Thematische Bibliographien / Political and administrative divisions

Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Political and administrative divisions“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 25. Juli 2024

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 26. Juli 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Political and administrative divisions"

MUNKH-ERDENE, LHAMSUREN. „Political Order in Pre-Modern Eurasia: Imperial Incorporation and the Hereditary Divisional System“. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, Nr. 4 (27.07.2016): 633–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186316000237.

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AbstractComparing the Liao, the Chinggisid and the Qing successive incorporations of Inner Asia, this article is prepared to argue that the hereditary divisional system that these Inner Asian empires employed to incorporate and administer their nomadic population was the engine that generated what scholars see either as ‘tribes’ or ‘aristocratic order’. This divisional system, because of its hereditary membership and rulership, invariably tended to produce autonomous lordships with distinct names and identities unless the central government took measures to curb the tendency. Whenever the central power waned, these divisions emerged as independent powers in themselves and their lords as contenders for the central power. The Chinggisid power structure did not destroy any tribal order; instead, it destroyed and incorporated a variety of former Liao politico-administrative divisions into its own decimally organized minqans and transformed the former Liao divisions into quasi-political named categories of populace, the irgens, stripping them of their own politico-administrative structures. In turn, the Qing, in incorporating Mongolia, divided the remains of the Chinggisid divisions, the tümens and otogs, into khoshuu and transformed them into quasi-political ayimaqs. Thus, it was the logic of the imperial incorporation and the hereditary divisional system that produced multiple politico-administrative divisions and quasi-political identity categories.

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Sossa, Rostyslav. „Political and administrative divisions of Ukrainian lands on the 16th century maps“. Polish Cartographical Review 51, Nr. 1 (01.03.2019): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pcr-2019-0004.

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Abstract The author discusses the first maps of Ukrainian lands within the borders of various countries, reflecting their political and administrative division, which were published in the 16th century. State and administration borders in Ukrainian territories were presented on the map of Southern Sarmatia (1526) by the Polish cartographer B. Wapowski and on the wall map of Europe (1554) by the Dutch cartographer G. Mercator. Maps by S. Münster and G. Gastaldi, including names of individual administrative units without reflecting state and administrative borders, were taken into account. A thorough analysis was carried out of the territorial division of Ukrainian territories on maps in the atlases by A. Ortelius (maps of Poland by W. Grodecki and A. Pograbka), on the maps of Lithuania and Taurica Chersonesus in the atlases by G. Mercator, including their subsequent adaptations. A number of inaccuracies regarding the location of state and administrative borders as well as names of administrative units have been revealed. Particular attention has been paid to the manner of presenting administrative borders. It was established that in those times no special attention was paid to the presentation of political and administrative divisions on maps. During subsequent editions of maps, no national and administrative borders were updated. Maps could be published without changes for decades. Map publishers often borrowed unverified information, which led to duplication of errors.

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Bazzi, Samuel, und Matthew Gudgeon. „The Political Boundaries of Ethnic Divisions“. American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 13, Nr. 1 (01.01.2021): 235–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20190309.

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We use a policy experiment in Indonesia to show how local political boundaries affect ethnic tension. Redrawing district borders along group lines reduces conflict. However, the gains in stability are undone or even reversed when new boundaries increase ethnic polarization. Greater polarization leads to more violence around majoritarian elections but has little effect around lower-stakes, proportional representation elections. These results point to distinct incentives for violence in winner-take-all settings with contestable public resources. Overall, our findings illustrate the promise and pitfalls of redrawing borders in diverse countries where it is infeasible for each group to have its own administrative unit. (JEL D72, D74, J15, O15, O17, O18)

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Bazarbaev, Akmal. „The Turkestan Statute and the Reorganization of Administrative Divisions in Central Asia, 1886-1917: a Case Study of Jizzakh District“. Oriente Moderno 102, Nr. 2 (19.01.2023): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340287.

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Abstract For both political and economic reasons, the Russian Empire sought to establish administrative units in Central Asia based on taxonomic principles relating to governmental control, taxation, and land use. From the first years after the conquest, the colonial authorities introduced various new types of political divisions in the region. But the most foundational step in this process was the Turkestan Statute of 1886, which formally enumerated the requirements and naming conventions for establishing official administrative units. It is clear from the available sources that, before the 1886 statute, colonial efforts to establish administrative control, taxation, and regulated land use were sporadic and imprecise at best. For this reason, the Turkestan statute pressured colonial administrators to reconstitute administrative units that did not meet the requirements of the new Russian statutes. In this respect, the colonial officials tried to find a balance between the law and political-economic interests in reorganizing political divisions. This paper examines the reasons for the rearrangement of administrative units and the differences between the law and the bureaucratic views of colonial officials in this process. Its primary objective is to delineate ways in which colonial administrators used laws to consolidate administrative control, taxation, and land use in the process of redistribution of administrative-territorial units. My argument is that colonial officials implemented reorganization in some administrative units but not in others: in some cases, redistribution took place in administrative units that did not meet the political and economic interests of the colonial authorities, or colonial officials flouted the law altogether. In other cases, the colonial administration did not engage in redistribution of administrative units that did not pose a problem in governance and tax collection despite the fact that they were in violation of the requirements of the Turkestan statute.

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Boyle, Bradley L., Brian S. Maitner, George G. C. Barbosa, Rohith K. Sajja, Xiao Feng, Cory Merow, Erica A. Newman, Daniel S. Park, Patrick R. Roehrdanz und Brian J. Enquist. „Geographic name resolution service: A tool for the standardization and indexing of world political division names, with applications to species distribution modeling“. PLOS ONE 17, Nr. 11 (14.11.2022): e0268162. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0268162.

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Massive biological databases of species occurrences, or georeferenced locations where a species has been observed, are essential inputs for modeling present and future species distributions. Location accuracy is often assessed by determining whether the observation geocoordinates fall within the boundaries of the declared political divisions. This otherwise simple validation is complicated by the difficulty of matching political division names to the correct geospatial object. Spelling errors, abbreviations, alternative codes, and synonyms in multiple languages present daunting name disambiguation challenges. The inability to resolve political division names reduces usable data, and analysis of erroneous observations can lead to flawed results. Here, we present the Geographic Name Resolution Service (GNRS), an application for correcting, standardizing, and indexing world political division names. The GNRS resolves political division names against a reference database that combines names and codes from GeoNames with geospatial object identifiers from the Global Administrative Areas Database (GADM). In a trial resolution of political division names extracted from >270 million species occurrences, only 1.9%, representing just 6% of occurrences, matched exactly to GADM political divisions in their original form. The GNRS was able to resolve, completely or in part, 92% of the remaining 378,568 political division names, or 86% of the full biodiversity occurrence dataset. In assessing geocoordinate accuracy for >239 million species occurrences, resolution of political divisions by the GNRS enabled the detection of an order of magnitude more errors and an order of magnitude more error-free occurrences. By providing a novel solution to a significant data quality impediment, the GNRS liberates a tremendous amount of biodiversity data for quantitative biodiversity research. The GNRS runs as a web service and is accessible via an API, an R package, and a web-based graphical user interface. Its modular architecture is easily integrated into existing data validation workflows.

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Курілов, Ю. Ю. „Administrative reform in Ukraine: from its origins to the future“. Public administration aspects 7, Nr. 9-10 (25.11.2019): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151949.

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In general, this article reveals the political meaning of administrative reforms and administrative divisions in some countries of Europe and Asia. A special subject of research is administrative reform and the reform of regionalization in the unitary countries, their path to regionalism and greater democratization at the level of regional governance. Administrative reform and the reform of decentralization of power have ripened in Ukraine for a long time, and even at the present stage, these reforms are inherent in some problems. This work reveals all the functional and historical-ethnographic content of administrative reform in Ukraine. The study offers a pilot map of the administrative division of regions and subregional entities in Ukraine, according to Western trends in administrative division. The historical, national foundations of administrative reform and decentralization reforms in Ukraine are interesting, as well as external factors such as European integration, which may affect the formation of the concept of administrative division in Ukraine, both from a historical retrospective and futurism in this matter, as well as from a functional point of view. In general, the Ukrainian space is inherent in some uncertainty and differences in conceptual issues of reforming the administrative-territorial structure of the state. The study analyzes promising developments in the field of reforming of the administrative-territorial divisions and suggests some new trends in possible areas of reform. First of all, the author is trying to restore order about how European trends and ideas can be expressed in the domestic environment. Some legislative initiatives are analyzed and it is proposed to highlight the historical and functional meaning of the concept of a region in legislation. It also analyzes the possible impact of administrative reform on the reforms of various branches of government. In general, the study proposes a qualitative modernization of the system of administrative-territorial construction in Ukraine. In fact, reforming the administrative-territorial structure on the basis of universally recognized world trends can significantly streamline national, regional, subregional and local governance in Ukraine, and bring it to a new level. Also, these reforms carry some modernization of regional economic policy, which the domestic space needs in the face of modern problems.

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COUPERUS, STEFAN. „Research in urban history: recent theses on nineteenth- and early twentieth-century municipal administration“. Urban History 37, Nr. 2 (06.07.2010): 322–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926810000386.

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The ways in which the organization of local government and the practice of political power locally have changed over time has attracted heightened interest from urban and administrative historians over recent decades. Much of this burgeoning interest has paralleled the concurrent decline in the status and powers of local government since the 1980s. In recent years, a shifting focus from government to governance has allowed the historian to re-conceptualize approaches to urban political power. Urban governance denotes a wider system of government by encapsulating the complex range of actors, interests and resources, which straddle the public, private and voluntary sectors, each with a vested interest in the way that political power is organized and practised locally. By broadening their approach to urban political power, urban historians have, since the late 1980s, elicited new perspectives on municipal administration, reattaching it with the national and juridical frameworks of analysis from which it had been fractured. In general, this growing number of local, regional and cross-national historical studies hints at a more complex and interesting municipal dimension which transcends previously impermeable divisions between the private and the public spheres, between political democracy and administrative bureaucracy, between the central state and municipal administration, and between national and transnational contexts of administrative thought and practice.

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AMBROSĂ, Ana-Maria. „Political-Legal Debates on Romania’s Administrative-Territorial Reform and Regionalisation“. Anuarul Universitatii "Petre Andrei" din Iasi - Fascicula: Drept, Stiinte Economice, Stiinte Politice 28 (10.12.2021): 01–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/upalaw/62.

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In search of solutions for durable peace in Europe, the latter part of the 20th century witnessed the emergence of several western-based theories that redefined the relations of national states and the way they related to their territorial subdivisions: functionalism, federalism, neo-functionalism, intergovernmentalism, multi-level governance, etc. In this context, several administrative reforms were carried out in order to stimulate decentralisation and regionalisation. After the fall of communism, the states in Eastern and Central Europe aligned with European Union “fashion” and practices. Taking the same road, Romania has shyly proceeded towards local autonomy, keeping the territorial divisions of its communist past. As far as regionalisation is concerned, it formally adopted the European Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics (NUTS). However, it did not transform the region into a true governance layer.

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Ahmetović, Amir. „Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constitution assembly of the Kingdoms of Serb, Croats and Slovenes and the transformation of social splits into political divisions“. Historijski pogledi 3, Nr. 4 (30.12.2020): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.66.

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Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisions that developed in the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods became the key and only basis for political and party gatherings and are important for today's Bosnia and Herzegovina segmented society. The paper attempts to examine the applicability of the analytical framework (theory) of Lipset and Rokan (formulated in the 1960s) on social divisions in the case of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in 1920? Elements for the answer can be offered by the analysis of the relationship between the ethno-confessional affiliation of citizens, on the one hand, party affiliation, on the other and their acceptance of certain political attitudes and values on the third side. If there is a significant interrelation, it could be concluded that at least indirectly the lines of social divisions condition the party-political division. The political system, of course, is not just a simple reflex of social divisions. One should first try to find the answer to the initial questions: what are the key lines of social divisions? How do they overlap and intersect? How and under what conditions does the transformation of social divisions into a party system take place? The previously stated social divisions passed through the filter of political entrepreneurs and returned as a political offer in which the specific interests and motives of (ethnic) political entrepreneurs were included and incorporated. After the end of the First World War, ethnic, confessional and cultural divisions were (and still are) very present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key lines of division in the ethnic, confessional and cultural spheres, their development and predominantly multipolar (four-polar) character through changes in the forms and breadth of interest and political organization have influenced political options (divisions) and further complicating and strengthening B&H political splits. The concept of cleavage is a mediating concept between the concept of social stratification and its impact on political grouping and political institutions and the political concept that emphasizes the reciprocal influence of political institutions and decisions on changes in social structure. Thanks to political mobilization in ethno-confessional, cultural and class divisions, then the "history of collective memory" and inherited ethno-confessional conflicts, mass political party movements were formed very quickly in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an integral part of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs ( Yugoslav Muslim organization, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Democratic Party, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...). The lines of social divisions overlap with ethnic divisions (Yugoslav Muslim Organization, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...) but also intersect them so that several ethnic groups can coexist within the same party-political framework (Communist Party of Yugoslavia). The significant, even crucial influence of party affiliation and identification on the adoption of certain attitudes speaks of the strong feedback of the parties and even of some kind of created party identity. The paper discusses the first elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized during the Kingdom of SCS and the formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political spectrum on the basic lines of social divisions.

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Moynihan, Donald P. „Protection Versus Flexibility: The Civil Service Reform Act, Competing Administrative Doctrines, and the Roots of Contemporary Public Management Debate“. Journal of Policy History 16, Nr. 1 (Januar 2004): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2004.0005.

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The year 2003 marks the twentieth-fifth anniversary of the Civil Service Reform Act (CSRA) of 1978, a late chapter in the development of the American administrative state and the most significant reform of the civil service system since its creation through the Pendleton Act of 1883. The Act made a number of enduring contributions to the personnel system of the federal government. Given the recursive nature of public management debate, there is considerable policy importance in trying to understand the original basis of decisions on legislation that have shaped the federal government over the last twenty-five years, and the CSRA has recently been the subject of renewed interest. More important, the CSRA was a rare and relatively important shift in the beliefs and attitudes—the administrative doctrine—that shape the evolution of the administrative state. Significantly, the debate during the CSRA saw the emergence of deep divisions within administrative doctrine, divisions that continue to shape public management policymaking.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Political and administrative divisions"

Banks, McRae C. „Degrees of success?: MPA's and MBA's from elite universities and career success in the federal government“. Diss., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/76504.

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Since Woodrow Wilson’s seminal essay "The Study of Administration,” when he called for educating administrators in administration in hopes of making government more business-like, scholars have been investigating the differences and similarities between government and business. Largely ignored was the education for administration; should it likewise be more focused on business? Despite the development of specialized public administration degrees, the Master of Public Administration (MPA) and its equivalents, many managers trained in business schools are employed in federal government. This, alone, should make one question whether or not graduate education in public administration is truly any better or more appropriate for public sector management careers than other graduate degrees, notably the MBA. The present study addresses the issue of degree appropriateness by comparing federal sector managers who are MPA-trained with those who are MBA-trained on ten career success indices. Data to construct the indices were collected via a mailed survey questionnaire sent to the population of federal sector managers holding the MPA or MBA from selected universities. A variety of statistical procedures in SPSS were used to analyze the data. Analysis of the data indicates that few significant differences exist between MPA's and MBA's in career success, as measured in the short term. Possible explanations for these findings are explored. A cohort analysis and t-Test indicates that MBA's receive higher starting salaries than MPA's but MPA's surpass their MBA peers approximately twelve years after completing the master's degree. A hypothetical fourth (older) cohort of MPA's would be significantly higher paid now than MBA's. Implications for individuals, institutions, and society, based on the findings, were discussed, along with limitations to the study and future topics of research.
Ph. D.

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Silva, Diego Coimbra Barcelos da. „Cidade, poder e diferença: outros caminhos para a compreensão do direito à cidade sustentável em Henri Lefebvre“. reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2018. https://repositorio.ucs.br/handle/11338/3752.

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Este trabalho monográfico tem por objeto a análise e a proposição de caminhos alternativos para a compreensão do direito à cidade sustentável, sob o prisma das relações de poder. Para tanto, busca esquadrinhar alguns pressupostos e conceitos centrais da obra de Henri Lefebvre, notadamente aqueles em que a proposta original do direito à cidade se alicerça, a fim de compatibilizá-los com as categorias de análise necessárias à condução da pesquisa. Nesse intento, esboça um quadro argumentativo sistemático que aponta para as direções da redistribuição do poder no espaço urbano, da plenitude do exercício da multiterritorialidade e dos múltiplos territórios e da participaçãointervenção na produção dos discursos ambiental e jurídico-urbanístico, este último através do pluralismo jurídico. Busca, ainda, analisar a viabilidade teórica dos sentidos propostos no escopo da teoria espacial lefebvriana.
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior, CAPES
This dissertation aims at analyzing and proposing alternative ways of understanding the right to a sustainable city, in the light of power relations. To do so, it seeks to explore some key assumptions and concepts of Henri Lefebvre's work, mostly those on which the original proposal of the right to the city was built, in order to match with the categories of analysis in the development of the research. In this attempt, outlines a systematic argumentative framework, that points to the redistribution of power in the urban space, the full exercise of multiterritoriality and multiple territories and the participationintervention in the production of environmental and legal-urban discourse, the latter through the legal pluralism. Also seeks to analyze the theoretical feasibility of the proposed meanings within the scope of Lefebvrian spatial theory.

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Alves, Diorgenes de Moraes Correia. „A Luta pela terra dos quilombolas de Palmas: do quilombo aos direitos territoriais“. Universidade Tecnológica Federal do Paraná, 2013. http://repositorio.utfpr.edu.br/jspui/handle/1/651.

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A presente pesquisa tem por escopo analisar os fundamentos dos direitos territoriais quilombolas na localidade de Palmas-PR: as dificuldades e expectativas quanto à sua efetivação. Assim, inicia-se o estudo com uma incursão à historiografia tradicional para buscar os principais elementos da formação social brasileira, ao mesmo tempo em que procura insular-se da noção idealizada de quilombo pautada em elementos históricoarqueológicos. Já com o advento da Constituição de 1988, previsão dos direitos territoriais quilombolas, ocorre a evolução do conceito de quilombo a partir de elementos antropológicos capazes de abranger a sua dinamicidade como fenômeno social. A partir da demonstração do que pode significar a concretização de tais direitos para o quilombo de Palmas-PR, emergem as diferentes dimensões assumidas pela relação dos quilombolas com o seu território e com o trabalho tradicional, além dos obstáculos encontrados. Assim, os direitos territoriais são frutos do campo das disputas políticas que ao buscar reparar as injustiças da escravidão e da excludente sociedade do trabalho livre; trazem visibilidade para os quilombolas, reforçam a sua luta e criam possibilidades, seja na arena de disputas jurídicas, seja na arena de disputas políticas.
This research has as the main scope to study the fundamentals Maroons territorial rights in Palmas-PR: their issues and their expectations. The study begins through traditional Brazilian historiography elements and the Brazilian social formation, to avoid using the idealized concept of “quilombo”, based in historical and archaeological elements. In the Brazilian National Constitution of 1988, there is an evolution of the concept of “quilombo” with anthropological elements, to become able to comprehend its dynamics as a social phenomenon. After the meanings demonstration of these rights for the Maroons from Palmas- PR, emerge the differents dimensions by the Maroons with its territory and its traditional work. However the structural formation of Brazilian society; the territorial maroons rights are answering to the slavery injustices and social exclusion from the free work society. Theses rights bring visibility to the Maroons, strengthen their cause and create possibilities rather in the legal issues, rather in the political issues.
5000

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Landeo, Orozco Omar. „Un maillage politico-administratif régional optimal, pour le Pérou engagé dans un processus de décentralisation“. Paris 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA010710.

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La division politico-administrative des territoires des États est un outil de leur organisation. Dans le cas du Pérou, l'espace politico-administratif a été organisé durant chaque grande période historique (période pré-colombienne, colonie et république) en fonction des systèmes socio-politique et économique dominants. Ainsi, la division du territoire en circonscriptions politico-administratives et les délimitations de ces dernières se sont au fil du temps adaptées aux formes de l'État et à celles des relations sociales et productives dominantes. La réforme de la décentralisation engagée au Pérou contempaine en 2001 apparaît bien comme une réponse aux problèmes structurels qui bloquent le développement du pays. Parmi ceux-ci figurent les problèmes liés au centralisme politique, à la concentration économique, et aux déséquilibres de l'occupation du territoire. Ceux-ci mettent particulièrement bien en évidence les inadéquations des mailles politico-administratives du territoire péruvien manifeste au début du XXe siècle. Dans le cadre de cette problématique de la recherche d'une correspondance pertinente entre les divisions politico-administratives du territoire et les enjeux des politiques de décentralisation, et compte tenu de l'approche systémique revendiquée, la thèse propose à la fois une démarche d'ajustement de l'espace politico-administratif péruvien et des objectifs des politiques de décentralisation. Et les résultats de cette démarche. Une modélisation de l'identification et de la délimitation des circonscriptions districts. Provinces et régions est réalisée. Alliant théorie et pratique. Cette modélisation propose pour le Pérou un modèle de reforme de l'ensemble de la couverture territoriale. Ce modèle sélectionne des chefs-lieux (centres fonctionnels). Il délimite des districts et des provinces à l'échelon local et des régions et à l'échelon supra local. Définissant ainsi, avec l'espace régional, un nouveau niveau d'identification du territoire.

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Uyttendaele, Marc. „Le fédéralisme inachevé: réflexions sur le système institutionnel belge, issu des réformes de 1988-1989“. Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213170.

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Alcantara, Fernanda Viana de. „Gestão social nos territórios rurais : limites e possibilidades do agreste de Alagoas“. Pós-Graduação em Geografia, 2013. https://ri.ufs.br/handle/riufs/5578.

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The theme of territorial development has attracted interests of different areas of knowledge. In this sense, it becomes necessary to think about the approach of territorial development in Brazil, which became wider at the beginning of the XXI century. This particular thesis aims to perform reflections on the process of preparing and implementing territorial actions to promote a development in rural areas; in this regard the discussion about the experience of Brazilian planning is recognized, and it is also aimed to understand the challenge of construction of mediation processes which are able to guide and operationalize territorial policies; it also aims to forward the interests for discussion that evidences the problematic of social management. The research has an exploratory and investigative character, performing an approach that ponders the territorial development through an analysis, from survey and literature review on the theme, and the analysis of data obtained through fieldwork, such as interviews with the main social actors bound to entities and members of social movements that contribute in the process of territorial development, taking as a parameter the main instance: the Rural Territorial Collegiate. It is acknowledged that the participation of civil society in the elaboration of public policies is significantly important, providing the transcendence of apparent contradictions of interests and visions inherent to public and private domain, particularly when referring to rural environments, in which an increasing on density of commitments and responses is aimed. It is to respond to the challenge of territorial development, in the face to the difficulty in forming government capacity of multiple commitments on strategic interplay of the actors. It refers to the recognition of the importance of the participation and interaction of different social actors in the attempt of delineating ways to territorial development. Also regarding to the discussion of territorial development, this job is linked to the references of the discussion about the rural environment in Portugal, especially the discussion of governance, through contact with Portugal Local Development Associations, although it is considered the significant and notable differences regarding to the territorial dimension and the socio-economic and environmental issues between these two countries. As a result of the research, it is evidenced that the Rural Development Policy in Brazil is a process in construction that still goes through difficulties regarding to its supporting pillars among which is called attention to social management; the data and conducted analysis reveal that there was a process of change in the manner and consequences of action planning in rural environment, and also reveal that there is an advance regarding to the innovation in the instruments of participation and valuing of local forces, from the point of view of the togetherness of different representations that are heterogeneous. And therefore, they try to find the ways to reduce social disparities in rural environment, through management, but still in a fragile way.
A temática do desenvolvimento territorial despertou interesses de diferentes áreas do conhecimento. Torna-se necessário uma análise sobre a abordagem do desenvolvimento territorial no Brasil, que ganhou maior expressão no início do século XXI. A tese em tela tem como objetivo realizar reflexões em torno do processo de elaboração e implementação das ações territoriais para a promoção do desenvolvimento em áreas rurais. Retoma-se a discussão sobre a experiência do planejamento brasileiro, no intuito de compreender a construção de processos de mediação capazes de orientar e operacionalizar as políticas territoriais, visa encaminhar os interesses para a discussão sobre a problemática da governança. A pesquisa é de caráter exploratório-investigativo, aborda e pondera o desenvolvimento territorial por meio da análise, parti do levantamento e revisão bibliográfica referente à temática, e da análise de dados obtidos por meio de trabalho de campo, como as entrevistas dos principais atores sociais vinculados a entidades e membros de movimentos sociais que contribuem no processo de desenvolvimento territorial, tomando como parâmetro a instância principal: os Colegiados Territoriais Rurais. Reconhece-se que a participação da sociedade civil na elaboração das políticas públicas é significativa e propicia a transcendência de aparentes contradições de interesses e visões inerentes ao domínio público e privado, especialmente, quando se refere aos meios rurais, onde se procura aumentar a densidade de compromissos e de respostas. Trata-se de responder ao desafio do desenvolvimento territorial, face à dificuldade para constituir capacidade governativa de compromissos múltiplos no entrosamento estratégico. Refere-se ao reconhecimento da importância da participação e interação de diferentes atores sociais na tentativa de delinear caminhos para o desenvolvimento territorial. No âmbito da discussão do desenvolvimento territorial, o trabalho faz vínculo com as referências do debate sobre o meio rural em Portugal, em especial o contato com as Associações de Desenvolvimento Local de Portugal, embora se considere as significativas e notórias diferenças sobre a dimensão territorial e aos aspectos sócio-econômicos e ambientais existentes entre os dois países. O resultado da pesquisa evidencia que a política de desenvolvimento territorial rural no Brasil é um processo em construção que passa por dificuldades nos pilares de implantação e sustentação, dentre os quais se destaca a gestão social. Dados e análises realizadas revelam que ocorreu um processo de mudança na forma e nos desdobramentos das ações no meio rural, e que há avanços no sentido de inovações nos instrumentos de participação e de valorização das forças locais, como o ajuntamento de diferentes representações que são heterogêneas, mas buscam encontrar meios de reduzir as disparidades sociais no meio rural por meio da gestão, entretanto, ainda de forma frágil.

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Gomez, Reino Juan Luis. „Essays on optimal jurisdictional size for local service delivery“. Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/34656.

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This dissertation contributes to the definition of an analytical framework for the study of optimal jurisdictional size for local service delivery. We argue that the standard economics framework for the analysis of optimal jurisdictional size importantly neglects individual preferences for political accountability. Our theoretical model shows that once we take into account such preferences, the optimal jurisdictional size for the provision of local public goods is smaller than in the standard model. We obtain empirical evidence to support our hypothesis from a sample of 197 countries. Our results show that, in fact, demand for political accountability leads to higher jurisdictional fragmentation both in terms of greater number of jurisdictions and smaller average population per jurisdiction. In addition, a meta-analysis of the empirical contributions to the study of economies of scale in the provision of local services shows that the economies of scale expected from service provision to larger jurisdictional sizes may not be present except for a handful of local services, and limited to relatively small population sizes. The results of the meta-analysis signal moderately increasing to constant returns to scale in the provision of traditional local services. In light of these results, we argue that forced jurisdictional consolidation programs across the world justified by perceptions of excessive jurisdictional fragmentation, or by the expectation of large expenditure savings due to economies of scale may have been, thus, erroneously designed. From a policy perspective, multi-layered institutional frameworks for service delivery (including cooperation and privatization among other options) may allow targeting available efficiency gains more efficiently than consolidation.

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Victoir, Laura A. „Moscow-area estates : a case study of twentieth-century architectural preservation and cultural politics“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670078.

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Lopes, Marcia. „Politica cientifica regional : o caso da FAPEMAT no estado de Mato Grosso“. [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/287477.

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Orientador: Andre Tosi Furtado
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T00:16:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lopes_Marcia_M.pdf: 684256 bytes, checksum: 3e57583d2dc84fc1ce18c97f730d3dab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008
Resumo: Esta dissertação analisa a dinâmica institucional da Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Mato Grosso, situando-a no processo de descentralização da Política Nacional de Ciência e Tecnologia, cujos objetivos principais são o fortalecimento dos Estados menos desenvolvidos da Federação e a redução das assimetrias regionais existentes no país. Procura entender qual foi a trajetória da FAPEMAT e os seus principais condicionantes, desde a Constuição de 1988 até o ano de 2006. Comprova que, apesar de sua situação de Estado periférico, o Mato Grosso conseguiu instituir sua Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa e viabilizar o seu funcionamento. Atualmente a FAPEMAT constitui-se um elemento fundamental no desenvolvimento da Política Científica e Tecnológica em Mato Grosso.
Abstract: The aim of this thesis is to analyze the institutional dynamics of the Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Mato Grosso (Foundation for the Support of Research in the state of Mato Grosso) - FAPEMAT, by placing it in the process of decentralization of the National Policy of Science and Technology, whose main objectives are the strengthen of the less developed states of the Federation and the reduction of the regional asymmetries in the country. We also intend to understand the trajectory of FAPEMAT and its main conditioning factors, from the Constitution of 1988 to the year of 2006. It is demonstrated that, in spite of its situation as a peripheral state, Mato Grosso managed to launch this Foundation and enable its operation. Nowadays, FAPEMAT is established as a basic element in the development of the Scientific and Technological Policy in Mato Grosso.
Mestrado
Mestre em Política Científica e Tecnológica

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Yakhlef, Mohamed M. B. L. „La municipalité de Fez à l'époque du Protectorat (1912-1956)“. Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213108.

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Bücher zum Thema "Political and administrative divisions"

Zoltán, Hajdú. Administrative division and administrative geography in Hungary. Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies of Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 1987.

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Singh, A. P., und R. C. Sethi. Administrative atlas of India. New Delhi: Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India, Ministry of Home Affairs, Govt. of India, 2011.

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Lechasseur, Antonio. Municipalités et paroisses du Bas-Saint-Laurent, de la Gaspésie et des Iles-de-la-Madeleine: Populations et limites territoriales, 1851-1981. Québec: Institut québécois de recherche sur la culture, 1987.

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Medieval Ireland: Territorial, political, and economic divisions. Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008.

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Yves, Cartier, und Office de planification et de développement du Québec., Hrsg. Les Régions administratives du Québec. [Québec]: Gouvernement du Québec, Ministère du Conseil exécutif, Office de planification et de développement du Québec, 1990.

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Kant, Surya. Administrative geography of India. Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 1988.

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"Xizang, de di yu zi yuan yu xing zheng qu hua" bian xie zu. Tibet: Geography, natural resources and administrative division. Beijing: Foreign languages Press, 2008.

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législatif, Canada Législature Conseil, Hrsg. Conseil législatif électif: Remarques sur les changements suggérés par quelques Messieurs représentant les townships, aux divisions électorales proposées pour le Conseil législatif électif .. [S.l: s.n., 1986.

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Ghana: Administrative areas and boundaries, 1874-2009. Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 2010.

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Universiṭat Ben-Guryon ba-Negev. Mahlaḳah le-geʼografyah. Atlas of the Negev: Negev administrative boundries. Beersheba]: Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Department of Geography, Institute for Desert Research, Geo-Statistical Unit, 1986.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Political and administrative divisions"

Rongxing, Guo. „Spatial and Administrative Divisions“. In How the Chinese Economy Works, 16–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230245686_2.

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Guo, Rongxing. „Spatial and Administrative Divisions“. In How the Chinese Economy Works, 19–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32306-0_2.

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Machidori, Satoshi. „Administrative Reform“. In Political Reform Reconsidered, 77–97. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9433-3_4.

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Srodecki, Paul. „Medieval and Renaissance Political Unions“. In Unions and Divisions, 3–32. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003199007-2.

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Rouban, Luc. „Political-Administrative Relations“. In The Civil Service in the 21st Century, 263–78. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230593084_17.

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Service, Robert. „War’s Divisions: 1915–1916“. In Lenin: A Political Life, 97–127. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13785-5_4.

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Warren, Kenneth F. „Administrative Law“. In Administrative Law in the Political System, 1–23. 6th edition. | New York, NY ; Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429425219-1.

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Ware, Alan. „The Divisions in American Society“. In Political Conflict in America, 17–39. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137010339_2.

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Cable, James. „Divisions on Constitutional Issues“. In Political Institutions and Issues in Britain, 99–107. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18765-2_10.

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Alder, John. „Underlying political traditions“. In Constitutional and Administrative Law, 27–55. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-47492-6_2.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Political and administrative divisions"

Klarić, Mirko. „SMART DIGITALIZATION AND PUBLIC SERVICES IN THE EU“. In International Scientific Conference “Digitalization and Green Transformation of the EU“. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/27446.

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„Smart digitalization “is a term which describes the implementation of contemporary information technologies and application of digital solutions in improving various public services in society. The main aspect of smart digitalization is the promotion of smart digital services such as „smart cities “, „smart government “and „smart administration “, which represent digitalization of various local, regional and central government activities in the true creation of a common digital platform with a unique approach. A common and unique platform of public services can assure their provision and delivery to various users in society, and the possibility to choose the type of services which they need in daily life. Another aspect of „smart digitalization “is participation in political life of the community by using digital services as a main tool to canalize political processes in the community. An additional element of „smart digitalization “is the harmonization of digital public services, which can assure efficient and economic functioning of public institutions, central and local administrative bodies and different levels of government authority. That approach can be important in the context of green transformation of the EU, which represents one of the main EU public policies, connected with the transition of the European economy and society in the direction of sustainable development. This paper will analyze the main elements of the integrative approach in the implementation of digital technologies in public services. Elements of the integrative approach can be divided according to the implementation of digital technologies in central government digital services, regional government, digital services and local government digital services. The second division of smart digitalization can be divided into e-democracy and e-administration, where e-democracy represents the implementation of information technology in democratic processes in society, and e-administration includes implementation of information technologies in the functioning of administrative bodies and the delivery of public services and goods to the citizens, companies and other social, economic and political subjects in society. In this paper as a research methodology deductive and synthetic approach will be used to describe the main aspects of the implementation of a „smart digitalization “policy and analyze its influence on the sustainable transformation of European society. The applied methodology needs to explain how the implementation of “the smart digitalization “policy in public services impacts on green transition and the social transformation of European society in the direction of sustainable development and strengthening energy independency.

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Blažić, Đorđije, und Anika Kovačević. „IZVRŠNA VLAST U VIDOVDANSKOM USTAVU“. In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.247b.

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The author analyzes the provisions of the Vidоvdan Constitution which regulate the position and competence of the executive branch. With the Vidovdan Constitution, the Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenes was proclaimed a constitutional parliamentary and hereditary monarchy in which the King has a central constitutional position and the position of an undisputed holder of executive power. The executive power is made available to the king, which is exercised by the ministers for him, with him and his subordinates. Ministers form the Council of Ministers (Government) and are at the head of certain administrative departments. Although the Constitution proclaimed parliamentarism, there was no classic parliamentary responsibility of ministers before the Assembly. The king was a political factor that enters the field of competence of other holders of power, and thus the division of power provided by the constitution "falls away". The king's power extends to the civil and military field of life of the state, to the external and internal spheres. Although the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution aimed to create a unified system of organization and division of power, the internal state and political situation in the country, after the adoption of the Constitution, became more complicated and filled with frequent ministerial crises and conflicts of political parties. The King's domination and his frequent "going out" outside the constitutional framework resulted in increasing centralization and, in the end, a coup d'etat and the establishment of King Alexander Karadjordjevic's personal dictatorship.

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Albulescu, Andra-Cosmina, und Daniela Larion. „FOREST CANOPY LOSS TRENDS (2001-2020) IN THE MOLDAVIAN COUNTIES OF ROMANIA. A GIS-BASED ANALYSIS“. In 22nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022v/3.2/s14.40.

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Forests rank at the top of the natural assets of Romania, both because of their rich biodiversity, and their livelihood-sustaining role. In the ex-socialist countries that entered the tumultuous early-democratic era and faced many socio-economic adjustments, the monitoring of this valuable biome becomes critical for its sustainable management. This study aims to examine 20 years (2001-2020) of forest canopy loss in the Moldavian counties in Romania, using the spatial dataset provided by the GLAD laboratory and the Global Forest Watch. A GIS-based analysis was performed in order to compute the forest canopy loss and the percentage of this loss in the total forest cover, specific to five time intervals of equal duration. The results are placed on the timeline of major forestry-related legal framework and forest ownership changes, facilitating a context-integrated interpretation. Forest canopy loss in the study area varies between more than 15,270 ha (2001-2004) to more than 24,000 ha (2005-2008), and different evolution trends can be identified at county scale. In addition, a West-East division of the high and low forest canopy loss values was identified, in correlation with natural and administrative factors. These findings add to our understanding of forest cover dynamics in post-socialist countries, also highlighting the influence of the changes in forest ownership and forestry regulation framework triggered by the political and social transition, and by the alignment to the international environmental governance.

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Stojić, Gordan, Ilija Tanackov, Sanjin Milinković und Siniša Sremac. „Analysis of the railway system in the region of Serbian Banat“. In TRANSPORT FOR TODAY'S SOCIETY. Faculty of Technical Sciences Bitola, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/tts2021.1.1.21.p22.

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in Serbian Banat is unsatisfactory. Railway stations in Serbian Banat region transport extremely small number of passengers. The volume of railway freight transport, even in the conditions of liberalization of the railway market, is still small. Keywords – Administrative divisions, railway infrastructure, railway transport, condition, realization.

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Kolba, Alexey, Maria Tereshina und Laura Shpiro. „Krasnodar Agglomeration as a Project: Political and Administrative Development Resources“. In 6th International Conference on Economics, Management, Law and Education (EMLE 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.210210.064.

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Юрий, Белоногов. „POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE ASPECT OF ADMINISTRATIVE-TERRITORIAL REFORMS OF THE 1930TH ‒ THE 1950TH IN MODERN RUSSIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY“. In MODERN CITY: POWER, GOVERNANCE, ECONOMICS. Publishing House of Perm National Research Polytechnic University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/65.049-66/2020.37.

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The article considers historiographic assessments of the administrative-territorial transformations of the Stalinist period of Soviet history through the prism of relations "Center - Regions." For the supreme government in the period under study, the obvious dilemma was the choice between the economic efficiency of the spatial development of enlarged and self-sufficient regions, on the one hand, and the increase in the political manageability of the Center for regional development, on the other hand. The policy of disengaging the regions and giving the former dis-trict centers the status of regional capitals was connected with the need of the Cen-ter to monitor the processes of industrialization and collectivization, bring man-agement closer to production, as well as weaken the influence of regional leaders to strengthen the regime of personal power of I.V. Stalin. Subsequently, the political struggle for power in the 1950s. contributed to a gradual and irreversible review of the relationship between the central and regional authorities: for political reasons, the Center abandoned the administrative-territorial transformations of the regions.

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Dewi, Rahmi Surya, Aceng Abdullah, Eni Maryani und Dadang Suganda. „Internet Memes : Representation of Indonesian Political Culture in Jakarta Gubernatorial Election 2017“. In International Conference on Administrative Science (ICAS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icas-17.2017.45.

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Almula-dhanoon, Mufeed. „Nexus Between Political Stability and Economic Growth– Evidence from Middle East Countries“. In 3rd International Conference on Administrative & Financial Sciences. Cihan University - Erbil, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24086/afs2020/paper.283.

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There is much research that has discussed the relationship between political stability and economic growth, but only a few have attempted to explore the causal relationship between them. This paper aims to examine the causative relations between political instability (measured by the government stability index), and economic growth for fourteen countries in the Middle East for the period 1984-2017. The methodology based on the application of Granger Toda-Yamamoto (T-Y) method for the purpose of analyzing the causal relationship between the two variables. The empirical results show that there is no evident on causal relation between political stability and economic growth.

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Karim, Hawraman, und Murad Mzori. „Nation-Building in Kurdistan“. In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp286-294.

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We define nation-building as a process which leads to the formation of countries in which the citizens feel a sufficient amount of commonality of interests, goals and preferences so that they do not wish to separate from each other. It can also be said that nation-building is a process in which the government, the state or a group of elites act with the aim of creating national unity and reducing divisions in society. In this regard, groups and ethnicities come together to form a national identity. Nation and nation-building are two modern phenomena and the elements of the nation-building process, which are patriotic unity, citizenship, collective identity, equal opportunities for all citizens and a common language, are the foundations of the formation of a modern state. In this research and theoretically, the concept of nation-building and its constituent elements and the importance of this process for the Kurdistan region are discussed. The main question in this research is the question of the national existence of the Kurd. Is there a nation in the Kurdistan region? If so, how? If not, why not? Should nation-building or state-building be a priority for the Kurds in the Kurdistan region?

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Rahayu, Dina Dwi, und Tuhfatul Maula. „The Dynamic of Institutional Relation of BPD and Village Head -- Problems of Local Political Representation“. In International Conference on Administrative Science (ICAS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icas-17.2017.18.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Political and administrative divisions"

Bazzi, Samuel, und Matthew Gudgeon. The Political Boundaries of Ethnic Divisions. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Mai 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w24625.

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Kukushkina, Nataliya. Political administrative map of Canada. Herausgegeben von Nikolay Komedchikov und Aleksandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, März 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm12-01-3.

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Kukushkina, Nataliya. Political administrative map of Romania. Herausgegeben von Nikolay Komedchikov, Aleksandr Khropov und Larisa Loginova. Entsiklopediya, April 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2015-12-13-8.

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Rikhlova, Tatiana. Political administrative map of Aruba. Herausgegeben von Nikolay Komedchikov und Aleksandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, April 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2015-12-14-5.

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Rikhlova, Tatiana. Political administrative map of Belize. Herausgegeben von Nikolay Komedchikov und Aleksandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, Februar 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2015-12-14-6.

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Rikhlova, Tatiana. Political administrative map of Iceland. Herausgegeben von Nikolay Komedchikov und Aleksand Khropov. Entsiklopediya, Februar 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2015-12-18-4.

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Novichkova, Tatiana. Political administrative map of Egypt. Herausgegeben von Nikolay Komedchikov, Larisa Loginova und Alexandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, Dezember 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-02-10-11.

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Novichkova, Tatiana. Political administrative map of Iraq. Herausgegeben von Nikolay Komedchikov und Alexandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, Februar 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-02-10-13.

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Novichkova, Tatiana. Political administrative map of Austria. Herausgegeben von Nikolay Komedchikov und Alexandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, Januar 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-02-10-2.

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Novichkova, Tatiana. Political administrative map of Argentina. Herausgegeben von Nikolay Komedchikov und Alexandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, April 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-02-10-3.

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