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1
Huh, Koung-Mi. „A Study on the US Corrupt Police Officer Regulation System: Focusing on the New York Police Department“. Korea Anti-Corruption Law Association 6, Nr. 2 (31.08.2023): 185–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.36433/kacla.2023.6.2.185.
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This study analyzes the corrupt police officer regulatory system in the United States and presents its dilemma or implications. Due to the complex legal system in the United States, the punishment for the same corruption is different. This gives police officers the false impression that a colleague has been sacrificed in order to uphold noble justice. Federal disciplinary laws make it difficult to punish corrupt police officers because they determine the necessity of using firearms or violent force from the police officer's point of view. After all, the government is making a practice of closing corruption cases with a large civil settlement. Sanctions are required when the New York Police Commissioner does not accept the civil complaint review committee's disciplinary recommendation for corrupt police officers.Violence and excessive use of firearms by US police officers are increasing the number of civilian deaths. It should be recognized that punishing only the problem cops, like the rotten apple theory, is not an essential solution. Corruption among civilian police officers is also serious, and a separate anti-corruption policy is needed. US police need to make efforts to restore the trust and status of the police, which have been lost to the extent that the theory of abolition of the police force is spreading. In addition, the corruption control system of the police organization should be systematically overhauled.
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Shut, O. A., M. M. Mogunova, A. L. Balandin und D. A. Baimukhanova. „THE AMERICAN ANTI-CORRUPTION POLICY“. Vestnik of M. Kozybayev North Kazakhstan University, Nr. 3 (55) (19.10.2022): 122–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54596/2309-6977-2022-3-122-126.
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The topic of combating corruption in our world is more relevant than ever. Corruption negatively affects the state apparatus, which affects its functioning. The article examines the experience of fighting corruption in the United States of America. To prevent bribery in public policy, the United States of America became one of the first countries to initiate an active fight against corruption. The relevance of this article lies in the fact that corruption that occurs at the highest levels of government leads to the destruction of the political, economic and legal system of the state. Therefore, in order to effectively combat it, it is necessary to carefully study the experience of other states, adopting all effective methods.
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Borisov, Vladimir Konstantinovich, und Sergei Romanovich Chepurnykh. „The history of the fight against corruption in the United States“. Interactive science, Nr. 11 (76) (29.12.2022): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-558757.
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The relevance of the article is due to the significance of the problem of corruption for the modern world. According to the latest United Nations estimates, the annual volume of bribes in all countries is estimated at a trillion dollars. Due to corruption, the state loses about 2.6 trillion dollars. To combat corruption, almost every country has an anti-corruption policy, which means the activities of public authorities at different levels, public organizations and citizens aimed at preventing and combating corruption. Today, the problem of conducting a truly effective anti-corruption policy is quite acute for most states. Thus, over the past decade, 154 out of 180 countries have shown negative dynamics or remained at the same level in the Corruption Perception Index. In this regard, there is a need to study the experience of fighting corruption in different countries. The American experience deserves special study. It was the United States of America that became one of the first count
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W. Becker, Steven. „Human trafficking, homicide and current prevention efforts in The United States of America“. Hrvatski ljetopis za kaznene znanosti i praksu 29, Nr. 2 (29.11.2022): 565–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54070/hljk.29.2.11.
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The article focuses primarily on the question of why human trafficking is often overlooked as a contributing factor in homicide cases. As a case study, the author analyzes one of the most infamous serial murder cases in United States history, the John Wayne Gacy case, in which the human trafficking element remained hidden for almost 40 years. The case is examined from five different perspectives: (1) the prosecution; (2) the defense; (3) the police; (4) the culture; and (5) political corruption. In addition, the piece provides an overview of current efforts in the United States to prevent trafficking in persons, including a summary of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, the annual Trafficking in Persons Report, with its informative regional and country narratives, and the White House’s National Action Plan to Combat Human Trafficking.
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Lim, Chang-Ho. „The Measures of Enhancing Police Accountability Mechanisms in South Korea“. Korean Association of Public Safety and Criminal Justice 31, Nr. 3 (30.09.2022): 395–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.21181/kjpc.2022.31.3.395.
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It is true that South Korea’s police accountability mechanisms, unlike those of United States and United Kingdom, have been not systematically established and that academic research on the police accountability mechanisms has been also very poor. The purpose of this study is first to analyze previous studies published recently in South Korea and foreign countries on the police accountability mechanisms, second to summarize the police accountability mechanisms of western countries, third to explain six types of the police accountability mechanisms of South Korea and, fourth to suggest the measures for improving the police accountability mechanisms of South Korea. In particular, this study presented six types of police accountability mechanisms in South Korea: legal, political, administrative, societal, communal, and judicial. In order to improve the police accountability system in South Korea, the measures to strengthen the internal police accountability mechanisms and strengthen the external police accountability mechanisms have been proposed. First, in order to strengthen the internal police accountability mechanisms, it is necessary to strengthen the performance evaluation of the police department, introduce the early warning system, strengthen the education and training of police officers, and operate the existing internal police accountability mechanisms more systematically. Second, in order to strengthen the external police accountability mechanisms, it is necessary to activate the police supervision system, activate the police ombudsman system of the Anti-Corruption and Civil Rights Commission, establish the police accountability mechanisms step by step, and promote research on the police accountability mechanisms.
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Phillips, Alan. „An Introduction to Vaccine Policy and Law in the United States“. Homœopathic Links 29, Nr. 02 (Juni 2016): 097–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0036-1582470.
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US Vaccine Rights Attorney Alan Phillips briefly reviews vaccine effectiveness historically; then highlights some of the well-documented, systemic corruption in today's health care system generally, and introduces components of vaccine law in the United States, including the federal Vaccine Injury Compensation Program and vaccine exemptions that apply to vaccine mandates in over a dozen different contexts and subcontexts.
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Fajimbola, Joshua Olatunde. „America’s Foreign Policy and the Challenges of Liberal Democracy in Africa“. Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy 3, Nr. 2 (30.12.2022): 528–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.03-j.
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The paper examines the United States of America’s foreign policy toward Africa in terms of promoting liberal democracy, as well as the challenges that African countries face in putting liberal democracy principles into practice, thereby impeding expected dividends and development. It is based on secondary data sources and descriptive data analysis methods. The findings revealed a gap between what the United States proposed for Africa in terms of good governance, anti-corruption, and social development and how liberal democracy actually works on the continent. The paper observed that, despite America’s celebration of liberal democracy, the effect in Africa is contextualized by the majority of African countries’ experiences of impressive governance, ineffective leadership, and endemic corruption. The various bilateral agreements between the United States of America and some African countries to promote liberal democracy have also been called into question due to deviations from expected outcomes. The paper suggests a philosophical approach to liberal democracy in Africa that incorporates pre-colonial African leadership traditions and governance cultures. African governments should invest adequately in youths and galvanize their energies for productivity through employment opportunities in order to uphold and protect liberal democracy. On the other hand, the United States should strengthen bilateral relations with each African country to ensure that they achieve good governance and economic development for mutual benefit.
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Dincer, Oguzhan C., und Per G. Fredriksson. „Corruption and environmental regulatory policy in the United States: Does trust matter?“ Resource and Energy Economics 54 (November 2018): 212–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.reseneeco.2018.10.001.
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Dziundziuk, V., und S. Merezhko. „MODEL FOR FORMING OF ANTI-CORRUPTION POLICY IN UKRAINE“. East European Scientific Journal 5, Nr. 4(68) (14.05.2021): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/essa.2782-1994.2021.5.68.29.
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Formulation of the problem. Different countries have different anti-corruption strategies. However, just separate strategies to combat such a complex phenomenon as corruption are not enough; a purposeful and long-term public policy is needed, of which the mentioned strategies will be a part. And, in our opinion, such a policy should be based on the United Nations Convention against Corruption [7], which has been created as a strong base and legal framework for the fight against corruption. This Convention is unique as it is grounded on a shared understanding of the dangers and negative consequences of corruption from a wide range of participating states. However, there is a downside: while the Convention provides new
opportunities and guidance for national policy and anticorruption measures, it can also create new issues in this area, for example, the temptation to take too many anti-corruption measures at the same time, which will lead to negative results and undermine the faith of citizens in anti-corruption efforts.
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Hac, Piotr. „Integrity Testing in Poland — Issues, Experience and Practical Comments“. Internal Security 8, Nr. 2 (31.12.2016): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.2271.
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The aim of this article is to present a subject not widely known in Poland: the tool known as Integrity Testing that is in place in several countries of the world (including countries in Europe). It is used to fight corruption and irregularities in the functioning of public institutions and means the possibility of anti-corruption authorities creating a false corruption situation in order to verify an officer’s behaviour. The motives for the inception of the procedure, its assumptions and the basic conditions of use are presented,and the terminology used is also explained. It shows the positive, preventive aspects of the use of tests and the need for a professional approach to these on the part of the people implementing and performing them. For the purposes of this article the tests described have been divided into four main groups and the criteria adopted have been explained. A comparative analysis of integrity testing as used by institutions in the United States, Australia, Great Britain, Romania and the Czech Republic is also carried out, specifying the key differences between these systems, including how to implement procedures and the possible use of the results. Specific figures are given concerning the number of tests carried out in some countries and their effectiveness. The assumptions used in integrity tests are also compared to current similar solutions in the anti-corruption law operating in the Polish police (Article 19 of the Police Act). Also outlined are the main problems requiring a response before any possible start of work on the implementation of integrity tests in Poland. At the same time it is noted that in the years 2007–2008 the Polish Police worked on a similar legal solution, but ultimately this was not accepted. The article is based on the author’s personal knowledge and experience resulting in a highly pragmatic picture of the issues presented.
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Moiseienko, Anton. „THE OWNERSHIP OF CONFISCATED PROCEEDS OF CORRUPTION UNDER THE UN CONVENTION AGAINST CORRUPTION“. International and Comparative Law Quarterly 67, Nr. 3 (23.04.2018): 669–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002058931800012x.
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AbstractArticle 51 of the United Nations Convention against Corruption sets forth the return of assets diverted through corruption as a fundamental principle of the Convention. This raises the question of whether the State where the stolen assets are located is entitled to refuse their repatriation or subject it to certain conditions. This article analyses the Convention and the policy considerations behind it and argues that such a State has a wider discretion over the return of stolen assets than is often thought. Furthermore, the article argues that the rule of law may be better served if States take vigorous action to confiscate the proceeds of corruption regardless of whether they are ultimately repatriated.
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Baez Camargo, Claudia, und Gayle Burgess. „Working Paper 39: Behavioural drivers of corruption facilitating illegal wildlife trade“. Basel Institute on Governance Working Papers, Nr. 39 (02.06.2022): 1–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.12685/bigwp.2022.39.1-61.
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This Problem Analysis is a review of the efficacy and opportunities for using social norm and behaviour change (SNBC) approaches to combat illegal wildlife trade (IWT) and other natural resource-related corruption.
Behavioural science is a rich and expansive field that has received prominent coverage in recent years for the promise it offers as a foundational yet underutilised approach to achieving biodiversity conservation. Extensive literature shows how SNBC initiatives can help combat diverse corruption problems, although for those related to natural resource management the evidence for doing so is sparse.
This report synthesises the available information and suggests the next steps to redress this current lack of evidence. It seeks to:
Understand what SNBC approaches might or might not work in fighting corruption.
Identify entry points for designing SNBC interventions that can effectively reduce corruption related to IWT.
This Analysis has been produced in association with the Targeting Natural Resource Corruption (TNRC) project. The TNRC project is working to improve biodiversity outcomes by helping practitioners to address the threats posed by corruption to wildlife, fisheries and forests. TNRC harnesses existing knowledge, generates new evidence, and supports innovative policy and practice for more effective anti-corruption programming. Learn more at tnrcproject.org.
This publication is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID, the United States Government, or individual TNRC consortium members.
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Kang, Sungyong. „Measuring Corruption as a Threat to International Security: An Emerging Indicator for Enhancement of Global Corruption Governance“. Michigan Journal of International Law, Nr. 44.1 (2023): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36642/mjil.44.1.measuring.
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The conceptual changes to international security after the end of the Cold War, and particularly those following the al-Qaeda attacks of 2001, clarified the symbiotic relationship between corruption and international security: Corruption destroys the social political environment required to create human security and to ensure safety from terrorist attacks, and national borders increasingly fail to restrain its negative consequences. To achieve human security though policy intervention in domestic affairs, global corruption governance relies on numerical indicators that measure corruption. By evaluating states through public comparison, indicators pressure states to improve their domestic institutions and structures to align them with the international legal regime against corruption. However, existing indicators, including the Corruption Perceptions Index and Control of Corruption, have serious deficiencies that precipitate strong criticism from scholars and practitioners. This article suggests that the objective numerical measurement of “Corruption (0703),” one of the statistical measurements under the International Classification of Crime for Statistical Purposes (ICCS) of United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), is an emerging indicator that can enhance global corruption governance by supplementing or substituting existing indicators which are subjective numerical measurement of corruption. The significance of corruption as a threat to international security, not simply to international business, thus increases the absolute gains of Corruption (0703). Therefore, it is vital that states utilize and comply with Corruption (0703). For this recommendation to be persuasive, however, the following three questions must be answered. Does Corruption (0703) have the qualities necessary to exert pressure on states by negatively impacting their power in a way that existing indicators cannot? Can states, which are both the subjects and objects of the Corruption (0703) measurement, realistically comply with it, and will they do so? How can the problem of state cheating to achieve a more favorable score be overcome? To answer these questions, this article contemplates distinct characteristics of corruption between domestic criminal law and international agreements, and ultimately adopts the approach of neo-liberals, who prioritize absolute gain over relative gain and are thus optimistic about the potential for international organization and cooperation in implementing and enforcing this metric. In addition, this article often refers to the Republic of Korea as a case study because it has reached the most advanced stage of ICCS implementation.
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Sofian, Ahmad, Bambang Pratama und Hanifah Azizah. „Mechanism For Asset Forfeiture In The Money Loundering Criminal Law And Asset Forfeiture Bill (Law Comparison With The United States)“. Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 11, Nr. 12 (05.12.2023): e1712. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v11i12.1712.
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Objective: This paper attempts to compare the law between Indonesia and The United States of America regarding the mechanism of asset forfeiture in the context of criminal law. In Indonesia, several criminal law provisions already regulate the possibility of confiscating and forfeiting the proceeds of criminal acts. However, under these provisions, asset forfeiture can only be carried out after the perpetrator of the criminal act is legally and convincingly proven to have committed a criminal act. The Asset Forfeiture Draft Law the text of which is just about to be submitted to parliament can bridge the norm of illicit enrichment or improperly obtained wealth, which is actually set out in the UN Convention Against Corruption, but not yet in Indonesian law. Theoretical framework: To present Indonesian and U.S. experience in regulating the possibility of confiscating and forfeiting the proceeds and instruments of criminal acts. It takes a complete and comprehensive normative juridical approach to asset forfeiture law, presents theoretical elaboration from international scientific publications, reports, and empirical studies. This paper presents a comparison between Indonesian and United States law regarding the forfeiture of assets resulting from money laundering. The United States has been the initiator of the Non-Conviction Based Asset Forfeiture mechanism. As a result of applying the concept of Non-Conviction Based Asset Forfeiture, the United States has benefited by being able to recover state losses suffered due to corruption without having to go through criminal proceedings. Thus, it has been able to minimize state losses occurring due to corruption. Methodology: There have been many studies examining asset forfeiture in various countries, but no study has been found thus far which adequately describes the norms and implementation of laws Indonesian and United States laws, respectively. It is important for Indonesia to understand the United States’ experience, both normatively as well as empirically. Therefore, the normative juridical approach with comparative study approach serves as a tool to investigate various legal aspects of the two countries. Articles with relevant themes that occur in various countries, including Indonesia and the United States, are included in this study. Results and conclusion: An asset forfeiture mechanism is required in national law which adopts the model of forfeiture of assets resulting from criminal acts through civil law. The implementation of the model of criminal asset forfeiture by the means of civil law is needed for the prompt recovery of state losses without first having to prove the criminal act committed by the perpetrator. Originality/ value: This paper is a comparative study of Indonesian and U.S. law respectively which highlights money laundering and asset forfeiture. This study also demonstrates that the asset forfeiture mechanism applied in the United States of America using Non-Conviction Based Asset Forfeiture is a revolutionary concept in forfeiting the proceeds of crime.
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Beydina, Т., O. Pogulich, Yа Durov und А. Novikova. „IMPLEMENTATION OF ANTI-CORRUPTION POLICY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMIC SECURITY AND COUNTERACTION OF CORRUPTION OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF MINISTRY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF RUSSIA FOR THE TRANSBAIKAL REGION, AS A POLITICAL PROCESS“. Transbaikal State University Journal 27, Nr. 2 (2021): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2021-27-2-52-64.
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The article is relevant, since it provides an assessment of anti-corruption policy as a political process at the regional and local levels. Purpose of the article: to identify the stages of the political process on anti-corruption policy focused on the prevention of the negative consequences of corruption. The levels of the political process, as substantiated in the article, are associated with the development of socio-economic and political differences between regions. The identification of these levels is the scientific novelty of this study. In the modern period, there is a crisis of international relations, globalization and the strengthening of national trends, including in the dynamics of the development of political processes. The fight against terrorism, the COVID-19 epidemic, environmental problems, and anti-corruption policies are not united in a global perspective, but “disintegrate” into national apartments and become problems of individual countries, not the entire modern community. This is the specificity of the political process at the global and national levels. The article is devoted to the problems of managing economic security, and combating corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation for the Transbaikal Region (hereinafter UEBiPK UMVD of Russia for the Transbaikal Region), further which is part of the police. This organization is an operational subdivision that carries out, within its competence, operational-search activities directed against crimes in relation to state power, the interests of the civil service and service in local government bodies. The specificity of the activities of the UEBiPK UMVD of Russia for the Transbaikal Region is the identification and documentation of economic, corruption malfeasance, as well as the implementation of operational support for anti-corruption policy. Anti-corruption policy as a political process in the Transbaikal Region is unstable, taking into account the cross-border specifics and has four levels: detection, response, prevention and evaluation of effectiveness. This conclusion is a scientific achievement of the authors. In addition, the author analyzes the political stability that is necessary for the implementation of the anti-corruption policy of the Transbaikal Region. The main thrust of this policy is economic crimes committed using information and communication technologies. The article describes the effectiveness of anti-corruption policy in the Transbaikal Territory
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Alekseev, Roman. „Anti-corruption as one of the key vectors of state policy: world and Russian experience“. Journal of Political Research 4, Nr. 1 (27.03.2020): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-38-53.
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The purpose of the article is to study the anti-corruption policy in Russia and abroad, identify and characterize the main anti-corruption strategies. Comparative studies were chosen as the main method of scientific research, and case studies were used to analyze the anti-corruption strategies of a number of countries: the United States, great Britain, Germany, New Zealand, Denmark, Finland, China, Japan and Singapore; in comparison with Russia. The causes of corruption are analyzed, and measures aimed at preventing it are identified. It is hypothesized that only by using various anti-corruption strategies in combination, it is possible to effectively resist corruption. Three main strategies are identified: systematic elimination of the causes of corruption, aimed at reducing the risks and losses from corruption; a strategy of war, based on the use of punitive measures against corrupt officials; a strategy of conscious passivity, when the government does not actually take measures to eliminate corruption. In Russia during the 90's and up to 2008. the strategy of conscious passivity was applied, then we switched to a strategy of systematic elimination of the causes that generate corruption. The theoretical significance of the research results presented in the article is a review of the world and Russian experience in countering corruption and the measures used, and an assessment of their effectiveness in fighting it.
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Uddin, Ikram. „The Measuring Economic Cost of Corruption: Empirical Evidence from Pakistan“. Journal of Economic Info 6, Nr. 1 (23.02.2019): 56–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/jei.v6i1.471.
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Purpose- In this study economic cost of corruption in Pakistan has been measured. Pakistan has been facing the problem of corruption since its independency. According to transparency international United states of America Pakistan has been ranked 117 countries out of 180 in world in 2017.
Method/Design- Secondary data has been collected from various sources such as Asian development bank and various issues of economic survey of Pakistan. In this study independent variable such as export, inflation and foreign borrowing impact on dependent variable corruption perception index has been analyzed.in this analysis OLS regression technique was applied in e-view 7.
Findings- Foreign borrowing and export annual change is found to have significant impact on corruption but there is no significant impact of inflation on corruption perception index. Based on finding it is recommended that policy makers should develop effective policies in order to reduce the impact of corruption on economy.
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Mahfud, Fanessa Syailirrahmah, und Teuku Rezasyah. „Analisis Kebijakan Luar Negeri Amerika Serikat Pada Demokratisasi Irak Melalui Program USAID 2021“. Jurnal ICMES 7, Nr. 1 (29.06.2023): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v7i1.153.
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Since 2003, the United States has focused its foreign policy on Iraq to democratize and create peace. However, until 2021, Iraq has yet to become a democratic country and remains a conflict-ridden region. In an effort to democratize Iraq, US provides assistance to the country, through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The findings of this research indicate that the US government's agenda in Iraq has experienced failures, evident, for example, in the 2021 general elections where Iraq still faced a political crisis and numerous human rights violations. Additionally, corruption and armed conflicts continue to occur in Iraq. It can be concluded that Iraq has not yet become a democratic country. It was found that the reasons behind this situation include human rights abuses and coercion by the United States itself in its efforts to spread liberal democracy.
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Zhao, Yiyun. „The The Transition of the United States from World Leader to Hegemony During the Cold War“. Scientific and Social Research 6, Nr. 5 (07.06.2024): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.26689/ssr.v6i5.6689.
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This text scrutinizes how, during the span of the Cold War, particularly at the commencement of hostilities, the United States metamorphosed from a world leader to a dominion of hegemonic might. It perceives the Cold War as a period of ideological corruption within a nation’s ethos. The article first assesses the United States’ geopolitical status before World War II and signs of its role as a world leader, then discusses the role and performance of the United States as a world leader through its actions during and after World War II. Subsequently, it analyzes the transition to U.S. hegemony, using Modelski’s model and Wallerstein’s theory to study the shift in U.S. global strategy and influence, with key events such as the Marshall Plan. The article also examines the ideological shift within the United States during this period, including the impacts of policies from Roosevelt to Truman to Eisenhower. This study provides a comprehensive understanding of key shifts in the geopolitical image of the United States during the Cold War. It bridges geopolitical analysis with critical theory, providing fresh insights into the subtleties of U.S. foreign policy and its global impact.
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Eom, Juhee. „Status and tasks of domestic anti-corruption laws responding to international efforts to combat corruption“. Korea Anti-Corruption Law Association 6, Nr. 1 (28.02.2023): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.36433/kacla.2022.6.1.115.
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Corruption is not a problem confined to one country, and since its harms transcend national borders, the international community has been working together to solve this problem for decades. The international community's anti-corruption discussion and cooperation began with the enactment of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) in the United States in 1977, through the enactment of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development's (OECD) Anti-Bribery Convention in 1999, and the conclusion of the UN Anti-Corruption Convention in 2003. The G20 Summit, a global economic consultative body that emerged in the wake of the 2008 global economic crisis, recognized corruption as the main cause of the global financial crisis, and the 2010 G20 Seoul Declaration emphasized cooperation on corruption at the international level. The <Anti-Corruption Action Plan> was adopted in the form of an annex. This action plan includes contents to urge member countries to join and ratify major international conventions against corruption, such as the United Nations Anti-Corruption Convention and the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention, as well as a cooperative system to prevent corrupt public officials from using the financial system and to prevent corrupt public officials from entering and providing shelter. Measures that require close cooperation between countries, such as Goryeo and support for the recovery of hidden assets overseas, were included. In addition, each member country agreed to report the situation every year so that the <Anti-Corruption Action Plan> could lead to effective policies. In order to lead and actively participate in these changes in the international situation, it is judged that Korea, a member of the G20, needs basic research for active implementation and policy and institutional reorganization based on this.
This paper examined the contents of international activities centered on the UN Anti-Corruption Convention to respond to corruption, the foundation of the domestic legal system and the current status of domestic legal implementation of international agreements. In addition, institutional and policy directions to be improved for future anti-corruption activities were presented.
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Yap, O. Fiona. „WHEN DO CITIZENS TAKE COSTLY ACTION AGAINST GOVERNMENT CORRUPTION? EVIDENCE FROM EXPERIMENTS IN AUSTRALIA, SINGAPORE, AND THE UNITED STATES“. Journal of East Asian Studies 17, Nr. 1 (21.02.2017): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2017.1.
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AbstractWhen do citizens take costly collective action against government corruption? When citizens act in concert, their demands are credible and not easily discounted by governments, which should be more likely to respond. In this study, we use the stag-hunt game, supplemented by Granovetter's threshold model of collective action, to investigate the conditions under which citizens coordinate to collectively act against government corruption. We use survey experiments in laboratory settings in Australia, Singapore, and the United States. The results show several conditions motivate participants to pursue collective action; using the wellspring of the theoretical argument, they clarify that information that others pursue collective action, together with clear mutual benefits as measured by rewards, are primary motivators of the individual's choice. Correspondingly, other considerations, including initial costs or final potential penalties, do not bear on the individual's choice. The findings have implications not only for the empirical literature on policy but also for policy debates on how to control it.
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Gordon, Joy. „Introduction“. Ethics & International Affairs 33, Nr. 3 (2019): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000340.
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It is hard to imagine a threat to international security or a tension within U.S. foreign policy that does not involve the imposition of economic sanctions. The United Nations Security Council has fourteen sanctions regimes currently in place, and all member states of the United Nations are obligated to participate in their enforcement. The United States has some thirty sanctions programs, which target a range of countries, companies, organizations, and individuals, and many of these are autonomous sanctions that are independent of the measures required by the United Nations. Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, South Korea, and others also have autonomous sanctions regimes, spanning a broad range of contexts and purpose. Most well-known are those concerning weapons proliferation, terrorism, and human rights violations; but sanctions are also imposed in such contexts as money laundering, corruption, and drug trafficking. States may also impose sanctions as a means to achieve foreign policy goals: to pressure a foreign state to bend to the sanctioner's will, to punish those who represent a threat to the sanctioner's economic or political interests, or to seek the end of a political regime toward which the sanctioner is hostile, to give but a few examples.
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Patrick, Stewart. „Civil Wars & Transnational Threats: Mapping the Terrain, Assessing the Links“. Daedalus 146, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2017): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00458.
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Among the primary strategic rationales for U.S. policy engagement in war-torn states has been the assumption that internal violence generates cross-border spillovers with negative consequences for U.S. and global security, among these transnational terrorism, organized crime, and infectious disease. Closer examination suggests that the connection between internal disorder and transnational threats is situation-specific, contingent on an array of intervening factors and contextual conditions. Taken as a cohort, war-torn states are not the primary drivers of cross-border terrorism, crime, and epidemics, nor do they pose a first-tier, much less existential, threat to the United States. Of greater concern are relatively functional states that maintain certain trappings of sovereignty but are institutionally anemic, thanks to endemic corruption and winner-take-all politics. Ultimately, the most important U.S. stakes in war-torn countries are moral and humanitarian: namely, the imperative of reducing suffering among fellow members of our species.
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Fajrin, Yaris Adhial, Dedeng, Alendra, Nandang Sutisna, Aisyah und Ridha Kurniawan. „Analysis of the Application of Plea Bergaining In Settlement of Curruption Cases in Indonesia“. Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 11, Nr. 4 (11.08.2023): e608. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v11i4.608.
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Objective: The application of Plea Bergaining in the Settlement of Corruption Cases in Indonesia is carried out for the welfare of the people. The law on the eradication of criminal acts of corruption actually regulates several provisions that use the perspective of recovering state financial losses. Theoretical Framework: The framework of setting up a national legal system as the character of the Indonesian nation. Legal issues in Indonesia are right now exceptionally overpowering. Method: However, in practice, law enforcers are still oriented towards corporal punishment (prison). Therefore, a breakthrough in the field of law in dealing with corruption is urgently needed. A new method or concept of handling corruption problems should be put forward with more emphasis on efforts to recover state losses. Results and conclusions: The settlement of corruption cases within the Joined Together States is settled utilizing supplication bartering, this can be due to the solid proof of the open prosecutor and the accused/defendant voluntarily admitting blame. Research Implications: Attention is the concept of Plea Bargaining which is commonly used in criminal justice practices used in common law countries, especially in the United States, which has been adopted in the Draft Law on Criminal Procedure Law under the name of the particular way concept. Originality/value: An update and breakthrough is basically required inside the criminal value system in Indonesia, which in this case is certainly based on a foothold that an overhaul in texture and formal criminal law has finished up a ask.
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Kostenko, Irina, und Anastasiya Kisil. „Legal analysis of the reform of the national police of Ukraine“. Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, Nr. 1 (05.05.2021): 125–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.1.2021.21.
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The article considers the reasons, purpose and results of the reform of the National Police. The current state of the legislation thatestablishes the legal status of the National Police is considered, the main advantages and disadvantages that exist at this stage are high lighted,the previous ones are analyzed. The study was based on the Law of Ukraine “On the National Police”, which enshrined the concept of“National Police”, clarified the main tasks of this institution and the structural units operating in its structure. An important part of the reformwas, in accordance with the signed coalition agreement, which ensured the implementation of the provisions on law and order and compliancewith EU requirements. The desire to reform Ukraine’s security and defense sector has been supported by international organizationssuch as the EU, NATO, OSCE, as well as Partner countries: the United States, the Netherlands, Canada and the United Kingdom, which hascertainly had a positive impact on international reform and technology. In addition, we examined the main processes that hinder the developmentof the National Police, namely: low financial security, overwork, lack of career growth, disrespect from citizens, lack of clear regulations,with defined instructions, neglect of managers in the interests of their subordinates. We considered possible ways to overcome suchproblems, in particular: increasing the material security of employees, which will not only encourage them to work in law enforcement agencies,but also reduce the level of corruption within it; revision and change of the internal organization of the work process will help to reducethe overload of police officers, as well as reduce the negative impact on their health; However, the most important task to be addressed inthe short term is to bridge gaps in the legislation to avoid disputes and hamper law enforcement and the real desire to continue reformingthe national police. and change for the better. The study showed that, despite the sharp and positive start of the reform, at the moment it needsto be reformed again. Of course, this has a negative effect on society, as the body called to monitor law and order is in chaos.
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Leal Buenfil, Rubén. „Correlación de las regulaciones comercial, de competencia y anticorrupción entre México y Estados Unidos“. Frontera norte 34 (01.01.2022): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33679/rfn.v1i1.2289.
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To make public policy recommendations, the deductive method with a qualitative approach was used to identify the empirical correlations between trade, competition, and anti-corruption regulations between Mexico and the United States, within the framework of USMCA. In the light of the findings, it is recommended to limit to a minimum the exceptions available in trade agreements that aim to restrict the application of domestic laws on economic competition and anti-corruption, as well as to standardize the use of the “rule of reason” in competition between administrative and judicial authorities in both countries to harmonize and provide certainty to international transactions and binational production chains. The limitations of this research are those inherent to the subjectivity of the deductive method, but it provides unpublished results as a ground for further investigations.
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Anishchenko, Mykhailo, und Viktor Oharenko. „ECONOMIC JUSTIFICATION OF CORRUPTION RISKS IN THE FIELD OF HEALTHCARE“. Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 9, Nr. 2 (23.05.2023): 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2023-9-2-40-47.
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The purpose of the article is to identify the most common corruption offenses in the healthcare sector and their impact on the country's economy, and also to outline the main directions of the state anti-corruption policy in this area. Methodology. The research is based on the study of international treaties ratified by Ukraine, as well as domestic legal acts regulating the activities of the medical sector in the area of combating and preventing corruption. Results. The article analyzes the main directions of anti-corruption policy in the national healthcare system and determines their impact on the economy of the country. It is noted that corruption in this area is inherent in all socio-economic systems of the world, however, it is most widespread in the process of transformation of the economic and social environment. Corruption can manifest itself in various mechanisms. The author analyzes the monitoring of corruption risks in the field of security by Transparency International, which annually determines the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), and the European Commission. It is theoretically proven that a decrease in the score of the Corruption Perceptions Index leads to an outflow of capital from the country (one point corresponds to 0.5% of the country's gross domestic product). Using the examples of the United States of America, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Denmark, the paper examines the most common forms of corruption in the healthcare sector, as well as the positive experiences that should be implemented in order to improve the level of economic development of the country. The main corruption risks in the healthcare sector were analyzed. The role of the NAPC and the NABU in combating and preventing corruption in the healthcare sector is revealed. Practical implications. The article outlines the main steps that need to be taken to introduce changes in the direction of anti-corruption activities in private healthcare institutions. The role of the electronic system of public procurement of goods, works and services "ProZorro" in combating and preventing corruption in the healthcare sector is determined. The analytical data of the Independent Anti-Corruption Commission are studied. Value/originality. It is theoretically substantiated that the key task of the state anti-corruption policy in the healthcare sector is to develop and implement mechanisms for detection, prevention and elimination of conditions that facilitate the emergence and spread of corruption, the impact of which on the country's economy is quite dangerous, as it significantly impairs the effectiveness of the state's economic policy. The article highlights the consequences of corruption in the healthcare sector for the country's economy: expansion of the shadow economy; violation of competitive mechanisms; inefficient use of budget funds in the distribution of public contracts and benefits; price increases due to "corruption costs"; and deterioration of the investment climate. The article outlines the main areas of anti-corruption policy in the healthcare sector, including: an effective system of control and transparency; analysis of the causes of corruption; a high level of legal awareness and culture of citizens; involvement of specialists and scientists in the areas of activity in the preparation of relevant regulatory documents; improvement of the electronic healthcare system and, consequently, further automation of workplaces; change of the financing system; improvement of the anti-corruption policy in the healthcare sector as a component of the overall anti-corruption policy; implementation of positive international experiences.
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Yovanovitch, Marie. „U.S.–Ukraine Partnership“. Diplomatic Ukraine, Nr. XIX (2018): 429–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-28.
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The article states that the US is eager to see Ukraine become a stable and democratic state, and that a team of the US Embassy provides assistance for Ukrainian partners. Attention is also attached to the fact that since the Revolution of Dignity, Ukraine has undertaken a range of important steps in the implementation of judicial, defence, and economic reforms. The US supports legislation on the anti-corruption court, activities of the National Anti-corruption Bureau of Ukraine, and efforts Ukraine exerts to restore economic stability, economic growth, cleaning-up of the banking sector, enhancement of the management of state enterprises in the field of energy, reformation of traffic police, and provision of more resources and powers to cities and localities for a better life of their residents. The states preserve strong cultural ties between them via education, professional exchange programs, and other initiatives. Despite the progress made, a lot of work is still pending to ensure the victims of Ukraine in the Maidan and in Donbas were not in vain. Corruption is still a zeitgeist challenge, the major obstacle for Ukraine to achieve its Euro-Atlantic aspirations. The US will further support reforms in Ukraine and side with it in the struggle against the Russian aggression. Since the outbreak of crisis, the US and European partners have united to protect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. The sanctions related to the Minsk agreements will be maintained until Russia fully complies with the provisions of the Minsk Accords and leaves Donbas. The sanctions in respect of Crimea will be in force unlil Russia returns the Crimean peninsula to Ukraine. Until all of these critical issues are resolved, it is impossible to forge relations with Russia in a business-as-usual fashion. The US will consistently support Ukraine in the face of the Russian aggression. Keywords: the US, reforms, Maidan, Donbas, Ukraine.
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Mikheev, V., und S. Lukonin. „China after Boao-2015“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 8 (2015): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-8-61-70.
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At the Boao Forum-2015 China fixed the main directions of its domestic and foreign policy. The major goal of its foreign policy is to actively influence the global economy development in the coming decades. The main impact directions are the following: restructuring of the world's infrastructure, changing of the global financial system, becoming one of the drivers in the global innovation economy. On a personal level, Xi Jinping continues to consistently implement its “strategic goal” – to go down in history as China's “number three leader” after Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. Xi is developing his major innovations: fight against corruption, establishment of the National Security Council, development of the “Chinese Dream” concept, formulation of the “New Norm” concept in the economy and of a new foreign policy doctrine. In the foreign policy, the course of improving China's global role and building a “new type” relationship with the United States is being strengthened. In relations with Russia and the United States, Beijing is following the dual-track policy of “hedging” political risks: on one hand, talking about a “special relationship with Russia”, and on the other – using the worsening of relations between Russia and the United States in order to receive dividends from both “Russia's turn to the East” and the U.S.' desire to prevent the rapprochement between Russia and China in a new version of the “Cold War”. Prospects for a new balance of forces configuration in the West-China-Russia triangle over the next five to ten years do not appear favorable for Russia. China will continue the trend to global leadership and “partnership-rivalry” relationship with the United States. Acknowledgement. The article is prepared with fi nancial support of the Russian Humanitarian Foundation (grant no. 15-27-21002 “Eastern Europe and Russia Factor in Implementation of Chinese Silk Road Economic Belt Megastrategy”).
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Гайдай, Володимир. „Mechanisms for ensuring public order protection at the local level in conditions of decentralization of government: EU experience for Ukraine“. Public administration aspects 9, Nr. 2 (29.04.2021): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/152119.
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The aim of the article is to study the experience of the emergence and development of municipal law enforcement agencies, to analyse the current state of local police in European countries. The other aim of the article is to study the development of local police, the state of legal, economic support in Ukraine, to form suggestions for the development of municipal police in Ukraine.The initiated reform of decentralization of power in Ukraine, active development of local self-government, building civil society, creation of united territorial communities, transfer of resources, powers from the central level to local levels in the framework of decentralization and local government reform have necessitated the strengthening role of local self-government. Protection of public order should go together with strengthening of a role of local governments in the spheres of medicine and education, in rendering accessible and qualitative administrative, municipal, social services. An additional condition for the formation of local law enforcement is the connection between the development of local self-government in democracies with the development of local law enforcement.Accordingly, the urgency and need to create municipal police in Ukraine, which is a democratic state, is beyond doubt, as evidenced by the active discussion of this topic, both among officials and the public.The world experience of the emergence and current state of functioning of the municipal police in European countries with democratic political regimes has been analysed in the article. Trends in the development of municipal police in European countries have been identified. The existing world models of financial support of the municipal police have been determined.Domestic approaches to the creation of municipal police have been considered. The current state of development of projects of municipal law enforcement forces, the state of adoption of the regulatory framework for the implementation of the functioning of the municipal guard has been studied. An analysis of problematic aspects of the functioning of the National Police of Ukraine, the state of corruption in Ukraine as a way for possible abuse and use of law enforcement agencies for the interests of certain classes has been made. Based on the experience of European EU member states, recommendations on the organization and definition of sources of funding for municipal law enforcement agencies have been made.
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Solntseva, Khrystyna. „Policeman’s competence as a component of his administrative and legal status: experience of the Baltic countries and the USA“. Law and innovations, Nr. 3 (35) (21.09.2021): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2021-3(35)-6.
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Problem setting. The priority of law enforcement agencies of any developed country is to ensure law and order, protect individuals, society and the state from crime, and combat crime. These functions stand out among others in the regulatory framework and are the starting point for the activities of the country's law enforcement system. However, it is fair to say that the extent to which primary and secondary police powers are exercised varies considerably across countries. The level of its efficiency depends on it to a greater extent. Having embarked on the path of European integration, Ukraine has adopted a lot of new things into the legal basis of the National Police of Ukraine, however, there is a need for further implementation of legal norms in national legislation. Target of research. The purpose of the study is to analyze the police powers in the United States, Ukraine and the Baltic countries, the search for new models of policing for further implementation in Ukrainian legislation. Analysis of recent researches and publications. Significant contribution to the study of the organization and legal support of policing in the world, its importance in ensuring public safety, areas of strategic development of the police have made such scientists as Bugaychuk K. L., Chumak V. V, Mashutina E. V., Filstein M. V. etc. Article’s main body. Police activities in Ukraine, first of all, is regulated by the Law of Ukraine «On the National Police» (02.07. 2015). It defines the principles of police activity, the police system, the measures applied by police officers, police powers, etc. Police powers are disclosed in the regulations quite fully and clearly, there is a division into basic, due to the appointment of a police body, and additional, which can be determined only by law. Nevertheless, the problem lies in the uncertainty of these powers given the police system. Given problems related to the normative component of policing, it is appropriate and relevant to refer to the foreign practice of the police, in particular to identify some features of their competence. We suggest that police competence is understood as a set of rights and responsibilities of a police officer, as well as the services provided by him. Analysing the experience of the Latvian police, it is necessary to note the differentiation of the police body depending on the field of activity and direct subordination. The Latvian police system has the following police units: the State Police, the Security Police, the Self-Government Police and the Port Police. Police activity in Lithuania has certain features of the stages of reforming the Lithuanian police such as depoliticization, professional development of the law enforcement system, active fight against corruption, provision of law enforcement services to the population, cooperation with the European community, deepening integration processes of internal security. Conclusions and prospects for the development. It is appropriate to establish a legal definition of each structural unit of the police and their main powers, as well as to propose the division of police powers depending on their rights, responsibilities and services. Specific changes should concern both the Law of Ukraine «On the National Police» and bylaws, in particular the Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of 04.06.2007 «On approval of the list of paid services provided by units … of the National Police», the Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of 28.10.2015. «On approval of the Regulations on the National Police».
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Solntseva, Khrystyna. „Policeman’s competence as a component of his administrative and legal status: experience of the Baltic countries and the USA“. Law and innovations, Nr. 3 (35) (21.09.2021): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2021-3(35)-6.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Problem setting. The priority of law enforcement agencies of any developed country is to ensure law and order, protect individuals, society and the state from crime, and combat crime. These functions stand out among others in the regulatory framework and are the starting point for the activities of the country's law enforcement system. However, it is fair to say that the extent to which primary and secondary police powers are exercised varies considerably across countries. The level of its efficiency depends on it to a greater extent. Having embarked on the path of European integration, Ukraine has adopted a lot of new things into the legal basis of the National Police of Ukraine, however, there is a need for further implementation of legal norms in national legislation. Target of research. The purpose of the study is to analyze the police powers in the United States, Ukraine and the Baltic countries, the search for new models of policing for further implementation in Ukrainian legislation. Analysis of recent researches and publications. Significant contribution to the study of the organization and legal support of policing in the world, its importance in ensuring public safety, areas of strategic development of the police have made such scientists as Bugaychuk K. L., Chumak V. V, Mashutina E. V., Filstein M. V. etc. Article’s main body. Police activities in Ukraine, first of all, is regulated by the Law of Ukraine «On the National Police» (02.07. 2015). It defines the principles of police activity, the police system, the measures applied by police officers, police powers, etc. Police powers are disclosed in the regulations quite fully and clearly, there is a division into basic, due to the appointment of a police body, and additional, which can be determined only by law. Nevertheless, the problem lies in the uncertainty of these powers given the police system. Given problems related to the normative component of policing, it is appropriate and relevant to refer to the foreign practice of the police, in particular to identify some features of their competence. We suggest that police competence is understood as a set of rights and responsibilities of a police officer, as well as the services provided by him. Analysing the experience of the Latvian police, it is necessary to note the differentiation of the police body depending on the field of activity and direct subordination. The Latvian police system has the following police units: the State Police, the Security Police, the Self-Government Police and the Port Police. Police activity in Lithuania has certain features of the stages of reforming the Lithuanian police such as depoliticization, professional development of the law enforcement system, active fight against corruption, provision of law enforcement services to the population, cooperation with the European community, deepening integration processes of internal security. Conclusions and prospects for the development. It is appropriate to establish a legal definition of each structural unit of the police and their main powers, as well as to propose the division of police powers depending on their rights, responsibilities and services. Specific changes should concern both the Law of Ukraine «On the National Police» and bylaws, in particular the Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of 04.06.2007 «On approval of the list of paid services provided by units … of the National Police», the Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of 28.10.2015. «On approval of the Regulations on the National Police».
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Batchelor, Daud Abdul-Fattah. „Boko Haram Disgrace: Urgency for Renewal and Reform in northern Nigeria Supported by the Muslim Leadership“. ICR Journal 5, Nr. 4 (15.10.2014): 595–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v5i4.378.
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The infamous Boko Haram sect erupted on the world stage in 2009 with their aim to establish an Islamic State. Since its subsequent radicalisation resulting from heavy-handed treatment - including torture and murder - at the hands of state security forces, it now targets the army, police, and those associated with propagating western education. It has even degenerated into attacking the weakest participants, innocent civilians, especially school children. The most infamous act of Boko Haram was the abduction of nearly 300 female students in April 2014 from a government-run high school in the Christian town of Chibok. Over 70 percent of the girls were Christian, and reportedly a number were forcibly ‘converted’ to Islam. In February, 58 students mainly teenage boys, were burnt to death, shot or had their throats slit in a school attack. The mayhem continues as security forces seem incapable of containing the violence. 2050 people were killed in the first half of 2014 alone. The Paris Summit held in May led to a renewed military push from neighbouring countries with support from the United States, to contain Boko Haram. The Nigerian ‘ulama have condemned Boko Haram’s violence and language of arms as a fitna and cited it as “corruption on the earth” - one of the most serious crimes in Islam.
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Vasiliev, Alexey M. „Saudi Arabia: Strengthening the Power Vertical in the Context of the Collapse of the Old World-System“. Asia and Africa Today, Nr. 5 (2023): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750025680-0.
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The implementation of reforms in Saudi Arabia met with both support and resistance. A significant part of the youth, pro-government “liberals”, and those elites that rejected the former feudal pyramid system stood in favor of the reforms. Among the opponents were jihadist extremists, some of the members of the “dominant tribe” of the House of Saud, who were losing their power and income associated with the previous system of corruption, some part of the Wahhabi corporation, religious police, theologians, some part of the business that flourished due to state subsidies and the absence of taxes and control over expenditures and incomes. Among the opponents were also conservatives from the middle and lower strata, dissatisfied with the granting of greater rights to women. The regime’s international image was spoiled by the assassination of opposition leader Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. However, the firm course of the kingdom aimed at protecting, above all, the national interests of the country and the refusal to obey the dictates of the United States in matters of oil prices was highlighted by a demonstrative rapprochement with China and neutrality in the confrontation between Russia and the collective West. Saudi Arabia looked for and found its place in the changing world-system.
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Varani, Nicoletta, und Enrico Bernardini. „Africa: Risk, Security and Mapping of Human Rights Violations“. Geopolitical, Social Security and Freedom Journal 1, Nr. 1 (01.11.2018): 104–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/gssfj-2018-0006.
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Abstract Planetary interdependence makes the task of states and international organizations to guarantee security inside and outside national borders ever more urgent. The tendency is to widen the space from national to international and to conceive of security as multidimensional for the satisfaction of human needs, assumed as priority needs with respect to those of the States. The old concept of national security must today confront the new concept of human security cultivated within the United Nations, which places the fundamental rights of the individual and of people at the centre of attention and lays the foundations for overcoming the traditional politics of power. The concept of human security emphasises the security of the individual and his protection from political violence, war and arbitrariness. It takes account of the strong correlation between peace policy, human rights policy, migration policy and humanitarian policy. The contribution provides, through a series of social indicators such as the Global Peace Index (GPI), Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) and the World International Security and Policy Index (WISPI), a framework on risk, security, human rights violations in the African continent and examines some significant case studies related to sub-Saharan Africa.
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Sismondo, Sergio. „Key Opinion Leaders and the Corruption of Medical Knowledge: What the Sunshine Act Will and Won’t Cast Light on“. Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 41, Nr. 3 (2013): 635–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12073.
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In 2010, in connection with the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (Obamacare), the United States Congress passed the Physician Payment Sunshine Act. This legislation requires pharmaceutical companies, medical device companies, and other manufacturers of medical supplies to collect information on their payments to physicians, beginning on August 1, 2013, and to annually report this information to the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), beginning on March 31, 2014. All payments of over $10 are to be reported and aggregate payments of more than $100 to a single physician in a single year must also be reported.
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Zaky, Ahmad, und Retno Kusumastuti. „Sentiment Analysis of Covid-19 Vaccination Policy in Indonesia“. Spirit Publik: Jurnal Administrasi Publik 17, Nr. 1 (16.08.2022): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/sp.v17i1.59627.
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<p>In December 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic had lasted for 10 months in Indonesia and there was no way out of the pandemic. A glimmer of hope came from President Joko Widodo in August 2020 when he said that the vaccination program would start in January 2021 and the vaccine had arrived in Indonesia in December 2020. Various responses have emerged in the community regarding the vaccination policy, especially on social media. Public trust in a policy is one of the factors driving a successful policy. This article shows how the public's sentiment is towards the covid-19 vaccination policy by conducting text mining on netizen comments on YouTube social media, analyzes the sentiment from citizens, and analyzes the topics discussed about the covid-19 vaccination policy. The results showed that the majority of netizens had negative sentiments about the covid-19 vaccination policy with concerns, among others, about vaccine safety issues and the potential for corruption from the policy. To increase public confidence in the covid-19 vaccination policy, the government must answer them. Concerns about vaccine safety can be overcome by giving an example of a high government official of being willing to be vaccinated beforehand and live broadcast as was done by the elected president and vice president of the United States Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. Meanwhile, concerns over the potential for corruption can be resolved by taking more transparent, accountable and responsive actions in implementing the vaccination policy.</p>
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Tomashevskiy, Andrey. „Economic Statecraft by Other Means: The Use and Abuse of Anti-Bribery Prosecution“. International Studies Quarterly 65, Nr. 2 (14.04.2021): 387–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab030.
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Abstract The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) is frequently used by the US law enforcement authorities to prosecute both US and foreign firms for bribery in foreign host countries. Evidence increasingly shows that anti-bribery enforcement is associated with a reduction in foreign investment inflows to host countries associated with enforcement actions. The determinants of enforcement actions remain understudied, however. I argue that enforcement actions are often political in nature, operating as de-facto sanctions against targeted countries. FCPA prosecutions can thus be viewed as a tool of economic statecraft, designed to reduce foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows to targeted states and enforce US foreign policy objectives. Using data on FCPA enforcement actions along with data on UN voting patterns, alliances, and US foreign aid, I find that FCPA enforcement actions are more likely to target firms that bribe in host countries with foreign policy preferences that diverge from the United States. This paper is among the first to empirically study the determinants of anti-bribery enforcement and to explicitly consider the political nature of FCPA prosecutions. These findings have broad implication for political economy research on foreign investment, economic statecraft, and corruption.
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Stankiewicz, Wojciech. „Indie – „wschodzące” mocarstwo XXI wieku“. Studia Orientalne 6, Nr. 2 (2014): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/so2014208.
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The article states, that India’s policy is focused on deepening international economic relations at simultaneous strengthening political cooperation. State’s activity on a worldwide level manifests itself in the new perception of India through remaining powers. The constructive approach to the international cooperation intensifies political and economic transformations and enables to start a dialogue with powers from outside the region. Foreign policy of India aspires to achieve the world power position by means of: consolidating strategic partnership with United States of America, including nuclear and space cooperation; keeping the strategic partnership with Russia mainly on the military and energy basis; enhancing of the cooperation and/or competition with China in order to make India’s national economy the most dynamically developing in Asia and in the world. On it’s way to the position of superpower Republic of India will have to face many challenges. The increase in the power of the state depends on both: implementing free market reforms and effectiveness in fighting problems like poverty in society, a country’s budget deficit, the corruption or the bureaucracy in the Civil Service. A development of infrastructure and the privatization of the public sector will also be essential.
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Sokolova, E. N., und I. L. Yakushev. „Global Analysis of Modern Economic Sanctions“. Federalism 28, Nr. 4 (21.12.2023): 110–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2073-1051-2023-4-110-125.
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Economic sanctions are an integral part of the foreign policy repertoire of States. Increasingly, States and international organizations are resorting to sanctions to address a variety of issues - from fighting corruption to preventing the use of nuclear weapons. Over time, the ways in which economic sanctions have been used have changed, especially over the past two decades. In the late 1990s, the recognition of the humanitarian harm of economic sanctions and the “War on Terrorism” after the events of September 11, 2001 led to serious changes in the structure and mechanisms of their application. Questions about how these coercive tools work, when they are applied, what consequences they have and when they are successful are still being determined by research conducted in the second half of the 20th century. The conclusions drawn from past cases of sanctions may not be fully applicable to the current sanctions policy. In the second half of the 20th century, most cases of sanctions were related to the United States, and it covered restrictions on international trade. However, over the past two decades, the European Union, the United Nations and China have also been the main initiators of sanctions. Modern sanctions include targeted and financial restrictions and are applied against individuals, organizations and companies. Changing the senders, targets, stakeholders and economic instruments used in the sanctions policy has serious implications for effectiveness and results. The regulatory and bureaucratic infrastructure necessary to implement and comply with modern economic sanctions has become more reliable. This evolution of sanctions has provided the scientific community with an opportunity to study new issues of coercion and return to the old ones. The economic sanctions research program should be developed to be relevant for understanding the application of modern sanctions and their consequences.
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Erie, Matthew S. „Anticorruption as Transnational Law: The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, PRC Law, and Party Rules in China“. American Journal of Comparative Law 67, Nr. 2 (Juni 2019): 233–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajcl/avz018.
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Abstract Corruption has been linked to urgent transnational problems, including, inter alia, market uncertainties, the undermining of democracy, economic disparity, religious extremism, and authoritarianism. As corruption is a global problem, it requires coordination across states’ anticorruption laws. Anticorruption thus provides grounds to reassess the promise and limits of transnational law. This Article examines the operation of anticorruption as transnational law across the corporate governance regimes of the United States and China, the world’s two largest economies. As opposed to perceptions that Washington and Beijing are engaged in a zero-sum game, anticorruption is a policy concern against which both states may rally. Inter-regulatory coordination is far from a frictionless process, however. Cross-border lawyers working on both sides of the Pacific engaged in anticorruption law are a type of transnational community and highlight these tensions. Lawyers apply standards in the 1977 U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, the People’s Republic of China antibribery laws, and internal Chinese Communist Party rules to ensure their clients comply with multiple regimes. Ethnographic data shows that lawyers assess different regulatory environments, in this case, one of extraterritorial jurisdiction and the other characterized by a political campaign, in the course of advising multinational companies. The Article argues that lawyers’ roles are a lynchpin of these overlapping systems of compliance as their work operates to discipline corporations in China; nonetheless, lawyers’ position in the global legal market impacts what they deem to be “corrupt” and which rules apply. A focus on cross-border lawyers as transnational communities thus marries legal analysis with a contextual grounding in lawyers’ work, an approach that has merit for the study of comparative law more generally. The Article finds that given market pressures, in the area of anticorruption, trends show a preference for “bicultural lawyers,” those who are both embedded within transnational communities and respond to demands in the global market.
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Tsyhaniuk, Viktoriia. „US Military and Humanitarian Aid to Ukraine in 2014–2020“. Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, Nr. 43 (15.06.2021): 104–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.43.104-116.
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The article analyzes the military and humanitarian aid of the United States of America to Ukraine in 2014–2020. US policy generally focuses on supporting Ukraine in the face of ongoing Russian aggression and advancing reform to strengthen democratic institutions, fight corruption, and promote conditional economic growth in competition. It should be noted that the United States does not recognize the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation and continues to work with partner states to find a diplomatic solution to the war in Eastern Ukraine. Since 2014, US military and humanitarian aid to Ukraine has been the largest compared to other countries. Over the years, United States security assistance has played a key role in creating a better-trained, better-equipped, and more experienced Ukrainian military, signaling that America is supporting Ukraine. The most significant was American assistance in the field of non-lethal care in 2014–2018. American military and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine is provided in order to strengthen the defense capabilities of the Armed Forces of Ukraine; for the Armed Forces of Ukraine to meet the military criteria required for NATO membership; to promote the reform and professionalization of the Ukrainian army by implementing the best military standards, practices and procedures; to prevent the spread of an aggression into Europe and to prevent the destabilization of the situation on the continent. These efforts are complemented by enhanced support from key NATO members and security partners. In particular, noting Ukraine's long and significant contribution to NATO operations and missions, as well as its successful progress in reforming the security and defense sector and the Armed Forces of Ukraine, NATO members recognized Ukraine as a partner with enhanced capabilities in June 2020. This status provides a number of benefits to both Ukraine and NATO in areas such as training, regular Alliance engagement programs, operations and missions, and the exchange of information and experience, especially in times of crisis.
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SEYER, SEAN. „An Industry Worth Protecting? The Manufacturers Aircraft Association’s Struggle against the British Surplus, 1919–1922“. Journal of Policy History 34, Nr. 3 (06.06.2022): 403–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030622000112.
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AbstractThe American aircraft industry’s important role in the economic, military, and cultural expansion of the United States over the past one hundred years has been well documented by historians. But America’s twentieth century aerial dominance was not preordained. After World War I, the nascent American aircraft industry faced a concerted British effort to dump thousands of war surplus machines on the U.S. market. With aircraft outside of the nation’s tariff regime, members of the Manufacturers Aircraft Association turned to Congress for emergency protections in the face of what they considered an existential threat. Despite efforts to equate a strong industrial base for aviation with the national defense, aircraft antidumping legislation became mired in partisan debates over tariff policy and accusations of wartime corruption. In the absence of relief from Congress, the Wright patent served as a barrier against the importation of foreign surplus machines.
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Levin, Yaroslav. „Activities of the U.S. Special Services in the Republic of China During the Civil War (1927–1950)“. Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, Nr. 1 (März 2021): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.9.
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Introduction. The Chinese Civil War was a time of rapprochement between the United States and the Republic of China, but there were enormous difficulties and contradictions between the two countries. Methods and materials. In this regard, it seems that the information of the two main agencies of the U.S. intelligence community is able to significantly supplement the picture of the interaction between the two countries and allows better understanding of why at some point Washington was forced to almost completely abandon its support for the Chiang Kai-shek regime. The article is based on the principles of historicism and consistency, as well as the methods of historical comparative studies. Analysis and results. The excessive level of corruption, which involved numerous American structures and officials, internal conflicts in the Republic’s government that influenced the situation and the course of the confrontation and were consecrated in FBI and CIA documents, contributed to the gradual withdrawal of the United States from the policy of the unconditional support for the Chiang Kai-shek regime, but the Communist victory and the establishment of the PRC made, in the absence of other real alternatives, it necessary to continue to support the Republic. The new information makes it possible to better understand how the White House treated the leader of “democratic” China and his family, as well as to better understand the role of intelligence and counterintelligence in these processes and the place of Soviet intelligence in the final stages of the heavy civil war in China (1927–1950). The materials presented in the article and their analysis show specifics and differences in approaches of the FBI and CIA on the example of work on China. The article is based on FBI and CIA archives and covers the period from 1943 to 1949.
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Blyzniak, Olha. „The Positions of the Visegrad Group States on the European Union Policy Towards Ukraine in the Context of the Russo-Ukrainian War“. Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, Nr. 44 (15.12.2021): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.27-35.
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The article analyses the positions of the Visegrad Group states on the European Union policy towards Ukraine in the context of the Russo-Ukrainian War. The relevance of the study is associated with the Visegrad Group states’ significant role in the formation and implementation of the EU’s modern Eastern policy. After becoming the EU members and achieving the main goal declared in the Visegrad Declaration of February 15, 1991, the Visegrad Group states did not abandon their joint effort within the framework of the regional union. Instead, they intensified their support for the European integration aspirations of their neighbouring countries, namely Ukraine. Being united in their positions on many issues important for the EU and Ukraine, the Visegrad Group has achieved tangible results. The Visegrad Group states supported Ukraine’s European aspirations despite its obvious struggle with the pace and quality of reforms and the level of democracy, corruption and prosperity in the country. They ensured that Ukraine was on the EU’s agenda and used the available resources and opportunities to keep the discussion on Ukraine going among the top decision-makers of the EU, especially after the Revolution of Dignity. All of the Visegrad Group states supported the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement and the decision to allow visa-free travel for Ukrainians. However, the Visegrad Group states had differing views on the Russo-Ukrainian conflict. For example, Poland’s rigid and uncompromising stance differed from the cautious and sometimes ambiguous positions of Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic. Thus, the article aims to determine the differences among the positions of the Visegrad Group states regarding the EU’s policy towards Ukraine in the context of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict. Ultimately, the Visegrad Group failed to reach the consensus on the Russo-Ukrainian War and sanctions against the aggressor. Differing views on the Russo-Ukrainian War clearly demonstrate lack of unanimity. Thus, the divergent reactions of the Visegrad Group states signal their inability to act as an in-house advocate for the EU’s Eastern neighbours and, in general, weaken the EU’s ability to implement its Eastern policy effectively.
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Onuferová, Erika, Veronika Čabinová und Mária Matijová. „Categorization of the EU Member States in the Context of Selected Multicriteria International Indices Using Cluster Analysis“. Review of Economic Perspectives 20, Nr. 3 (01.09.2020): 379–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/revecp-2020-0018.
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AbstractThe main aim of the paper was to analyse the economic and social development of the European Union (EU) member states (28 countries) on the basis of selected five multicriteria indices (the Global Competitiveness Index, the Economic Freedom Index, the Global Innovation Index, the Corruption Perceptions Index, the Human Development Index). To perform settled aim, a multidimensional classification of EU countries for years 2011 and 2018 using cluster analysis was realized. The purpose of the analysis was to categorize the individual EU countries into clusters and to find out to what extent the position of EU member states has changed in terms of selected international indices over the analysed period. Based on the findings, it is arguable that a major part of the EU member states cluster into the same groups based on the selected indices assessment, regardless of the time period. However, six countries (Czech Republic, Estonia, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania, and United Kingdom) improved their position during the period under review and ranked into the cluster of more prosperous countries in 2018. The rate of change (improvement) was quantified at the level of 21.43%. Based on the results, Latvia and Lithuania were the most similar countries in terms of economic prosperity (Euclidean distance reached the level of 3.08), while the least similar countries were Greece and Sweden (Euclidean distance reached the level of 70.8). Declining Euclidean distances indicate that economic disparities of the individual EU countries have decreased in the period under review. This paper aims at developing the research to find out how, besides hierarchy, we can analyse the EU member states from the perspective of various multicriteria indices. The four proposed clusters could be used as a starting point for future policy reforms, pointing to the weaknesses of various countries.
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Güneş, Serkan, und Merve Yavuz. „The impact of creative industries in the process of development after trauma“. New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, Nr. 1 (19.02.2016): 609–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v2i1.925.
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In history of states and societies, there are milestones that fundamentally alters their future. Whereas victories, innovations and scientific advances lead to prosperity and happiness in society, factors like epidemics, natural disasters, moral corruption or wars which will be focused on study cause grief, turmoil, and collapse. The major transformative events of the 21st century for societies were The World War 1, particularly The World War 2. The remainder of them are millions of deaths of people, irreversible destruction against nature, famine, hunger and misery. After Second World War, two great powers United States and Soviet Russia shaped the world policy by creating a bipolar world. The world was divided into a US-led Western Bloc and a Soviet-led Eastern Bloc. It is called Cold War Era which will last until 1990s. War unsettled the balances, radically changed the peoples’ social, economic and political lives. The new nation-states emerged, empires and countries collapsed. After that, states developed various economic recovery strategies. Little government achieved development by adapting changing conditions in this process and survived. Throughout history, economic growth models are constantly changed depending on evolving conditions. When it comes to 20st century, along with globalization, concepts such as innovation, creativity, knowledge-intensive sectors revealed. Industries in which individual creativity and talent became an economic value and created employment and prosperity defined as creative industries. In the study, the impact of the creative industries in the process of development after trauma will be examined. It will be discussed that the economic development model can be created for today’s countries which are still under the sway of trauma and become more and more dependent. To do this, economic development of West German will be compared in the historical process.Keywords: Product design, Creative Industries, Knowledge Economy, Economic Development, Innovation, Technology.
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He, Alex. „The Belt and Road Initiative: Motivations, financing, expansion and challenges of Xi’s ever-expanding strategy“. Journal of Infrastructure, Policy and Development 4, Nr. 1 (20.04.2020): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.24294/jipd.v4i1.1180.
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The paper examines the motivations, financing, expansion and challenges of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The BRI was initially designed to address China’s overcapacity and promote economic growth in both China and in countries along the “Belt” and “Road” through infrastructure investment and industrial capacity cooperation. It took into account China’s strategic transition in its opening-up policy and foreign policy to pay more attention to the neighboring countries in Southeast Asia and Central and West Asia when facing greater strategic pressure from the United States in East Asia and the Pacific region. More themes have been added to the initiative’s original framework since its inception in 2013, including the vision of the BRI as China’s major solution to improve international economic cooperation and practice to build a “community of shared future for mankind”, and the idea of the Green Silk Road and the Digital Silk Road. Chinese state-owned enterprises and policy and commercial banks have dominated investment and financing for BRI projects, which explains the root of the problems and risks facing the initiative, such as unsustainable debt, non-transparency, corruption and low economic efficiency. Measures taken by China to tackle these problems, for example, mitigating the debt distress and improving debt sustainability, are unlikely to make a big difference anytime soon due to the tenacity of China’s long-held state-driven investment model.
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AUSTIN, IAN PATRICK. „Becoming a Wealth Management Centre and International Relations Implications: The Singapore Policy Approach and Global and Regional Responses“. Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, Nr. 4 (28.10.2015): 532–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109915000298.
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AbstractSingapore's strategic play to secure international wealth management market share has been very successful. Serious questions, however, were raised in relation to this ascendency as the Global Financial Crisis (GFC, beginning in 2007) drove the European Union (EU) and the United States of America (US) to become proactive in clamping down on tax evasion and other areas deemed by them to be undesirable within the international financial system. This paper will examine the Singapore government's decade-long growth policy of its wealth management sector, and how it has been impacted upon by international regulatory responses. Further, it examines how in stark contrast to the EU and the US, Indonesia has been far less successful in its diplomatic efforts to have Singapore address financial diplomacy issues (tax evasion and ill-gotten gains from corruption) in relation to Indonesian citizens residing in Singapore. This article will argue, however, that Singapore's less than robust response to Indonesia's constant requests for action maybe to the long-term detriment of Singapore itself.Economics is now a large part of foreign policy. (George Yeo, May 2005, then Minister for Foreign Affairs, Singapore)Singapore Inc's new growth strategy in a whole range of services from real estate as a new asset class to lifestyle, taps millionaires and billionaires who value privacy, political stability, and sensitivity to money laundering implications. (Low, 2010: 171)
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ZAINULLIN, Sergei B., und Ol'ga A. ZAINULLINA. „A comparative analysis of the corporate culture of foreign and Russian military-industrial complex enterprises“. National Interests: Priorities and Security 17, Nr. 1 (15.01.2021): 184–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.17.1.184.
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Subject. The military-industrial complex is a fundamental industry of the Russian economy. On the one hand, it ensures the national security, and, on the other hand, makes the military-industrial enterprises implement the culture, which is loyal to the State and society, being driven by sanctions and internal factors. Objectives. We herein conduct the comparative analysis of the corporate culture practices in Russia and leading countries exporting weapons in order to identify applications and concepts that exist in Russia. Methods. The study relies upon such methods as dialectical, structural analysis, traditional techniques for economic analysis and synthesis, and the modeling method. Results. We conducted the comparative analysis of the way the corporate culture of military enterprises evolves in Russia. We review global practices of using the model in the largest military corporations, discovered their similarities and differences of the applicable directions and concepts. Conclusions and Relevance. The human rights protection policy, corruption counteraction policy, discrimination counteraction, protection of information and assets, insider risk counteraction are implemented in a common and versatile manner. These approaches are used by major corporations in the USA, EU, United Kingdom and Russia. In the mean time, the Russian companies do not focus on special rights of minorities and inclusivity, which are so popular in the USA, EU, and the Commonwealth of States.