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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „PassiveDNS“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 28. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 10. Februar 2022

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1

Schwarz, Sarah. „“Like getting nibbled to death by a duck”“. English World-Wide 38, Nr. 3 (01.12.2017): 305–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.38.3.03sch.

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Abstract This large-scale corpus study explores new parameters which might indicate grammaticalization of the get-passive in recent American English, where the construction has increased in frequency. To this end, large samples of both be- and get-passives from the TIME Magazine Corpus were analyzed with regard to tense, aspect, and situation type (Aktionsart). While tense and aspect preferences of the passives were diachronically stable, the results of the situation-type analysis were of interest for two reasons. First, they showed clear differences in the way get- and be-passives are used which reflect the get-passive’s inchoative origins. And second, the diachronic analysis of situation-type preferences for get-passives provides a first indication that they may be further grammaticalizing as they begin to behave more like canonical be-passives in the most recent data. This finding is tentatively supported by supplementary data from COHA.

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Anne Legate, Julie, Faruk Akkuş, Milena Šereikaitė und Don Ringe. „On passives of passives“. Language 96, Nr. 4 (2020): 771–818. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2020.0062.

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3

Albrespit, Jean. „Atypical passives“. Études anglaises 60, Nr. 4 (2007): 466. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etan.604.0466.

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4

Chen, Yunchuan. „Two types of possessive passives in Japanese“. Concentric. Studies in Linguistics 45, Nr. 2 (01.11.2019): 192–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/consl.00008.che.

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Abstract Many East Asian languages have possessive passives, whose subjects are interpreted as the possessor of the direct object. This paper investigates Japanese Possessive Passives (JPPs) and proposes that there are two types of possessive passives in Japanese: one with a ‘by-phrase’ headed by ni (ni JPPs) and the other with a ‘by-phrase’ headed by ni yotte (ni yotte JPPs). While previous studies assumed that JPPs are a sub-type of indirect passive, I propose that such an analysis is untenable. Instead, JPPs exhibit the same dichotomy as ni-passives and ni yotte-passives exhibit (Kuroda 1979, Kitagawa & Kuroda 1992): While subjects of ni JPPs are base-generated like ni-passives, subjects of ni yotte JPPs undergo NP movement like ni yotte-passives.

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Sigurðsson, Einar Freyr, und Jim Wood. „Case alternations in Icelandic ‘get’-passives“. Nordic Journal of Linguistics 35, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2012): 269–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586513000048.

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The analysis of ‘get’-passives across Germanic poses a number of challenges to our understanding of valency alternations: they exhibit surprising case alternations and recalcitrant thematic properties (Alexiadou 2012, Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou & Sevdali to appear). In this article, we present novel data on ‘get’-passives in Icelandic; while Icelandic has played an important role in our understanding of case marking and valency alternations, ‘get’-passives have not, to our knowledge, been studied in this language before. By situating ‘get’-passives within the landscape of well-established case patterns of Icelandic, we are able to argue in favor of the following conclusions: (i) Icelandic ‘get’-passives involve unambiguously verbal passives; (ii) the surface subject of recipient ‘get’-passives (‘I got a letter sent to me’) does not originate as the dative indirect object of the passive participle, but rather originates as an (external) argument of ‘get’; and (iii) at least some intransitive ‘get’-passives (‘This got changed’) involve anticausativization of the corresponding causative ‘get’-passive (‘I got this changed’), as proposed for English by Haegeman (1985).

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Atreya, Lata, Rajesh Kumar und Smriti Singh. „Passives in Magahi“. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 19, Nr. 4 (2014): 47–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-19424753.

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7

BLEVINS, JAMES P. „Passives and impersonals“. Journal of Linguistics 39, Nr. 3 (November 2003): 473–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226703002081.

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This paper argues that the term ‘passive’ has been systematically misapplied to a class of impersonal constructions that suppress the realization of a syntactic subject. The reclassification of these constructions highlights a typological contrast between two types of verbal diathesis and clarifies the status of putative ‘passives of unaccusatives’ and ‘transitive passives’ in Balto-Finnic and Balto-Slavic. Impersonal verb forms differ from passives in two key respects: they are insensitive to the argument structure of a verb and can be formed from unergatives or unaccusatives, and they may retain direct objects. As with other subjectless forms of personal verbs, there is a strong tendency to interpret the suppressed subject of an impersonal as an indefinite human agent. Hence impersonalization is often felicitous only for verbs that select human subjects.

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Tanangkingsing, Michael, und Shuanfan Huang. „Cebuano Passives Revisited“. Oceanic Linguistics 46, Nr. 2 (2007): 554–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ol.2008.0006.

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9

Beliën, Maaike. „Dutch impersonal passives“. Linguistics in the Netherlands 33 (14.12.2016): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.33.01bel.

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Abstract Dutch impersonal passives are often considered to be only compatible with atelic volitional verbs, such as werken ‘work’, lachen ‘laugh’, and zwemmen ‘swim’. Two recent corpus studies, however, argue that a wider range of verbs is compatible with the construction, presenting examples of attested impersonal passives with telic and non-volitional verbs. This paper lends further support to this view, by providing an exploratory study of the frequencies of different intransitive verbs appearing in the construction, as well as a discussion of the telicity of attested impersonal passives with vallen ‘fall’ and sterven ‘die’. The paper concludes that also with these telic non-volitional verbs, the impersonal passive merely conveys the occurrence of the type of act described by the verb, without specifying whether this occurrence is constituted by a single or multiple events, or whether it involves one or more participants.

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Drapeau, Lynn. „Passives in Innu“. International Journal of American Linguistics 78, Nr. 2 (April 2012): 175–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/663872.

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11

Lu, Lu. „A Contrastive Study of the Passive Voice in Journal Articles in Theoretical and Applied Linguistics“. Chinese Journal of Applied Linguistics 36, Nr. 4 (22.10.2013): 465–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cjal-2013-0031.

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Abstract The passive voice is an important construction for packaging information. Many textbooks, style manuals or academic papers, however, offer different or even contradictory advice on the use of passives. Previous findings show that passives exhibit disciplinary variation, thus special treatment should be given to different disciplines. However, even within the same discipline, such as linguistics, there are different types of academic writing, namely theoretical articles versus empirical ones. To test whether a difference in the use of passives exists between these two sub-disciplines, the passives in articles sampled from Language and Applied Linguistics are counted and compared. The results show that applied linguistics articles demonstrate a significantly higher (Sig. = .000, p < .001) occurrence of passives than theoretical ones.

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Engdahl, Elisabet, und Anu Laanemets. „Prepositional passives in Danish, Norwegian and Swedish: A corpus study“. Nordic Journal of Linguistics 38, Nr. 3 (12.11.2015): 285–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586515000232.

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There are conflicting reports in the literature concerning whether the Scandinavian languages use prepositional passives as in English. Maling & Zaenen (1985) showed that Icelandic does not have the construction; instead the Icelandic data should be analyzed as topicalization of the complement of a preposition in impersonal passives. They suggested that the same account would be appropriate for Danish and Swedish, whereas Norwegian is reported to have a rather productive prepositional passive (Lødrup 1991). In order to find out to what extent and in what ways prepositional passives are actually used, we carried out a series of investigations in Danish, Norwegian and Swedish contemporary text corpora, analyzing over 3600 potential prepositional passives, with a balance of periphrastic and morphological passive forms. We have found that prepositional passives are indeed used in all three languages, but rather infrequently, ranging from 3.4 per million words (3.4/mw) in Swedish, 5/mw in Danish to 16/mw in Norwegian. The majority of the prepositional passives are periphrastic bli(ve)-passives. The passive subject is typically animate, a person or an animal, who is psychologically affected by the action, or the lack of action, expressed by the participle. The notion of affectedness that is relevant for these languages thus differs from what has been described for English. Prepositional s-passives are found in coordinated structures and in infinitival complements of modal verbs, a context known to favour s-passive.

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Shinzato, Rumiko. „Passives as unmarked voice: a case of “warning” Passives in Okinawan“. Language Sciences 80 (Juli 2020): 101276. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.langsci.2020.101276.

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14

Ørsnes, Bjarne. „Passives and evidentiality: Danish reportive passives and their equivalents in German“. Acta Linguistica Hafniensia 43, Nr. 1 (Mai 2011): 21–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2011.585042.

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15

Zeng, Tao, Wen Mao und Niuniu Duan. „Acquisition of event passives and state passives by Mandarin-speaking children“. Ampersand 3 (2016): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.amper.2016.01.002.

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16

Ping Alvin, Leong. „The passive voice in scientific writing. The current norm in science journals“. Journal of Science Communication 13, Nr. 01 (13.03.2014): A03. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.13010203.

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In contrast to past consensus, many authors now feel that the passive voice compromises the quality of scientific writing. However, studies involving scientific articles are rare. Using a corpus of 60 scientific research articles from six journals, this study examined the proportion of passives used, and the contexts and forms in which they occurred. The results revealed that about 30% of all clauses were passive clauses. The canonical form was most pervasive, followed by the bare passive; together, they constituted more than a quarter of all clauses analyzed. Passives were typically used in main clauses, followed by relative and adverbial clauses. Roughly 29% of all passives were located in the methodology section. Based on the results, the proportion of passives in scientific writing may stabilize at about 30%. It is unlikely to dramatically drop any further since the trend suggests that passives are still widely used in the methodology section.

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Plank, Frans. „Peculiarities of Passives of Reflexives in German“. Studies in Language 17, Nr. 1 (01.01.1993): 135–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.17.1.06pla.

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Cross-linguistically unusual though it is for active clauses with reflexive pronouns as objects to be passivizable, German does permit such passives. Passives with reflexives, widely neglected in German grammar, are examined against the backdrop of purportedly general constraints on the control of reflexive pronouns and on relational interchanges in passivization. As to control, reflexive pronouns in passives appear to be under split control, with semantic and morphosyntactic controllers (active subjects and passive dummy subjects, respectively) not coinciding. As to relational interchanges, passives with reflexive pronouns are prone to lack exemplary subjects despite the presence of potentially subjectivizable objects in corresponding active constructions, with case marking and verb-agreement not necessarily operating in tandem.

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18

Messerli, Alfred. „Passives Lesen, aktives Schreiben“. Historische Anthropologie 11, Nr. 2 (August 2003): 296–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/ha.2003.11.2.296.

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19

david, m., und a. pierrot. „Mobilisations passives, étirements, postures“. Annales de Réadaptation et de Médecine Physique 44 (Dezember 2001): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0168-6054(02)00236-2.

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20

COLLINS, PETER C. „Get-passives in English“. World Englishes 15, Nr. 1 (März 1996): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-971x.1996.tb00091.x.

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21

Campos, Héctor. „Passives in modern greek“. Lingua 73, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1987): 301–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(87)90023-4.

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22

Woolford, Ellen. „Symmetric and asymmetric passives“. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 11, Nr. 4 (November 1993): 679–728. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00993017.

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23

Lin, Tzong-Hong Jonah. „Licensing “gapless” bei passives“. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 18, Nr. 2 (02.04.2009): 167–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10831-009-9039-y.

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24

Goodall, Grant. „Accusative case in passives“. ling 37, Nr. 1 (Januar 1999): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling.1999.37.1.1.

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Abstract The standard explanation for Ν Ρ movement in the passive construction has been that the N P must move into the nominative position because no accusative case is available. This paper examines the implications for this view of some double-object constructions in Mandarin Chinese and English that are ungrammatical as active clauses but improve significantly as passives. These facts are unexpected under the standard view of passives, but I suggest that they can be explained if we assume that the second object is not licensed for case in the active versions but is able to check accusative case in the passive version, thus arguing that accusative case is available in passive clauses.

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25

GRILLO, NINO, ARTEMIS ALEXIADOU, BERIT GEHRKE, NILS HIRSCH, CATERINA PAOLAZZI und ANDREA SANTI. „Processing unambiguous verbal passives in German“. Journal of Linguistics 55, Nr. 3 (09.08.2018): 523–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226718000300.

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Passivization played a central role in shaping both linguistic theory and psycholinguistic approaches to sentence processing, language acquisition and impairment. We present the results of two experiments that simultaneously test online processing (self-paced reading) and offline comprehension (through comprehension questions) of passives in German while also manipulating the event structure of the predicates used. In contrast to English, German passives are unambiguously verbal, allowing for the study of passivization independent of a confound in the degree of interpretive ambiguity (verbal/adjectival). In English, this ambiguity interacts with event structure, with passives of stative predicates naturally receiving an adjectival interpretation. In a recent study, Paolazzi et al. (2015, 2016) showed that in contrast to the mainstream theoretical perspective, passive sentences are not inherently harder to process than actives. Complexity of passivization in English is tied to the aspectual class of the verbal predicate passivized: with eventive predicates, passives are read faster (as hinted at in previous literature) and generate no comprehension difficulties (in contrast to previous findings with mixed predicates). Complexity effects with passivization, in turn, are only found with stative predicates. The asymmetry is claimed to stem from the temporary adjectival/verbal ambiguity of stative passives in English. We predict that the observed difficulty with English stative passives disappears in German, given that in this language the passive construction under investigation is unambiguously verbal. The results support this prediction: both offline and online there was no difficulty with passivization, under either eventive or stative predicates. In fact, passives and their rich morphology eased parsing across both types of predicates.

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Costa, Raquel, und Maria Lobo. „Compreensão de construções passivas em crianças com perturbação do espectro do autismo“. Revista da Associação Portuguesa de Linguística, Nr. 7 (30.11.2020): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.26334/2183-9077/rapln7ano2020a8.

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This investigation aims to study the comprehension of passives in children with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD). Research on passives is sparse and remains inconclusive. Fourteen Portuguese speaking children with ASD (between ages 7 and 13), including children with low and high non-verbal IQ, were compared to four typically developing (TD) children. The comprehension of various types of passives (short vs long, eventive vs psychological) was assessed via a picture selection task. Most children with ASD showed difficulties with passive constructions as compared to controls and to previous studies with Portuguese TD children. The results are in line with the ones we find in studies with this population conducted in other languages. Furthermore, difficulties with passives were dissociated from nonverbal abilities.

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Young, S. J., F. P. Dawson und A. Konrad. „A three‐material passivedI/dtlimiter“. Journal of Applied Physics 76, Nr. 10 (15.11.1994): 6871–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.358097.

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Kim, Kyumin. „Affectees in subject position and applicative theory“. Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 57, Nr. 1 (März 2012): 77–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100002218.

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AbstractThe aim of this article is twofold. First, based on passives in Japanese and Korean, it expands the domain of the applicative head (Appl) to include an argument in the structural subject position. These languages provide evidence for a new type of Appl, peripheral Appl, distinct from the well-known high Appl in Bantu: unlike high Appl, peripheral Appl is the highest argument-introducing head under T, and can merge above VoiceP. The recognition of peripheral Appl makes it possible to account for the cross-linguistic positional variation among affectee arguments. Second, the article provides articulated clause structures for passives in Japanese and Korean in terms of Appl. The applicative account proves to be successful in providing a unified account of Japanese possessive and non-possessive passives, and of Korean possessive passives and causatives.

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Demuth, Katherine. „Subject, topic and Sesotho passive“. Journal of Child Language 17, Nr. 1 (Februar 1990): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000900013106.

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ABSTRACTCounter to findings in English, German and Hebrew, recent acquisition studies have shown that the passive is acquired early in several non-Indo-European languages. In an attempt to explain this phenomenon, this paper addresses certain typological phenomena which influence the early acquisition of passives in Sesotho, a southern Bantu language. After outlining the structure of the Sesotho passive and its syntactic and discourse functions, I examine Sesotho-speaking children's spontaneous use of passives, showing that the acquisition of passives in Sesotho is closely linked to the fact that Sesotho subjects must be discourse topics. I conclude that a detailed examination of how passive constructions interact with other components of a given linguistic system is critical for developing a coherent and universally applicable theory of how passives are acquired.

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Bili, Yunita Reny Bani. „Can get passive replace be passive in English?“ International Journal of English Language Studies 3, Nr. 6 (30.06.2021): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijels.2021.3.6.5.

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While some traditional grammarians claim that get passive is the alternative colloquial of be passive, some scholars argue that get passive cannot be used to replace be passive since the use of get as a passive auxiliary is very limited. Due to the debatable claims, this research paper investigated whether be passive can replace get passive or not. In finding the answer, the writing was done by a thorough library study about semantic structure and division of each passive’s role. The result shows that get passive cannot replace be passive because of several reasons. From a semantic structure point of view, firstly the stative verbs, such as emotion and thought cannot be addressed with get passive. Secondly, get passive does not go well with the verbs “creation”. Following the structure, it is important to note that be passive and get passive have distinctive roles according to the event. Six types of get passives support this claim because get passive shows no indication that it can replace the function of be passive in some contexts. The types of get passive covers non-reflexive adversative, reflexive adversative, adversative get passive with an inanimate subject, beneficial get passive, the reflexive beneficial get passive and the beneficial get passive with an inanimate subject. After proposing all these different uses of get passive, it can be argued that get passive cannot be claimed to replace be passive because it denotes different meanings and get passive has restricted uses. If be passive is used in the context of get passive then it will shift the meanings.

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Tamba, Khady. „The Argument Structure of Passive and Antipassive in Paloor“. International Journal of Linguistics 10, Nr. 6 (28.12.2018): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v10i6.14139.

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This paper discusses the argument structure of two valency-reducing processes i.e. passives and antipassives in Paloor, an endangered language spoken in Senegal. It shows the structure of passives in Paloor with a wide range of verbs with a few exceptions. This paper also sheds light on the syntax and semantics of antipassives. In both processes, the missing argument cannot surface contrary to some languages where it can appear as an oblique. Finally, I show that passives are more productive that antipassives as the latter are sensitive to animacy and (im)perfectivity.

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Kiyong Choi. „VP Periphery in Passive Constructions: -eykey Passives vs. -ey uyhay Passives in Korean“. Studies in Generative Grammar 28, Nr. 2 (Mai 2018): 295–346. http://dx.doi.org/10.15860/sigg.28.2.201805.295.

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PEROVIC, ALEXANDRA, JASMINA VUKSANOVIĆ, BOBAN PETROVIĆ und IRENA AVRAMOVIĆ-ILIĆ. „The acquisition of passives in Serbian“. Applied Psycholinguistics 35, Nr. 1 (08.08.2012): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716412000240.

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ABSTRACTThis study examined the comprehension of actional and psychological verbs in both their active and passive (short and long) forms by 99 Serbian-speaking children. The children, whose age ranged between 3 years, 6 months (3;6) and 7 years, 6 months (7;6), were divided into three groups: 3;6–5 (M = 4.3), 5;1–6;1 (M = 5.6), and 6;2–7;6 (M = 7.0). All groups reached ceiling performance on actives of both actional and psychological verbs. They showed a good performance on passives of actional verbs, both short and long, but an exceptionally low performance on passives of psychological verbs: only the oldest group, 7-year-olds, reached 80% correct performance on psychological passives. There were no differences in the children's performance on short versus long passives of either type of the verb. These results are in line with studies reporting delayed passive comprehension in children younger than 5 in a number of languages, suggesting a delay in the comprehension of this structure cross-linguistically. The discrepancy observed in the comprehension of psychological passives, as opposed to actional actives, fits neatly into Borer and Wexler's account, which relates children's difficulties in this area to their underlying knowledge of argument chains created by movement of sentential elements.

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CHANDRA, Pritha, und Anindita SAHOOA. „Passives in South Asian Languages“. Acta Linguistica Asiatica 3, Nr. 1 (11.04.2013): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.3.1.9-28.

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Haspelmath (2010) debates whether universal (descriptive) categories of the types that generativists (cf. Newmeyer, 2007) envisage are real and needed for cross-linguistic studies. Instead every language has its own unique set of categories. We raise doubt on this “categorial particularism” position by drawing on underlying similarities of passive constructions of three South Asian languages - Oriya (Indo-Aryan), Malayalam (Dravidian) and Kharia (Austro-Asiatic). Unlike English-type passives, they retain subject properties for their logical subjects and object properties for their logical objects, suggesting commonalities that a “categorial particularism” approach would not allow us to posit. Our further contention is that like English passives, they too satisfy Shibatani’s (1985) minimal condition for passives – the underscoring or the optionality of agents. Passive voice must therefore be a universal found in all languages primarily resulting in the optionality of agents. We also show how adopting this approach helps us re-analyse Meitei and Ao (Tibeto-Burman) as languages involving passives.

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Wen, Aihua. „An Error Analysis of Chinese “Bei” (被) Passives from the Perspectives of Animacy and Semantic Feature Constraint“. Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 2, Nr. 1 (15.11.2016): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v2i1.93.

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Comparing with Ancient Chinese, passive sentences in Modern Chinese have been increasingly used, and patient subjects in them are not limited to noun phrases with a high animacy and the binding force for the sentential meaning of “suffering” and “misfortune” has largely loosened as well. As the commonest pattern in passive sentences, the same case for “Bei” (被) Passives. It is well known that “Bei” (被) Passives is a sort of difficult syntax pattern in teaching Chinese as a foreign language, and errors often occur in the use of “Bei” (被) Passives for a large number of second language learners who take Chinese as their target language. We admit that the usage of “Bei” (被) Passives has a certain connection with the linguistic animacy, while the reason for errors occur in this Chinese sentence “Wo (我) zai (在) dianti (电梯) kou (口) bei (被) ren (人) xiao (笑) le (了) xiao (笑)” is the semantic feature constraint.

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DUBINSKY, STANLEY. „Predicate union and the syntax of Japanese passives“. Journal of Linguistics 33, Nr. 1 (März 1997): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226796006287.

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This paper presents a relational account of the Japanese constructions that are commonly referred to as ‘passives’. They are shown to all be multipredicate, monoclausal constructions, with the differences between them primarily attributable to optionality in the lexical argument structure of the ‘passive’ predicate. The proposed analysis explains the differences between passives and causatives, despite their sometimes identical case-marking. Further, evidence from the interaction of unaccusative verbs and passive is shown to lead to a formal revision of the 1-Advancement Exclusiveness law. Finally, the differences between Japanese and Korean with respect to passives is reduced to a simple lexical difference between the two languages.

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Lee-Schoenfeld, Vera, und Nicholas Twiner. „German Passives and English Benefactives“. Nordlyd 44, Nr. 1 (12.10.2020): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/12.5210.

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In both English benefactive constructions (John baked Mary a cake) and German kriegen/bekommen-passives (Er kriegte einen Stift geschenkt ‘He got a pen gifted’), the theme argument is accusative-marked but has no way of getting structural accusative case. In English benefactive constructions, this is because the beneficiary argument intervenes between the voice head and the theme, and in German kriegen/bekommen-passives, it is because there is no active voice head. This paper proposes that, in both languages, the applicative head introducing the beneficiary/recipient (more generally, the affectee argument), comes with an extra case feature that can license case on the theme argument. In English, this non-canonical accusative case feature comes with the regular applicative head introducing the beneficiary argument. In contrast, in German, it comes with a defective applicative head which introduces the recipient but is unable to assign to it the inherent dative case that normally comes with the Affectee theta-role. The paper offers a unified analysis of English and German double object constructions and also of German werden (‘be’) and kriegen/bekommen (‘get’)-passives.

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Das, Rabindra N., Konstantinos I. Papathomas, John M. Lauffer, Mark D. Poliks und Voya R. Markovich. „Manufacturing Substrates with Embedded Passives“. Additional Conferences (Device Packaging, HiTEC, HiTEN, and CICMT) 2011, DPC (01.01.2011): 002011–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4071/2011dpc-wp46.

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Passives account for a very large part of today's electronic assemblies. This is particularly true for digital products such as cellular phones, camcorders, computers and several critical defense devices. This paper presents an entire process from design and fabrication to electrical characterization and reliability test of embedded passives on organic multilayered substrates. A variety of thin film capacitor and resistors were utilized to manufacture high-performance embedded passives. The electrical properties of capacitors fabricated from polymer-ceramic nanocomposites showed a stable capacitance and low loss over a wide temperature range. We have designed and fabricated several printed wiring board (PWB) and flip-chip package test vehicles focusing on resistors and capacitors. Two basic capacitor cores were used for this study. One is a layer capacitor. The second capacitor in this case study was discrete capacitor. In both cases, capacitance values are defined by the feature size, thickness and dielectric constant of the polymer-ceramic compositions. Nanocomposite can be directly deposited either by liquid coating or screen printing. Alternatively, nanocomposite thin films can be laminated and capacitor laminate can be used as the base substrate for subsequent build-up processing. For example, Resin Coated Copper Capacitive (RC3) nanocomposites were used to fabricate 35 mm substrates with a two by two array of 15mm square isolated epoxy based regions; each having two to six RC3 based embedded capacitance layers. The capacitor fabrication is based on a sequential build-up technology employing a first patternable electrode. After patterning of the electrode, RC3 nanocomposite can be laminated within PCB. Embedded passive cores are showing high capacitance density ranging from 15 nF to 30nF depending on Cu area, composition and thickness of the capacitors. Reliability of the capacitors was ascertained by IR-reflow, thermal cycling, PCT (Pressure Cooker Test ) and solder shock. Embedded capacitors were stable after PCT and solder shock. Capacitance change was less than 5% after IR reflow (assembly) preconditioning (3X, 245 °C) and 1000 cycles DTC (Deep Thermal Cycle).

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KAMIYA, NOBORU. „ADJECTIVAL PASSIVES SEEM SYNTACTICALLY DERIVED“. ENGLISH LINGUISTICS 20, Nr. 1 (2003): 115–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.20.115.

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40

Borsley, Robert D. „A note on impersonal passives“. Journal of Linguistics 24, Nr. 2 (September 1988): 483–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700011877.

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Heather Willson. „Passives and Resultatives in Marshallese“. Oceanic Linguistics 49, Nr. 1 (2010): 233–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ol.0.0059.

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Pieroni, Silvia. „AGENTS IN LATIN IMPERSONAL PASSIVES“. Mnemosyne 53, Nr. 3 (2000): 288–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852500510606.

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AbstractThe purpose of this paper is to examine the properties of the agents in Latin impersonal constructions. First of all, explicit agents do occur with impersonal passives. Furthermore, when agents are not explicitly expressed, they are predictable from the context in a number of cases. The occurrence of explicit agents as well as their predictability seems crucially dependent upon the degree of Transitivity of the clause. The verbs that occur in impersonal constructions can be graded according to a scalar notion of Transitivity along a continuum from low-intransitives to high-intransitives. My hypothesis is that the lower the degree of Transitivity of the verbs the lower the referential properties shown by the agent. Moreover, according to my analysis, the category of non-referential agents should be split into two: generic (or universal) agents should be distinguished from non-referential indefinite ones on the basis of the inclusion or non-inclusion of all the participants in the event.

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Maienborn, Claudia, Helga Gese und Britta Stolterfoht. „Adverbial Modifiers in Adjectival Passives“. Journal of Semantics 33, Nr. 2 (08.04.2015): 299–358. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffv004.

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Bruening, Benjamin. „ByPhrases in Passives and Nominals“. Syntax 16, Nr. 1 (31.05.2012): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9612.2012.00171.x.

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Hallman, Peter. „D‐Licensing in Adjectival Passives“. Studia Linguistica 73, Nr. 3 (13.01.2019): 522–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/stul.12108.

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Keim, Carolin, Jürgen Maier, Rahel Naef und Paola Massarotto. „Vom passiven zum aktiven Angehörigentelefonat“. intensiv 26, Nr. 01 (Januar 2018): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0043-120859.

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Zusammenfassung Telefonate als wirksame Pflegeintervention Das aktive Angehörigentelefonat auf der Intensivstation dient dazu, die Informationsqualität für Angehörige zu erhöhen und die Zahl der eingehenden Anrufe von Familienmitgliedern zu reduzieren. Um zu ermitteln, wie sich dieses neu eingeführte Angebot auf der Intensivstation Innere Medizin des Universitätsspitals Zürich auswirkt, führte das Autorenteam Fokusgruppeninterviews mit dem Behandlungsteam durch. Pflegefachpersonen und Ärzte berichteten, dass sie durch den Wechsel von einer passiven zu einer aktiven Rolle herausgefordert waren. Die Planbarkeit der Anrufe und den positiven Einfluss auf die Beziehung zu den Angehörigen nannten sie als besondere Vorteile.

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Xu, Ting. „Resumptive Pronouns in Chinese Passives“. LSA Annual Meeting Extended Abstracts 2 (06.07.2011): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.562.

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This paper accounts for the following puzzle: In Chinese long passives resumptive pronouns are allowed as long as the predicate under bei is modified by a post-verbal modifier. This follows from Huang’s (1999) analysis that Chinese long passives involve null operator movement. Surprisingly, resumptive pronouns cannot be licensed if the predicate under bei is bare. I argue that this exception follows from a PF constraint: Resumptive pronouns cannot occur in a position which receives stress. Without a postverbal modifier of the predicate, the neutral stress automatically falls on the resumptive pronoun, which violates the PF constraint.

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Gordon, P. C., und D. Chan. „Pronouns, Passives, and Discourse Coherence“. Journal of Memory and Language 34, Nr. 2 (April 1995): 216–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jmla.1995.1010.

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Chen, Lilly Lee. „The Origin of Adversative Passives“. Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 20, Nr. 1 (25.10.1994): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v20i1.1472.

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Junger, J. „Agentless passives in modern Hebrew“. Acta Linguistica Hafniensia 20, Nr. 1-2 (Januar 1987): 55–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03740463.1987.10412250.

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