004): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2004.0005.
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The year 2003 marks the twentieth-fifth anniversary of the Civil Service Reform Act (CSRA) of 1978, a late chapter in the development of the American administrative state and the most significant reform of the civil service system since its creation through the Pendleton Act of 1883. The Act made a number of enduring contributions to the personnel system of the federal government. Given the recursive nature of public management debate, there is considerable policy importance in trying to understand the original basis of decisions on legislation that have shaped the federal government over the last twenty-five years, and the CSRA has recently been the subject of renewed interest. More important, the CSRA was a rare and relatively important shift in the beliefs and attitudes—the administrative doctrine—that shape the evolution of the administrative state. Significantly, the debate during the CSRA saw the emergence of deep divisions within administrative doctrine, divisions that continue to shape public management policymaking.
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Jing, Sun. „Study on the Administrative Divisions in China’s Border Areas from the Perspective of Nation-state Building --- Changes to the Administrative Divisions in Inner Mongolia in the 20th Century“. Asian Social Science 14, Nr. 6 (28.05.2018): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n6p98.
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From the end of the Yuan Dynasty to the early Qing Dynasty, when Inner Mongolia was still a special administrative region of the Qing Empire, the Mongolian nomad's territory went through numerous significant changes. Since the beginning of the 20th century, the administrative divisions in Inner Mongolia underwent three major changes and after continuous integration they were incorporated into the administrative territory of the People's Republic of China in a manner that was compatible with the behavior of a modern nation-state. Such changes can neither be ascribed to the natural process of national development and it’s accompanying fissions nor to the sinocization of Inner Mongolian initiated by Han migrants. Instead, it is derived from the game of power played in the region by various forces, from the Manchu and Han peoples, to the Mongolians, Russians and Japanese, and the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party in the period of surging modern nationalism. This is evidenced by the changes of division in Hulunbuir in particular. This case is enough to demonstrate that the issues of China’s border and nations are not simply equivalent to the binary opposition between Central Plains and border areas, between Han and ethnic minorities, but a process teeming with complex and diverse points of contention, political wrestling matches and other interactions.
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Mead, Lawrence M. „US Welfare Reform: The Institutional Dimension“. Social Policy and Society 2, Nr. 2 (April 2003): 123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001180.
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Making a success of welfare reform has as much to do with implementation as with policy design. The experience in Wisconsin and New York generalises too much of the US, with states divided into those successfully implementing work-based reform, those incapacitated by partisan divisions and those that have never seriously framed welfare policy. Three decisions are key: the degree of toughness, the amount of programme integration; and the locus of administrative control which are shaped by long standing differences in political culture, moralistic, individualistic and traditionalistic. States adopting a moralistic approach to policy administration generally achieve most success.
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Workman, Andrew A. „Manufacturing Power: The Organizational Revival of the National Association of Manufacturers, 1941–1945“. Business History Review 72, Nr. 2 (1998): 279–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116279.
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In the years following World War II, the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) regained the political effectiveness it had lost during the New Deal. This article analyzes NAM's resurgence within the context of the rising popularity and political strength of organized business in the postwar period. It argues that NAM's success is only partly explained by external factors, such as the policies of Truman administration and divisions among labor organizations. NAM's renewed ability to shape national affairs resulted from an internal transformation that vastly improved its administrative capacity, and from a change in its public relations and labor policies. These efforts came to fruition when NAM proved able to dominate the proceedings of the 1945 Labor-Management Conference.
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Amin, Husnul, Maryam Siddiqa und Lubna Batool. „Nation-Building in the Developing States: A Case Study of Pakistan“. Global Social Sciences Review III, Nr. IV (30.12.2018): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-iv).01.
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This research concerns the process of nation-building in developing states with a focus on Pakistan. The study explores hurdles in the process of nation-building in Pakistan. In this connection, the study takes into account key political disparities such as uneven representation of various ethnic groups and regions in legislature and provincial assemblies, state-led cosmetic political reforms and feudalism and biradri-based political system that exist in various administrative units (and their tiers) of the state. The study also highlights the major administrative flaws and demographic shifts and divisions that are hampering the process of nation-building in Pakistan. The research also details the economic disparities found in various forms and at various levels in the state which minimize the prospects of nation-building in Pakistan. The study concludes that nation-building is always a state-controlled process and Pakistan has hardly addressed various hindrances in nation-building process such as political, demographic, administrative and economic issues of the various administrative units (and their tiers) as a state.
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Wright, Vincent. „L’État administratif, mythe et réalité“. Revue française d'administration publique 93, Nr. 1 (2000): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.2000.3361.
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The Administrative State : Myth and Reality ; To strengthen the administration while at the same time assuring its subordination : these were the objectives of the founders of the Fifth Republic. The resuit has many nuances. There hâve been numerous reforms but these hâve lacked cohérence. The réduction of the power of the administration is the resuit particularly of internal divisions and reflects its extremely diverse component parts. Controls over its activities hâve been stepped up and, naturally, the more the administration intervenes the more it exposes itself to extemal pressure groups with which it enjoys co-operative, if not dépendent, relationships.
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Szymańska, Daniela, und Jadwiga Biegańska. „The Eastern and the Western Cuiavia - One Region, Two Development Lines“. Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 10, Nr. 10 (01.01.2008): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10089-008-0014-6.
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The Eastern and the Western Cuiavia - One Region, Two Development LinesCuiavia is one of the oldest historical regions in Poland characterized by diverse physical and geographical conditions, as well as different administrative and historical past. The aim of this paper is to present the impact of historical and administrative divisions, as well as diverse socio-economic and political transformations that in a significant way influenced the diversity of social and economical features of Eastern and Western Cuiavia. Against such a background different development directions will be discussed.
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Nasirova, Saodat Abdullaevna, Sabohat Abdullaevna Hashimova und Gulchehra Shavkatovna Rikhsieva. „THE INFLUENCE OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF CHINA ON THE FORMATION OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL TERMINOLOGY“. Journal of Central Asian Social Studies 02, Nr. 04 (10.08.2021): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/jcass/volume02issue04-a2.
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This article examines the influence of the political system of ancient China on the formation of socio-political terminology within the framework of administrative management. The analysis is carried out on the basis of lexicographic material in the chronological order of replenishment of the terminology of administrative division from the period of the slave dynasties of Xia, Shang and Western Zhou to the modern system of government in China.
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الخفاجي, جاسب, und سيف نجاح مرزة. „Administrative conditions in Jabal Amel during the Ottoman era (1888-1914)“. Kufa Journal of Arts 1, Nr. 16 (18.11.2013): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2013/v1.i16.6274.
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It is evident from this research; It is a result of the Ottoman administrative divisions through which Jabal Amel became administratively affiliated to the Beirut state, and after the Nabatiyeh District was established; Jabal Amel became of relative importance in the eyes of the authorities, especially when Rida al-Sulh was appointed there, so Jabal Amel became a center for some political activities. With the issuance of some reform laws by the Ottoman Empire, such as Sharif Humayun’s handwriting of 1856, and the Knowledge Law of 1869, this helped some religions and sects in Jabal Amel expand the establishment of reform institutions.
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STERETT, SUSAN. „Legality in Administration in Britain and the United States“. Comparative Political Studies 25, Nr. 2 (Juli 1992): 195–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414092025002003.
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Efforts to structure administrative processes through legality are well known in the United States. However, they are seldom analyzed in a comparative context, with an effort to explain how legal procedures are structured into administrative process. Political disputes criticizing bureaucracy and arguing for more legal accountability have occurred in Britain as well as the United States, culminating in statutes. But the extensive postwar debate in Britain led to a statute that did not accomplish as much as the American Administrative Procedure Act. This article explains the efforts and the somewhat different outcomes in Britain and the United States with an analysis of the coherence of and divisions within legal ideology and how the legal profession interacted with the different configuration of state institutions in Britain and the United States.
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Dorzheeva, V. „Background of Magadan oblast formation (1917-1953)“. Bulletin of Science and Practice 5, Nr. 3 (15.03.2019): 482–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/40/64.
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The article examines the history of the administrative–territorial division of the Russian Northeast in the first half of the twentieth century. The importance of this research stems from the need to analyze the historical experience information of administrative divisions against the background of developing modern federated relations. Chronology wise, the article deals with the period from the year 1917 until the establishment of the present-day boundaries of Magadan Oblast. The article analyses specific aspects of administration in the constituent territories of Magadan Oblast, based on their remoteness from the central authorities, and their economic value. Development of territorial public authorities in the Northeast during the said period was politically motivated. The Civil War saw territories being transferred to the jurisdiction of opposing forces, which affected the administrative division and the system of government authorities. The Institute of the administrative–territorial structure was aimed at the implementation of state functions in connection with certain goals and objectives of a specific historical period of development. The implementation of national policies mediated the creation of national districts. The need of the state for mineral raw materials during the period of industrialization and during the Great Patriotic War led to the creation of special extraterritorial education — Dalstroi. A special period in the history of the region was the Dalstroy era — so-called “Special Combine”, during which a two-level authority system was developed. The administrative–territorial structure was defined by functions of the state, and goals and objectives of the specific historical period. The territorial model of public authority in the Northeastern region fit within the historical context of the country’s contemporary situation.
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Zhao, Biao, und Kaiyong Wang. „The Differences between County, County-level City and Municipal District in the System of Administrative Divisions in China“. Journal of Geographical Research 5, Nr. 1 (20.01.2022): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.30564/jgr.v5i1.3739.
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Administrative division is an important means of political power reorganization and management, resource integration and optimal allocation, which profoundly shapes the spatial layout of urban development in China. To clarify and compare differences between counties, county-level cities and municipal districts is the primary premise for the study of administrative division and urban development. This paper analyzes the institutional differences between counties and county-level cities, as well as counties, county-level cities and municipal districts, from the aspects of organizational structure, urban construction planning, land management, finance, taxation and public services. The research shows that the establishment of counties, county-level cities and municipal districts adapt to different levels and stages of economic and social development,and the conversion from county to county-level city and the conversion from county (or county-level city) to municipal district are both important transformation ways to change their administrative systems, which has different management system and operation pattern. At the same time, the transformation of county-level administrative region is also a “double-edged sword”, we should think about the administrative system as a whole to decide whether it should be adjusted, and effectively respond to the actual needs of local economic and social development.
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Manca, Anna Gianna. „Die Verwaltungsgliederung Preußens zwischen historisch-ständischen, administrativ-staatlichen und liberal-politischen Interessen (1815–1867)“. Administory 2, Nr. 1 (08.08.2018): 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/adhi-2018-0021.
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Abstract The paper deals with the question of the administrative districts in an overall Prussian perspective and emphasizes, above all, the central political role played by the provincial districts and their main authorities within the spaces of the state and of administrative activity. On this basis, it will be possible to adequately appreciate the revolutionary but unsuccessful attempt to abolish them in 1848 by the liberaldemocratic wing of the Constitutional Commission of the Prussian National Assembly, as has not yet been accomplished within the existing historiography. First, the origins of the spatial-territorial division of Prussia existing around the middle of the 19th century are discussed. Within this framework special attention has been paid to the introduction of a provincial division, which led to that organization of internal administration into four instances under the minister (provinces, governmental districts, districts, municipalities) which was a peculiarity of the Prussian political and administrative spatial division compared with the other states of the German Confederation. Questions such as those of the basic division of the state’s space are so radical that they are usually raised with some prospect of success only at the foundation of states or during revolutions. Immediately afterwards, they tend to be included in the list of ›depoliticized technicalities‹, although they retain their fundamental importance for ensuring the political and administrative continuity of the state.
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Gusman, Inês, und Alejandro Otero-Varela. „Territories that refuse to fade away: Insights from the Províncias of Northern Portugal and the Comarcas of Galicia (Spain)“. European Journal of Geography 14, Nr. 4 (16.10.2023): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.48088/ejg.i.gus.14.4.001.012.
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In this article we explore the interaction between the spatialities of the state and the spatial imaginaries by investigating the manifestation of territories beyond institutional practices. We want to understand the relevance of territories that, despite not being integrated into the political-administrative structure of the state, refuse to fade away. We examine deactivated supra-municipal divisions of two neighborhood states: the províncias of the Northern Portugal and the comarcas of Galicia (Spain). Both cases are examined through a combination of geohistorical analysis of the administrative organization of the states, alongside a revision of tangible and intangible practices of local stakeholders in which these territories persist. The exploration of geographical naming is a significant aspect of the analysis. The results indicate that both províncias and comarcas are currently mobilized by stakeholders with many purposes and assumed varied shapes to assert their existence from the bottom up. These are claimed as the suitable divisions of territory and used to contest the spatialities imposed by the state. The inclusion of the imaginaries associated with these territories on formal regional planning practices would lead to a future where the territorial diversity of the countries is acknowledged, and the endogenous characteristics embraced.
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Sokalska, Edyta. „PRZEMIANY STRUKTURALNE WŁADZ LOKALNYCH W POLSCE W II POŁOWIE XX WIEKU“. Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, Nr. 3 (20.12.2016): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.3.16.
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STRUCTURAL CHANGES IN THE POLISH LOCAL ADMINISTRATIVE BOARDS IN THE SECOND PART OF THE 20TH CENTURYSummary The structural changes of the local administrative boards in Poland in the second half of XX century are the subject of the present study. Mainly legislative bases of functioning and organization of local administrative boards in the period of 1972-1975 are taken into account. During that time the central political authorities were trying to undertake some changes in the local governing. Legislative acts of the great importance were acts of 1972 and 1975 that imposed a new administrative division. The act of 1973 changed some competence of the Polish administrative organs by introducing new ones. The second part of the study shows the new movements in development of the Polish local administrative boards after 1975. During the great transformations of the 1990-ties setting up real local government was one of the most important political decisions. It was return to the concept of the dualistic model of the local administration.
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Daher, Antonio. „Contradicción anarco-metropolitana: descentralización municipal y centralismo regional en Chile“. Revista del CLAD Reforma y Democracia, Nr. 69 (01.01.2017): 133–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.69733/clad.ryd.n69.a144.
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In Chile, a strong state centralism coexists with a notable municipal decentralization. This contradiction implies that regions are governed by authorities designated by the national government, while municipal authorities are elected and have political and financial autonomy. This administrative contradiction results, in part, in non-existent regional governments -despite the recent election of regional councilors- since they are, strictly speaking, central government delegates, including regional ministerial secretaries (governors are not yet elected). Another expression of this contradiction is the municipal atomization, with communes that reproduce inequality and territorial segregation in their capacities and resources, with divided and weakened intermunicipal associations. The conjunction of these two realities, centralism in larger administrative divisions, and atomized municipal decentralization in smaller areas, collapse in pluricomunal metropolitan areas, which are literally without government. Although centralism inhibits regional development, and municipal fragmentation reproduces inequality, the “anarcho-metropolitan contradiction” is the most serious consequence of both of these conditions. The lack of government results is inequality for the majority, and in inefficiency for the urban and national economy. Despite the gravity and urgency of this “anarcho-metropolitan contradiction”, alternative solutions have been politically unviable. The possibility of an elected metropolitan government -with the risks that whoever presides over it turns into a powerful political competitor- counterbalanced by a council of intercommunal mayors seems to be a possible option to evaluate.
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Kim, Harris Hyun-soo, und Chaeyoon Lim. „From virtual space to public space: The role of online political activism in protest participation during the Arab Spring“. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 60, Nr. 6 (Dezember 2019): 409–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715219894724.
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This study examines the relationship between online social media use and protest participation during the Arab Spring, pro-democracy movements that swept across vast parts of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). What role did online communication media play in individual decisions to participate in these high-risk political activities? We address this question by drawing on microdata from the Arab Barometer Wave III (2012–2014), a large cross-national survey of citizens nested in administrative divisions across a dozen Muslim-majority countries. Using hierarchical linear modeling, we investigate the multilevel associations between online activities and the likelihood of getting involved in anti-government protests. Adjusting for individual- and regional-level confounders, as well as country fixed effects, we find that online political activism specifically, rather than Internet and social media use in general, is associated with higher odds of protest involvement during the Arab uprisings. In addition, we find that the positive linkage between individual online activism and protest is weaker in communities with a higher proportion of politically cyberactive residents.
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Taylor, Stephen. „Whigs, bishops and America: the politics of church reform in mid-eighteenth-century England“. Historical Journal 36, Nr. 2 (Juni 1993): 331–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019269.
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ABSTRACTThe eighteenth century is traditionally seen as an interlude between two vigorous movements of church reform. This article explores the problems and attitudes which underlay the absence of major structural reform of the Church in this period. To do so, it examines the failure of attempts, especially those of the 1740s and 1750s, to create an anglican episcopate in the American colonies. The leaders of the Church of England were agreed that the need for American bishops was pressing, on both pastoral and administrative grounds, and the 1740s and 1750s witnessed two proposals for their creation which were supported by virtually the whole bench of bishops. Both failed. The whig ministry resolutely opposed these initiatives, largely out of fear that any debate of church reform would revive the political divisions of Queen Anne's reign. The bishops, moreover, were prepared to submit to this ministerial veto, despite their belief in the necessity of reform, not through political subservience, but because they too feared renewed controversy about religion and the Church, believing that such controversy would revive both anti-clerical attacks from without and bitter divisions within.
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Ali, Ghulam, und Razia Musarrat. „Challenges for Federalism in Pakistan, Post Musharraf Era“. Review of Economics and Development Studies 6, Nr. 1 (31.03.2020): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/reads.v6i1.184.
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Federalism is a form of government that solves the challenges of diversity of a state. Many ethnic groups resides in Pakistan .Baluchistan is the biggest province having smallest number of population of the state ,Punjab the dominant province in terms of population and size has further divisions on linguistic and territorial grounds. Small provinces always raised their voices against the unjust sharing of resources, administrative posts and political positions. The study reveals that mostly resources and political and administrative positions are shared by the two dominant provinces, Punjab and Sindh and other federating units and regions are usually deprived from these prestigious positions that is causing unrest in those regions which is very harmful for the integration of the state. Post Musharraf era in Pakistan is witnessing a continuity of democratic regimes in the state and democratic government of Yousaf Raza Gailani shared maximum powers to the provinces in the form of 18th Amendment but still state of Pakistan has to do a lot more for solving the issues of the provinces.
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Guinchard, Audrey. „FIXING THE BOUNDARIES OF THE CONCEPT OF CRIME: THE CHALLENGE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS“. International and Comparative Law Quarterly 54, Nr. 3 (Juli 2005): 719–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei024.
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In England and Wales, as elsewhere, criminal law stands in sharp contrast to other systems of social control. Criminal offences and their related penalties are clearly distinguishable from civil wrongs and their associated (civil) sanctions. And because the term ‘civil law’ refers not only to the domain of torts, but also encompasses administrative law, criminal penalties are, in addition, distinguished from the administrative or regulatory sanctions. This ‘distinction between criminal and civil justice has been such a basic feature of the common law’1that it shapes not only substantive law but also the organization of the courts into civil, criminal and sometimes administrative chambers or divisions. More importantly, the distinction between civil and criminal sanctions will lead to the application of different procedural rules: civil proceedings, used for the imposition of civil sanctions, are less stringent that their criminal counterpart applied when the offender faces a criminal sanction. This more gentle approach can be detected in both the burden and standard of proof.
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Wlaźlak, Władysław P. „Zmiany administracyjno-terytorialne województwa łódzkiego w latach 1919–2002“. Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego. Seria Prawnicza. Prawo 30 (2020): 316–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/znurprawo.2020.30.21.
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The article analyzes the administrative and territorial structure of the Lodz Voivodship over almost a hundred years of its existence in various political configurations. In the interwar period, after the creation of the voivodship, numerous changes were made in its territorial structure. Unfortunately, the Nazi occupation disintegrated all those administrative efforts. After regaining independence, the previous solutions were returned, and then numerous reforms were carried out, creating new poviats and replacing the communes with small clusters. Later, the communal structure was returned, however, poviats were liquidated by establishing a two-level administrative division. Its consequence was the division of the Lodz voivodship between several other ones, while in the center there was created a small voivodship with the capital in Lodz. As a result of political changes in the late 1990s, the three-level administrative division was reactivated. A large Lodz voivodship was created again, divided into poviats and communes. Its administrative and territorial structure, as well as external borders largely resemble previous solutions. Despite the administrative reforms carried out in various political and systematic configurations, it was possible to maintain the territorial cohesion of the area in question.
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DOBYSH, Mykola. „INTRAREGIONAL VARIABILITY AND PLACE-SPECIFIC ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR IN UKRAINE“. Ekonomichna ta Sotsialna Geografiya, Nr. 80 (2018): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2413-7154/2018.80.4-17.
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The paper criticizes electoral geography studies of Ukraine, where the territory of the country is artificially divided into a number of regions following administrative divisions. The study reveals intraregional variability in the territorial patterns of voting behavior in Ukraine in 2002-2014. Zakarpattya, Chernivtsi, Sumy, Chernigiv, and Zhytomyr oblasts have the highest intraregional variance of electoral preferences for conventional “national-democratic” and “Communists and pro-Russian” political parties. All oblasts of Ukraine have internal variations of voting behavior. It was studied based on electoral results data for rayons and cities with special administrative status (n=675). Scatterplot with a time scale, filters for oblasts and rayons/cities, and the opportunity to draw electoral preferences trajectories from 2002 to 2014 parliamentary elections was used as a research instrument. The study also reveals region-specific voting patterns of cities and territorial outliers, which are bounded by administrative borders places with unique voting behavior. The paper accentuates place-specific and region-as-context understanding of electoral behavior as an essential conceptual framework for the further electoral geography studies of Ukraine.
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Kaup, Katherine Palmer. „Regionalism versus Ethnicnationalism in the People's Republic of China“. China Quarterly 172 (Dezember 2002): 863–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902000530.
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Although a number of scholars have examined differences among members of a single nationality in different localities within the People's Republic of China, none emphasizes the impact which formal territorial administrative divisions have on ethnic identity and consequently on state–ethnic interaction. China's largest minority nationality, the Zhuang, is divided by the Guangxi–Yunnan provincial boundary. The Zhuang on either side of the boundary have been governed by different provincial institutions. This territorial division has encouraged both a pronounced difference in ethnic identity and in official discourse on the Zhuang, and has encouraged regionalist sentiment over pan-Zhuang ethnicnationalism. This essay explores the origin and consequence of two major differences between Zhuang self-expression on either side of the provincial boundary and concludes that the central government has played regional and ethnic politics in Zhuang areas off against one another in a manner that limits both, while purportedly promoting each.
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Selim, Anwar, und Saleh Soleiman. „The toponym $n-nxn and its connotation till the end of the middle kingdom of Egypt“. Journal of Historical Archaeology & Anthropological Sciences 9, Nr. 1 (05.02.2024): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/jhaas.2024.09.00296.
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The present research paper focuses on the term $n-Nxn as a sign of a geographical region located in Upper Egypt and its connotation in the royal and non-royal texts. It highlights the political and religious significance of the toponym. Moreover, it explores the definable territorial divisions in Upper Egypt that were created in the second half of the Fifth Dynasty since upper Egypt was divided into three administrative unites in conjunction with Agricultural areas, therefore, some high elite titles linked with a specific regions such as,spAwt 9( the ninth provinces).and imy-r spAwt Hryw-ib an overseer of the Middle provinces of Upper Egypt, and consequently , by the second have of sixth Dynasty, the provinces of $n -Nxn was referred from Archaeological records regarding it as an administrative sector included some Nomes, but it would appear that they didn't give any crucial information on its extensions or its location. moreover ,by the Middle Kingdom, $n -Nxn attested for the first time in literary texts as An important geographical region associated with legitimacy of of the throne, the notion of centralization and the power and authority of the King. Nevertheless, it wasn't An independent administrative sector, and it designates to A geographical area situated in wart rsy “the southern administrative sector.
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Guytor, Mykola, und Vasyl Karpo. „The Bodies of Local Self-Governing of Ukraine and Republic of Moldova: Comparative Analysis“. Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, Nr. 40 (15.12.2019): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.40.83-92.
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The article explores the main stages and trends of reforming the local government of Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, explores the functions and powers of local governments. In 1997, these countries ratified the European Charter of Local Self-Government, which affects the processes of reforming the local self-government system. However, decentralization in both countries is proceeding at a rather slow pace; at the same time as the new administrative entities, the previous system of administrative-territorial division of the country functions. There is a lack of political will of the countriesʼ elite to provide autonomy to local authorities.
Keywords: decentralization, local government, public administration, raion council, oblast council, administrative-territorial structure.
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Brookes, Stuart. „Searching for the territorial origins of England“. Antiquity 93, Nr. 367 (Februar 2019): 264–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2018.263.
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When the Normans arrived in England in AD 1066 they found a kingdom divided into a distinctive and complicated administrative geography. In compiling Domesday Book, the great survey of holdings and liabilities over much of England and parts of Wales completed in 1086, the assessors grouped information firstly into ‘shires’—districts that are in many cases the precursors of modern counties—and then into smaller divisions such as hundreds, wapentakes and vills (estates), with additional groupings such as multiple hundreds and regional ealdormanries also discernible in the source. These administrative entities clearly had a territorial composition. Using the boundaries of estates, parishes and hundreds mapped at later dates, numerous scholars have sought to reconstruct the administrative geography described in Domesday Book. The resulting maps have, in turn, been interpreted as the product of several centuries of developing territoriality and of continual social and political change. The shires of Norfolk and Suffolk (the ‘north’ and ‘south folk’), for example, appear to fossilise the extents of the kingdom of the East Anglians as it existed 300 or 400 years before Domesday survey; in other cases, clusters of hundreds have been argued to represent post-Roman tribal groupings.
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Snagovsky, Feodor, und Matthew Kerby. „Political Staff and the Gendered Division of Political Labour in Canada“. Parliamentary Affairs 72, Nr. 3 (24.08.2018): 616–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsy032.
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AbstractWhile there is considerable research on elected legislators in a variety of contexts, the academic knowledge about their advisors is very limited. This is surprising, given a considerable portion of work attributed to legislators is performed by political staff. Further, political advising increasingly serves as a training ground for future politicians in many professionalised legislatures. We use a mixed-methods approach to understand how the influence of men and women differs in political advising positions in the case of Canada’s House of Commons, and how this may affect women’s political ambition. We demonstrate while close to an equal number of men and women work for MPs in a political capacity on Parliament Hill, men continue to dominate legislative roles while women continue to dominate administrative roles. Further, legislative work increases political ambition, which means more men benefit from the socialising effects of legislative work than women.
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Bezugolny, Alexey Yu. „“Voluntary Mobilization” in July 1941: Recruitment of Divisions of People's Militia of Moscow“. RUDN Journal of Russian History 22, Nr. 4 (15.12.2023): 629–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2023-22-4-629-644.
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The author presents an analysis of the peculiarities of manning divisions of the People's militia, formed in Moscow in July 1941. Despite the abundance of literature on the history of the Moscow militia, this aspect of its history has not been studied enough. The research is based on archival sources: both documents of the military department and on documents of the Commission on the History of the Great Patriotic War at the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, which have been actively introduced into scientific circulation in recent years. The content of the regulatory framework of the militia, the formation of the administrative and command vertical, the production and territorial principle of recruitment and related features of the selection of commanding and enlisted personnel are considered. Special attention is paid to the analysis of voluntary and mobilization aspects of recruitment, as well as propaganda support of the campaign. Conclusions are drawn that the formation of militia was carried out in the shortest possible time set by the state, however, being organized as a typical mass campaign of that time, it had many drawbacks, among which the quality of personnel selection occupied one of the most prominent places and then required numerous adjustments that took several months.
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Pal, Leslie A. „Relative Autonomy Revisited: The Origins of Canadian Unemployment Insurance“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, Nr. 1 (März 1986): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390005798x.
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AbstractThe concept of “relative autonomy” is now routinely used by Marxist and non-Marxist students of public policy to describe the state's independence from class forces. A rare attempt to use the concept empirically is Carl J. Cuneo's work on Canadian unemployment insurance (UI) in the 1930s. This article argues that Cuneo focusses too narrowly on class struggle, and thus misses important aspects of Canadian UI policy. Relative autonomy must be more broadly conceived in terms of the state's administrative expertise, fiscal capacity, and jurisdictional divisions. It is constituted within, not outside, the state. The article illustrates these internal forces through a re-examination of the evolution of Canadian UI in the 1930s.
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Curtin, Deirdre M., und Filipe Brito Bastos. „Interoperable Information Sharing and the Five Novel Frontiers of EU Governance: A Special Issue“. European Public Law 26, Issue 1 (01.03.2020): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2020004.
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Information exchanges between authorities located at different levels of administration, and in different Member States, have always constituted a central feature of European Union governance. Nevertheless, the increasingly pervasive phenomenon of interoperable information-sharing, where information systems pertaining to different policy fields are joined up to facilitate exchanges of (personal) data, generates new structural challenges to the European Union from a political, legal, and indeed constitutional perspective. In this introduction, besides offering a brief overview of the contributions to the special issue, we argue that interoperability shifts the frontiers of EU governance in at least five distinct respects. It shifts existing boundaries in the divisions of power within the EU; in the reach of its data protection laws; in the tensions between the EU’s commitment to fundamental rights and the principle of mutual trust between the Member States; in the relations between EU, third state, and international authorities; and lastly, between the technicalities of information technologies and critical ethical and constitutional imperatives. interoperability, information-sharing, European administrative governance, data protection, accountability
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Dubrovskaya, Yu V., Yu G. Belonogov und E. V. Kozonogova. „Evaluation of the effectiveness of administrative-territorial transformations in Russia“. Journal of the New Economic Association 58, Nr. 1 (2023): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31737/22212264_2023_1_89.
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In modern studies devoted to the issues of reforming the administrativeterritorial division in the present and historical past of Russia, the point of view traditionally prevails, according to which the true goal of such transformations is to create not so much an economically efficient but a state-administrative territorial framework. However, most of these judgments are not supported by empirical evidence and quantitative estimates. Therefore, modeling the problem of the conflict of managerial and economic interests during the reform of the administrative- territorial division of Russia seems to be an interesting research task. Its solution will give a new assessment of the effectiveness of administrative-territorial transformations both in historical retrospect and in modern political realities. The authors collected statistical data for 135 years for studying the evolution of the territorial organization of Russia. The value of real GDP per capita in 1913 prices was chosen as an endogenous variable. As the main variables of interest, dummy variables were used, obtained according to the authors’ grouping of historical events and characterizing political and economic initiatives to change the territorial division of the country. As a result of modeling, it was proved that the transformations on the "crossroads" of the administrative borders of the regions (regardless of the declared goals) during the period under review contributed more to solving the political and managerial tasks of the Center than to the economic development.
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Eberhardt, Piotr. „Kształtowanie układu administracyjnego II Rzeczypospolitej w świetle ówczesnych map = Development of the administrative system of Poland’s Second Republic as revealed in maps of the period“. Przegląd Geograficzny 92, Nr. 2 (2020): 291–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/przg.2020.2.7.
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This article pursues an analysis seeking to explain how political borders and administrative boundaries took shape in the Polish state that came back into being at the end of the First World War. This was a continuing period of instability from a military point of view, given the ongoing war with Bolshevik Russia (which continued through to 1920). The further investigation of this subject matter is assisted by the presentation here of cartography in the form of 8 original maps coming into being at that historic time. The first map dates from early 1919 – as first elections to the Legislative Sejm were pending. It thus shows constituencies (electoral districts) which at that time coincided with the country’s (county-level) units of administration. The presentation of this little-known (in essence now-forgotten) cartographic configuration offers a starting point for the further consideration of the political borders and administrative division that took shape in the newly-reborn Poland. Further historical maps included in the text thus show the Polish state with borders as variously construed, in what were a mixture of both authors’ concepts as to how these ought to look and borders actually existing at the given time and adjusted to the political situation of the given moment. These were thus limits set by military action, in the context of the armed conflicts that broke out with the polities neighbouring with Poland. The map included last in the text came out in 1921. It presents Poland’s political and administrative layout in the wake of the entry into force of the Treaty of Versailles, as well as in line with the provisions of the Treaty of Riga definitively setting the course of Poland’s eastern border. Also marked out on it is the internal division of the country into units at voivodeship level, as had been decided upon by the authorities of the independent Polish state. In essence, it was the political and administrative borders and boundaries established at that time that would persist unchanged through to 1938.
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Petelin, David. „Od več ljubljanskih do enotne mestne občine: upravnopravni in teritorialni razvoj od komunalnega sistema do sodobne lokalne samouprave med letoma 1955 in 1994“. Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine 4, Nr. 1-2 (Dezember 2020): 177–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.2020.6.
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The period after the Second World War interfered with the administrative organisation of municipalities with the socialist political and economic framework. The introduction of the workers’ self-government system also influenced the organisation of state and local government. Ljubljana has received seven administrative divisions in four decades. The introduction of the communal system in June 1955 blurred the borders between the city and the countryside, so Ljubljana was initially divided into nine municipalities, and since 1964 it had been divided into five municipalities (Center, Bežigrad, Šiška, Moste - Polje, Vič - Rudnik) until the introduction of a new system of local self-government in independent Slovenia in 1995. The City Council (1964 City Council of Ljubljana, 1969 City Assembly of Ljubljana) was established in 1955 to resolve common local issues at the city level, and the Council of the Ljubljana Region was established at the inter-municipal level. In the forty-year period, the communal system had proven itself to be administratively deficient, as it performed tasks within the competence of state authorities more than it dealt with the needs of the local population.
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Urushadze, Amiran. „The Armenian Apostolic Church in the Politics of the Russian Empire: the Search for an Administrative Optimum“. Journal of Frontier Studies 6, Nr. 3 (16.09.2021): 63–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v6i3.281.
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The article analyzes governmental debates on the functions, rights and privileges of the Armenian Catholicoi in the context of inter-institutional controversies. The author attempts to identify and analyze the most influential programmes for solving the “Echmiadzin issue” and their origins presenting at the same time certain aspects of political interaction between the Russian Empire and the Armenian Church as overlapping processes and related events. The history of relationships between Russian state and Armenian Church in XIX–XX centuries shows that different actors of the imperial politics had different ideas about the optimal model of cooperation with Echmiadzin. The divisions took place not only between the various departments (the Ministry of Internal Affairs versus the Ministry of Foreign Affairs), but also within them, where individual officials could hold “anti-departmental” views in each particular case. All this hindered administrative consolidation, slowed down the empire's response to important political challenges and dragged the imperial structures into protracted service-hierarchical confrontations. The “Etchmiadzin Question” and the governmental discussions around it show in part the administrative paralysis of the autocracy and the decompensation of the system of power in the Russian Empire in the early 20th century.
The article employs a rich documentary base of archival materials from the collections of the Russian State Historical Archive. These materials are introduced into the scholarly discourse for the first time ever.
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O’Connor, Karl, und Joost Vaesen. „Between Scylla and Charybdis? Twenty-Five Years Administrating the Contested Region of Brussels“. Administration & Society 50, Nr. 6 (08.10.2015): 835–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399715607931.
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Although Belgian politics has experienced numerous political conflicts in the post-war period, the Brussels political system has, since 1989, remained relatively stable. This has led some scholars to suggest that Brussels may be experiencing a depolarization of its traditional linguistic cleavages. In this article, we analyze the possible realignment of these divisions and the possible emergence of an identity based on the urban territory. We trace the development of the public administrations at sub-state level in Brussels post 1989 and add new data on the often neglected elite-level bureaucrats and their individual attachment perceptions. This topic is most relevant as the organization and functioning of the public administrations have proven to be one of the major politically and socially divisive issues of the power-sharing agreement. The article draws on published and unpublished documents and interviews with 20 elite-level bureaucrats from four distinct public administrations operating in Brussels. The findings suggest that a regional urban attachment is emerging among the bureaucratic elite; however, this attachment would not prove robust if either community were to feel threatened. The likelihood of unintended policy making, which would have unintended consequences, is quite high given that the bureaucratic elite do not have confidence in the administrative structures of the city. The findings should be of interest to those interested in identification perceptions and to those studying other more fragile environments in and around Europe’s borders that may one day consider adopting the Brussels approach to conflict management.
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Okunev, Igor Yu, Petr V. Oskolkov und Maria I. Tislenko. „Transforming the matryoshka“. Regions and Cohesion 9, Nr. 3 (01.12.2019): 29–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2019.090303.
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English abstract: This article assesses the 2000s reforms of the Russian administrative divisions and the implications of the reforms for the institutional structure and related discourse through institutional and discourse analysis. The authors reach the conclusion that the “special status” of the newly formed territorial entities remains undefined, while the representation norm is highly uneven, since the competences of governing bodies in the merged entities lie predominantly in the ethnic and cultural sphere. The reform was not a single and coherent policy measure but rather a number of incoherent initiatives. This can be seen from the presence of different (re)integration models in respective amalgamation cases, different models of a “special status” and a variety of reactions to the reform emanating from the population.Spanish abstract: Este artículo evalúa las reformas del 2000 en las divisiones administrativas rusas y las implicaciones de dichas reformas en la estructura institucional y el discurso relacionado, a través del análisis institucional y del discurso. Los autores llegan a la conclusión de que el “estatus especial” de las entidades territoriales recién formadas permanece indefinido, mientras que las normas de representación son desiguales, ya que las competencias de los órganos rectores en las entidades fusionadas residen predominantemente en la esfera étnica y cultural. La reforma no fue una medida política única y coherente, sino una serie de iniciativas incoherentes. Esto se puede ver por la presencia de diferentes modelos de (re) integración en los respectivos casos de amalgamación, diferentes modelos de un “estatus especial” y una variedad de reacciones a la reforma que emanan de la población.French abstract: Cet article analyse les réformes des divisions administratives russes de l’année 2000 et leurs implications pour la structure et le discours institutionnels, en utilisant les méthodes institutionnelle et discursive. Les auteurs concluent que le « statut spécial » des entités territoriales nouvellement formées reste indéfini, tandis que la norme de représentation demeure très inégale, les compétences des organes directeurs des entités fusionnées étant principalement concentrées dans les domaines ethnique et culturel. La réforme ne constitue pas une mesure politique cohérente, mais un certain nombre d’initiatives incohérentes. La présence de différents modèles de (ré)intégration dans les cas de fusion évoqués, les divers cas de « statut spécial » et la variété des réactions populaires face à cette réforme en témoignent.
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Rose, Richard. „Putting Monetary Policy in its Political Place“. Journal of Public Policy 22, Nr. 2 (September 2002): 257–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x0200510x.
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Even though a central bank has formal independence, the success of its actions are part of an interdependent system of policies in which elected governments have a role too. In the making of monetary policy, economists have technical expertise but politicians claim electoral legitimacy. This paper examines monetary policy from the perspective of elected officeholders who must balance non-economic pressures, both domestic and international, against concerns of central bankers with monetary constraint. It emphasizes divisions within national governments about how that balance should be struck, and differences in political priorities for economic policymaking between countries and across time. It concludes with a POP (Politically Optimal Policy), having flexibility between multiple and shifting policy goals rather than fixing on a single target, monetary or non-monetary.
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Zhu, Qinfeng, Marko M. Skoric und Tai-Quan Peng. „Citizens' Use of the Internet and Public Service Delivery“. International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 5, Nr. 3 (Juli 2018): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2018070103.
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This article examines citizens' use of the Internet as a popular feedback mechanism, and argues that it can help improve institutional performance. Specifically, it assesses the relationship between Internet penetration rate and public service delivery across 31 first-level administrative divisions in People's Republic of China from 1997 to 2014. A hierarchical linear modelling was conducted using secondary data released by the National Bureau of Statistics and the China Internet Network Information Centre. The result shows a positive relationship between Internet penetration rate and public service delivery when controlling for GDP per capita and education level. The positive relationship increases over time in general. The implications of Internet use for performance-based legitimacy and its impact on political change (or stability) in the authoritarian context are further discussed.
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Boiyko, I. „Review of the textbook «Special administrative law» edited by B. Viser, Y. Lazur, T. Karabin, O. Bilash“. Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, Nr. 6 (18.02.2023): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.06.70.
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In the community of Ukrainian administrative scientists, there are still no stable and definitively formed positions regarding the structure and system of administrative law. The division of the field into General and Special is traditional. As a legacy from the Soviet era, Ukrainian science inherited the view of the Special Part as a set of knowledge about the organizational and legal foundations of state administration in the spheres of life (usually economic, socio-cultural, and administrative-political).The search for a new model of the structure (system) of administrative law in Ukraine began at the stage of rapid development of legislation and conceptual foundations laid in the paradigm of relations between the state and a private person.And if regarding the structure and content of the General part we can determine the achievement of consensus by specialists in administrative law, then there are not even serious discussions regarding the Special part. On the contrary, this part of administrative law has an applied nature, familiarization with it allows students of education - future lawyers - so to speak, to "try on" the general provisions and principles of the field on special legislation.
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Paslavska, N. „Historical and legal aspects of the restoration of administrative justice in West Germany after 1945“. Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 2, Nr. 74 (10.02.2023): 76–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.74.46.
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The article is devoted to the issue of restoration of administrative justice in Germany after the Second World War. Historical and legal aspects of this process related to general administrative justice and branches of special administrative justice are considered. An overview of the legal and political background for the restoration of administrative justice in Germany after 1945 is offered. The impetus for the further development of the country in the post-war period was the political and territorial situation at the time of the collapse of Nazi Germany and its division into occupation zones, in which the allies - Great Britain, the United States of America, the Soviet Union and France - later formed lands, as well as the division of Berlin into relevant sectors. The debate over whether the German Reich ceased to exist as a subject of international law has been resolved in favor of the succession thesis, according to which Germany lost active legal capacity after the end of the war, but not passive legal capacity under international law. After the liquidation of administrative courts, the Allies restored them throughout Germany. This initiated the development and nationwide standardization of administrative justice, the establishment of the Federal Administrative Court in 1952 and the entry into force of the Regulation on Administrative Courts in 1960. The general provisions of the Allies on administrative justice in the western occupation zones and the conceptual reorientation of administrative justice in Germany after the Second World War are analyzed. Three concepts of legal protection in Germany were studied, each of which was used to a different extent and which formed a mixed system: (a) traditional administrative justice, i.e. legal protection by administrative bodies in the narrow sense of administrative appeal, (b) legal protection by courts of general jurisdiction and (c) legal protection by special, administrative courts.
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Oduwobi, Tunde. „Oral Historical Traditions and Political Integration in Ijebu“. History in Africa 27 (Januar 2000): 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172116.
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The Ijebu are a subgroup of the Yoruba of southwestern Nigeria. In precolonial times they established a single kingdom under the Awujale (the titular head) whose seat of government was the town of Ijebu-Ode. Structurally, the kingdom was composed of geographical divisions, each of which was identified by a name. Some of them were characterized by close socioeconomic and political ties effected through the joint control of a political association, the Pampa society, which coordinated commercial, communal, and military activities in the area. Three such divisions form the focus of this paper: Ijebu-Igbo, Imusin, and Ago-Iwoye.The British colonial administration engendered a process of political integration in these three areas as they were each brought under a single ruler; the purpose of this paper is to highlight how Ijebu oral historical traditions were employed to give support to this integrative process., but first, an identification of the areas concerned.The Ijebu-Igbo area is composed principally of five distinct settlements or towns: Okesopin, Ojowo, Atikori, Oke-Agbo, and Japara. Okesopin is accorded primacy as the oldest of the settlements. The term Ijebu-Igbo (forest) is an allusion to the forested nature of this area of Ijebu.The Imusin area, made up of about fifty very small settlements, is subdivided into two geographical groups: the northern group, called Ikatun, and the southern group or Ikasi. The term Imusin means the area of the akee apple (Imu: place or area; Isin: akee apple).