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1
Nikez, Adu Yao, and George Avele Nwalie. "The Question of African Leadership: Nigeria in Focus." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2022): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.4.39110.
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This article is devoted to the study of the issue of leadership on the African continent, which is the object of the study, because, since 1963 Nigeria is a member of the Organization of African Unity (now the African Union), the Economic Community of West African States since 1975, and the United Nations since October 7, 1960. The subject of the study is Nigeria’s foreign policy on the African continent, as since independence Nigeria has pursued a number of foreign policy goals: the eradication of colonialism and other external forms of exploitation, The oppression and marginalization of Africans. The main conclusion of the study is that Nigeria’s role in the formation of AU and ECOWAS, was in conformity with its national interest and foreign policy pursuit, which was designed to promote regional integration and cooperation within West Africa and Africa in general. The role of Nigeria is fundamental for African organizations and their leadership prospects. Historically, Nigeria's Afrocentric foreign policy and its national interest have made it possible for Nigeria to pursue African oriented policy. The authors applied a number of methods to carry out this research: historical, legal and analytical. The historical method allows us to give the chronology of Nigeria’s leadership role in Africa from 1960 to 2020. The legal method permitted the analysis of the legal instruments, particularly from different constitutions, treaties since Nigeria’s independence till date. The analytical method consists of the analysis of the evolution of different transformations that occurred in the African continent from 1960 to 2020.
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Wapmuk, Sharkdam. "Pan-Africanism in the 21st century: African union and the challenges of cooperation and integration in Africa." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 10, no. 2 (2021): 283–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2021.v10n2.p283-311.
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The paper examines the extent to which Pan-Africanism and Pan-African vision of promoting African unity, cooperation and integration has been achieved under the African Union (AU) in the 21st century. It also assesses the challenges of cooperation and integration under the AU. The paper adopted a qualitative approach, while data was gathered from secondary sources and analysed thematically. It notes that the quest for African cooperation and integration is not new, but dates back to philosophy and vision of Pan-Africanism and Pan-African movement from the 1950s and 1960s. This movement later took roots in the continent and championed the struggle of Africans and peoples of African descent for emancipation and the restoration of their dignity, against slavery, colonialism and all forms of racism and racial exploitation, and to overcome developmental challenges. After independence, the Pan-African movement found concrete expression in the establishment of the Organization of Africa Unity (OAU) in 1963, and later transformed to the African Union (AU) in 2002. These continental organisations have served at platforms for the pursuit of Africa cooperation and integration and addressing post-independence challenges with varying successes. The paper revealed that AU’s Pan-African agenda in the 21st century including the African Economic Community (AEC), AU Agenda 2063, and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), are not without challenges. Addressing these challenges holds the key to achieving the continental goal of unity and achieving the vision and goals pan-Africanism in the 21st century in Africa.
3
Human Rights Law in Africa, Editors. "THE ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY." Human Rights Law in Africa Online 4, no. 1 (1999): 34–297. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160699x00031.
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محمد عبد, جاسم, and باسم محمد زغیر هندی. "African Unity Organization: Rise and Development." Al-Anbar University Journal For Humanities 2015, no. 1 (2015): 183–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.37653/juah.2015.144719.
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Martin, Guy. "Dream of Unity: From the United States of Africa to the Federation of African States." African and Asian Studies 12, no. 3 (2013): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341261.
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Abstract The Pan-Africanists leaders’ dream of unity was deferred in favor of the gradualist/functionalist perspective embodied in a weak and loosely-structured Organization of African Unity (OAU) created on 25 May 1963 in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia). This article analyses the reasons for this failure, namely: the reluctance of newly-independent African leaders to abandon their newly-won sovereignty in favor of a broader political unity; suspicion on the part of many African leaders that Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana intended to become the super-president of a united Africa; and divide and rule strategies on the part of major Western powers (including the United States and France) meant to sabotage any attempt at African unity. The African Union which, on 26 May 2001, formally replaced the OAU, is also bound to fail because it is modeled on the European Union. The article then briefly surveys proposals for a re-configuration of the African states and a revision of the political map of Africa put forth by various authors, namely: Cheikh Anta Diop’s Federal African State; Marc-Louis Ropivia’s geopolitics of African regional integration; Makau wa Mutua’s and Arthur Gakwandi’s new political maps of Africa; Joseph Ki-Zerbo’s Federal African State; Daniel Osabu-Kle’s United States of Africa; Godfrey Mwakikagile’s African Federal Government; and Pelle Danabo’s pan-African Federal State. The article concludes with an overview of Mueni wa Muiu’s Fundi wa Afrika paradigm advocating the creation of a Federation of African States (FAS) based on five sub-regional states with a federal capital (Napata) and a rotating presidency, eventually leading to total political and economic integration.
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NWEKE, G. AFORKA. "The Organization of African Unity and Intra-African Functionalism." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 489, no. 1 (1987): 133–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716287489001011.
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Voievodin, I. "Organizational and legal framework for the protection of environmental human rights within the African Union." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 2, no. 72 (2022): 219–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.72.68.
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The article analyzes the activities of the African Union (1963-2002 - Organization of African Unity) in the field of protection of environmental human rights – an intergovernmental organization created in 2002 to promote the unity and solidarity among African states, stimulate economic development and promote international cooperation, protect human rights, in particular in the environmental sphere. In particular, the category of environmental human rights includes the right to a healthy, safe and adequate environment, the highest attainable level of physical and mental health, an adequate standard of living, nutrition, the right to clean and safe drinking water, the right to receive information about the state of the environment etc. It was determined that due to the specificity of the African region, the complexity of its socio-economic processes and the existence of humanitarian crises, the protection of environmental human rights is not given sufficient attention, as a result of which the existing organizational and legal mechanism for the protection of such rights is imperfect.
 A number of international legal acts adopted under the auspices of the Organization of African Unity and the African Union regarding the promotion, guaranteeing and protection of such rights were analyzed, in particular: the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights of 1981, the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child of 1990, the Bamako Convention on the Ban of the Import into Africa and the Control of Transboundary Movement and Management of Hazardous Wastes within Africa of 1991, Constitutive Act of the African Union of 2000, Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol) of 2003, African Convention on the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources of 2003, Agenda 2063: The Africa we want, etc. It was determined that the basis of the institutional system for the protection of environmental human rights is the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the Special Procedures established by the Commission, and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights. The practice of protecting environmental human rights in the African region was characterized. In accordance with the stated problems, appropriate conclusions and recommendations were made.
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MLAMBO, Victor H., Xolani THUSI, and Sbonelo GIFT NDLOVUAND. "THE AFRICAN UNION’S AGENDA 2063 FOR AFRICA’S DEVELOPMENT: POSSIBILITY OR RUSE?" PRIZREN SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 6, no. 3 (2022): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v6i3.358.
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When Africa emerged from the chains of colonialism, there was great hope for post-colonial African leaders to consolidate the spirit of Pan-Africanism and use Africa's vast resources to spur inclusive socioeconomic development. The Organization of African Unity also supported this vision, as did the Lagos Plan of Action and the New Partnership for Africa's Development. Great emphasis was placed on continental integration and African unity. However, post-colonialism, Africa has been engulfed by never conflict, fragmentation of governance, political instability, and unstable relations between African countries, thus defeating the need for unity and collective development. The African Union Agenda 2063 is Africa's blueprint for achieving inclusive and sustainable socioeconomic development. It seeks to ensure, amongst others, peace and economic and political stability. However, there have been questions about whether the AU can achieve this. This doubt has been driven by the plethora of socioeconomic and political problems currently consuming Africa. This paper reviews current literature to examine the practicality of AU agenda 2063. It seeks to understand whether this agenda can be a possibility or just another plan with little if no substance. The following question will guide this paper: to what extent can the AU's agenda 2063 become realizable, considering the current socioeconomic and political challenges engulfing Africa?
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Ismaila, Margaret, and Samuel Bewiadzi Akakpo. "Adding the Dots and crossing the Ts: A historiographical overview of African theatre history." Research Journal in Advanced Humanities 1, no. 3 (2020): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.58256/rjah.v1i3.208.
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The historiography of Africa has often needed an update or review because it is no news how African history was constructed; a product of colonial and anthropological records. Due to this, attention was not paid to occurrences, especially the arts which were of no interest to either the colonial administration or the Anthropology researcher. It took combined efforts of the then Organization of African Unity (O.A.U.) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) to deconstruct the misconceptions created through an eight-volume of a General History of Africa between 1964 and 1999. These attempts by African historians to correct the damage exclusion and distortion of facts about Africa and Africans is laudable, however, a gap still remains. The historiography of African theatre which has its foundation in Africa’s oral traditions is minimal. A continent of such diverse artistic performances needs a huge representation of both indigenous and external theatrical traditions in Theatre History. Using the desk review approach, ideological criticism and content analysis, this paper argues that the lack of expertise in decoding indigenous language and expressions and fear of misrepresentation are the sources of the minimal presence of African Theatre Historiography.
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Hansen, Stig Jarle. "Unity Under Allah? Cohesion Mechanisms in Jihadist Organizations in Africa." Armed Forces & Society 44, no. 4 (2017): 587–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x17740086.
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This article explores mechanisms fostering cohesion in jihadist organizations in relation to territorial presence. This article takes four types of territorial presence as its point of departure: (1) a clandestine network-based presence; (2) an accepted presence where the organization is tolerated by a state; (3) a semiterritorial presence, where the organization is allowed some control between phases of enemy offensives and withdrawals; and (4) a relatively permanent territorial presence, where the organization fully controls the territory in which it has bases. The article argues that each of these types of territorial presence opens up for different ways for organizations to create cohesion. Cohesion mechanisms thus vary according to type of territorial presence.
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Higgs, Catherine. "Zenzele: African Women's Self-Help Organizations in South Africa, 1927–1998." African Studies Review 47, no. 3 (2004): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000202060003047x.
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Abstract:The Zenzele clubs of the Eastern Cape of South Africa, which date from the late 1920s, were founded by mission-educated African women who sought to improve the lives of rural African women by enhancing their subsistence farming and cooking skills and educating them about household cleanliness, basic child care, and health care. Unlike associations for African women in British colonial Africa, Zenzele clubs did not evolve into political organizations. In the white-run segregated and apartheid states that persisted through 1994, Zenzele women did not engage in direct political action; rather, they sought to unite African women across class and ethnic lines and focused their efforts on community development.
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Hurrell, Andrew. "Explaining the resurgence of regionalism in world politics." Review of International Studies 21, no. 4 (1995): 331–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117954.
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The past decade has witnessed a resurgence of regionalism in world politics. Old regionalist organizations have been revived, new organizations formed, and regionalism and the call for strengthened regionalist arrangements have been central to many of the debates about the nature of the post-Cold War international order. The number, scope and diversity of regionalist schemes have grown significantly since the last major ‘regionalist wave’ in the 1960s. Writing towards the end of this earlier regionalist wave, Joseph Nye could point to two major classes of regionalist activity: on the one hand, micro-economic organizations involving formal economic integration and characterized by formal institutional structures; and on the other, macro-regional political organizations concerned with controlling conflict. Today, in the political field, regional dinosaurs such as the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Organization of American States (OAS) have re-emerged. They have been joined both by a large number of aspiring micro-regional bodies (such as the Visegrad Pact and the Pentagonale in central Europe; the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in the Middle East; ECOWAS and possibly a revived Southern African Development Community (SADC, formerly SADCC) led by post-apartheid South Africa in Africa), and by loosely institutionalized meso-regional security groupings such as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE, now OSCE) and more recently the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). In the economic field, micro-regional schemes for economic cooperation or integration (such as the Southern Cone Common Market, Mercosur, the Andean Pact, the Central American Common Market (CACM) and CARICOM in the Americas; the attempts to expand economic integration within ASEAN; and the proliferation of free trade areas throughout the developing world) stand together with arguments for macro-economic or ‘bloc regionalism’ built around the triad of an expanded European Union (EU), the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) and some further development of Asia-Pacific regionalism. The relationship between these regional schemes and between regional and broader global initiatives is central to the politics of contemporary regionalism.
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Johnson, Segun. "NEO-Colonisation of Africa and the OAU." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 44, no. 1-2 (1988): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848804400105.
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The early part of the sixties witnessed a rapid decolonization of several parts of Africa even though many have argued that these were mere placations otherwise referred to as flag independence. The seventies and thereafter have witnessed the re-colonisation of African States or in proper terms, the neo-colonisation of Africa by Western Powers. That African States since their qualified independence have been in bondage was never in doubt. Subtly but seriously, the Western Powers through its hydraheaded multinational corporations, in conjuction with international institutions and conventions, have taken over the affairs of African States ranging from politics through economics to culture. While these were going on, the Organization of African Unity stood aloof concerned with nothing in particular or perhaps helpless or on another note used as a tool by Western imperialism. It is the contention of this paper that Africa was neo-colonized by Western Powers mainly because there was no collective resistance that should have been envisaged and given by the Organization for African Unity. The formation, structure, financing and the objectives of OAU at the outset were inadequate to foresee and attack Western surreptitious moves to further imperialism in the seventies and beyond. Consequently, the OAU not only folded its arms while Western perpetrators went away with their imperialistic loot but was also consciously or unconsciously, directly or indirecly, covertly or overtly used in the course of the neocolonisation of African States.
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Larsen, Timothy. "A Truly African Christianity." Journal of Reformed Theology 16, no. 3 (2022): 226–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697312-bja10031.
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Abstract John Gachango Gatũ (1925–2017) was one of the most prominent and important Kenyan church leaders of his generation. He was the first African to serve as general secretary of the Presbyterian Church of East Africa, and then went on to be moderator. He also held influential positions in numerous Christian organizations, including the All Africa Conference of Churches and the World Council of Churches. He is best remembered for his call, first issued in 1971, for a moratorium on Western missionaries and resources in the developing world. At the time, this controversial proposal also led to some discussion about whether or not he was a still an Evangelical. Gatũ published three books in the twenty-first century, including a substantial autobiography, and in the light of these it is now possible to assess his thought and his entire life and ministry on their own terms. When that is done it become apparent that he emphasized three distinctives of his churchmanship: he was a revivalist who was deeply committed to the East African Revival Movement; an ecumenist who worked tirelessly for Christian cooperation and unity; and, perhaps most of all, an Africanist who continually sought to inhabit and commend a truly African Christianity.
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Kirk-Greene, A. H. M. "The Organization of African Unity after thirty years." International Affairs 71, no. 4 (1995): 905–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625203.
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Bustin, Edouard, and Yassin El-Ayouty. "The Organization of African Unity after Thirty Years." International Journal of African Historical Studies 28, no. 3 (1995): 651. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221200.
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Shaw, Timothy M., and Yassing El-Ayouty. "The Organization of African Unity after Thirty Years." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 29, no. 1 (1995): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485796.
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Victor Clark, Esekumemu. "The Organization of African Unity (OAU): A Revisit." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 21, no. 07 (2016): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-2107056672.
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Human Rights Law in Africa, Editors. "THE ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY AND HUMAN RIGHTS." Human Rights Law in Africa Online 3, no. 1 (1998): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160698x00113.
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Morrison, Minion K. C. "The Kwame Nkrumah Legacy." National Review of Black Politics 1, no. 3 (2020): 347–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2020.1.3.347.
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Kwame Nkrumah’s notion of Pan-Africanism remains the formulation that guides the aspiration and organizational expression for the unity of the African continent. This analysis provides an elaboration of Nkrumah’s model for unity and situates his role at the moment of decolonization in the context of transformational leadership theory. Discussion then turns to the two most significant efforts to implement the Pan-African model: the development of a continental organization—the Organization of African Unity and the African Union—and the decolonization of the Gold Coast, which led to the founding of the state of Ghana. While the implementation of Nkrumah’s grand vision has not been realized, the legacy of his construct provides an enduring foundation for the aspiration to continental unity. Similarly, that same unity is reflected in the political culture and identity for the territory of Ghana, a feature of government stability. That territorial stability has not become the foundation stone for continental unity that Nkrumah imagined, but it also has not detracted from the enduring aspiration for that broader unity. In this regard the analysis shows both the possibilities and limits of transformational leadership.
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Lemarchand, René. "U.S. Policy in the Great Lakes: A Critical Perspective." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 1 (1998): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502832.
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Addressing the Organization of African Unity (OAU) on December 9, 1997, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright dispelled all possible doubts about the centrality of the Great Lakes region for U.S. African policy. And she left no illusions about the seriousness of the obstacles ahead: “Africa matters, and right now no place matters more in Africa than the Great Lakes. Achieving lasting peace will be as difficult as implementing the Camp David Agreement and as complex as sustaining the Dayton accords.”
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Kabir, Saleh Muhammad, and Idris Ahmad Yunus. "al-Lughah al-‘Arabīyah ka-Lughah ‘Ālamīyah wa-al-Tanabbu’ ‘an Mustaqbalihā fī al-Mujtama‘ al-Nījīrī." Al-Ma‘rifah 18, no. 2 (2021): 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/almakrifah.18.02.08.
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Since the 20th century AD, Arabic has become a global language used at the United Nations in speaking, making official speeches, issuing documents, and in simultaneous translation into official languages, in addition to being an official language in the Organization of African Unity and other international organizations of the United Nations Africa remained related to Arab trade and civilization centuries before Islam, and when Islam came, the first Arab migration to the African continent was the migration to Abyssinia, and thus the Muslim Arabs found their first home after their homeland in Africa. Islam entered Kanem Borno in the 8th century, and in Kano in the 14th century. As for the western region; the country of Yoruba, reached it in the first half of the 14th century AD according to one saying and the 15th according to another, and the 16th according to a third. As for the eastern region, whose population is mostly Igbo, it was reached by displaced merchants from the two regions: the northern and western. The masters of the Arabic language in Nigeria have made effective efforts to advance the Arabic language, as these efforts herald the splendid independence of the Arabic language in Nigerian society.
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Ofodile, Uche Ewelukwa. "Protocol on the Establishment of the African Monetary Fund & Statute of the African Monetary Fund." International Legal Materials 54, no. 3 (2015): 507–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.54.3.0507.
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On June 27, 2014, at the 23rd Ordinary Session of the Summit of the African Union held in Malobo, Equatorial Guinea, member states of the Africa Union adopted the Protocol on the Establishment of the African Monetary Fund (Fund). Plan for the Fund is not new but dates back to the 1963 Charter of the Organization of African Unity (the predecessor to the Africa Union) as well as to the 1991 Abuja Treaty—the agreement that established the African Economic Community and put in place a framework for continental integration. The Constitutive Act of the African Union (Constitutive Act) adopted in 2000 also envisaged the establishment of the Fund. Annexed to the Protocol is the Statute of the African Monetary Fund (Statute). As envisioned in the Abuja Treaty, the Fund, together with continental institutions such as the Africa Investment Bank and the African Central Bank that are still in the pipeline, are critical to efforts to create a continental economic and monetary union in Africa.
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Udogu, E. Ike. "Historicizing and Contextualizing the Discourse on African International Law and A Concise Overview of the Pacific Settlement of the Cameroon-Nigeria Bakassi Peninsula Dispute." African and Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (2008): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921008x279316.
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AbstractFor the past 50 years or so, the media and intellectual discourses on African politics have general portrayed the continent as being in perpetual turmoil. The causes of such conflicts have been related, but not limited, to the outcome of the Berlin Conference of 1884-85 in which some of the European powers carved up the region in a zigzag fashion with little or no concern for the ethnic complexions of the societies. The result of this policy in post-colonial and independent Africa has been disastrous for much of the continent with numerous civil wars and cross border clashes between African states. The use of arms struggle to resolve border conflicts is now seen as counter productive to the vision of African unity and transformation in the millennium as first articulated by the Organization of African Unity and now championed by the African Union – the successor to the OAU. This study brings into the limelight the extent to which African states are increasingly relying on international law, the AU and the Good Offices of the UN and its various agencies to resolve international boundary conflicts. It also historicized the development of international law in Africa and discussed as a case study the impressive pacific settlement of the explosive border dispute between Cameroon and Nigeria to illustrate its importance as a model for Africa.
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Lumumba-Kasongo, Tukumbi. "Rethinking the Bandung conference in an Era of ‘unipolar liberal globalization’ and movements toward a ‘multipolar politics’." Bandung: Journal of the Global South 2, no. 1 (2015): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40728-014-0012-4.
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In April 1955, a historic conference was held in Bandung, Indonesia. Political leaders from 29 Asian and African countries gathered on the initiative of the leaders from China, Indonesia, India, Pakistan, and Myanmar, to address the issues about economic co-operation, self-determination, decolonization and the peace. These ideas contributed to the creation of the non-alignment movement (NAM). However, in Africa, Nkrumah’s proposal for political unity was defeated, which led to the creation of the Organization of the African Unity as a compromise. NAM was later penetrated from within by the forces of imperialism, notably dictatorships and authoritarian regimes supported by the United States, the Soviet Union, the former colonial powers and their local cronies, weakening its functionality.
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Robinson, Pearl T. "Transnational NGO’s: A New Direction for U.S. Policy." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 18, no. 1 (1989): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500003784.
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President Bush has a unique opportunity to link U.S. development assistance with grass roots Pan-Africanism. By broadening the focus of aid policy to include relations among networks of African nongovernmental organizations (NGO’s), the Administration can begin addressing the barriers to African participation in the surge of transnationalism that will undergird economic prosperity in the 21st century. Already, the emerging global pattern is clear: In 1992 the European Community (EC) will become the West’s largest integrated market. The Gulf States, as well as the five Maghreb states of North Africa, recently announced plans for greater political and economic unity. The incorporation of Hong Kong into the People’s Republic of China holds the promise of new modalities for accommodating radically different economic and political systems within the same national boundaries. And the list will continue to grow.
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Robinson, Pearl T. "Transnational NGO’s: A New Direction for U.S. Policy." Issue 18, no. 1 (1989): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501000.
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President Bush has a unique opportunity to link U.S. development assistance with grass roots Pan-Africanism. By broadening the focus of aid policy to include relations among networks of African nongovernmental organizations (NGO’s), the Administration can begin addressing the barriers to African participation in the surge of transnationalism that will undergird economic prosperity in the 21st century. Already, the emerging global pattern is clear: In 1992 the European Community (EC) will become the West’s largest integrated market. The Gulf States, as well as the five Maghreb states of North Africa, recently announced plans for greater political and economic unity. The incorporation of Hong Kong into the People’s Republic of China holds the promise of new modalities for accommodating radically different economic and political systems within the same national boundaries. And the list will continue to grow.
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Sharpe, Marina. "Organization of African Unity and African Union Engagement with Refugee Protection: 1963–2011." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 21, no. 1 (2013): 50–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2013.0052.
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Kufuor, Kofi Oteng. "THE COLLAPSE OF THE ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY: LESSONS FROM ECONOMICS, AND HISTORY." Journal of African Law 49, no. 2 (2005): 132–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855305000112.
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KUFUOR, KOFI OTENG, The collapse of the Organization of African Unity: Lessons from economics and history, Journal of African Law, 49, 2 (2005): 132–144This paper argues that the analytical tools of the New Institutional Economics (NIE) School provide fruitful lines of inquiry into the decision to replace the Organization of African Unity with the African Union. The application of two NIE methodologies, economics and history, do explain why the OAU had failed to play a meaningful role in African affairs. Relying on economic tools, the paper explores issues relating to monitoring of the members' commitments, the provision of public goods, decision-making, and membership of the OAU. Historical approaches seek to explain why the OAU remained as Africa's paramount regional organization for four decades despite the obvious flaws in the OAU's design and the consequent inefficiencies these flaws produced.
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Pugach, Sara. "Agents of dissent: African student organizations in the German Democratic Republic." Africa 89, S1 (2019): S90—S108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197201800092x.
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AbstractAfrican students in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) often belonged to national student clubs (NHG) that were arranged for them by the East German government. Many were also members of an umbrella organization for all African students and workers in the GDR (UASA). While the GDR authorities thought that the NHG and UASA would adopt political positions that reflected those of the GDR, this article demonstrates that the students instead used them to criticize both their own governments and their host country. It shows that the students often held positions contrary to the GDR's, and were not shy about expressing them. Although they were usually unable to organize as openly as students in the West, African students in the GDR held meetings and wrote letters to protest about a variety of issues, including Sékou Touré’s repression of a teachers’ strike in Guinea, the Biafran crisis in Nigeria and ethnic separatism in Kenya. They also took the GDR to task for the racist behaviour of East German citizens. The GDR's Socialist Unity Party claimed that the country was anti-racist and anti-imperialist, and that all vestiges of Nazism had been expunged; the students, however, were able to point out multiple racist incidents, and through the UASA demanded that the GDR address its racism problem.
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Udombana, Nsongurua J. "So Far, So Fair: The Local Remedies Rule in the Jurisprudence of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights." American Journal of International Law 97, no. 1 (2003): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3087102.
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Pending the establishment of the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights remains the only institutional body for the implementation of the rights guaranteed in the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), reconstituted as the African Union (AU), established the Commission in 1987, after the entry into force of the African Charter, in 1986, and pursuant to its Article 64 (1). The Commission was established, inter alia, “to promote human and peoples' rights and ensure their protection in Africa.” That is, besides “any other tasks which may be entrusted to it” by the Assembly, the Commission performs three primary functions: it promotes and protects human and peoples' rights and interprets the provisions of the Charter.
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Mwagiru, Makumi. "The Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Management of Internal Conflict in Africa." International Studies 33, no. 1 (1996): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881796033001002.
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Ngunjiri, Faith Wambura. "“I Am Because We Are”." Advances in Developing Human Resources 18, no. 2 (2016): 223–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1523422316641416.
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The Problem Although there are women leading in various sectors within African societies and institutions, very little research has been done to explore and explain their experiences within their cultural, economic, social, historical, and political context. To have a deeper understanding of women’s leadership globally, there must be studies of women’s leadership within specific local contexts. The Solution This article explicates women’s leadership under the ubuntu worldview, with implications for application in contemporary organizations beyond the African context. Ubuntu reflects the African understanding of the essence of humanity. Guided by Black feminist theorizing, the study employed portraiture qualitative approach; in-depth interviews with women leaders provided illustrative quotes about spirituality, interdependence, unity, and community building. The Stakeholders The article is aimed at both leadership scholars and leadership training practitioners with a focus on the African context.
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Kaneko, Emi. "A Review of Studies of the Organization of African Unity." Journal of African Studies 1992, no. 40 (1992): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.11619/africa1964.1992.69.
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Molete, Dr Mantoa C. "Cororate Culture as a Function in Formulating Strategic Communication." 12th GLOBAL CONFERENCE ON BUSINESS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 12, no. 1 (2021): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.35609/gcbssproceeding.2021.12(135).
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Sub Saharan Africa is filled with cultural diversity which creates a multicultural market. These diversities are created by the external and internal stakeholders in an organisation allowing the emerging of a unique organisational culture to describe the identity of a specific organisation. In its broader term culture gives description to units that provides unity amongst people hence its importance in group situation. Organizational culture is viewed as the shared values, beliefs, or perceptions held by employees within an organization. Moreover, an organization's culture tells us a lot about how members of that specific organisation communicate with each other. Even with the above vital role, organisational culture is viewed as an aspect to influence communication rather than a key role player in developing a communication strategy that fits the intended communication objectives of the specific organisation. To many organisations, the direction of their specific communication is more depended on current communication trends rather than the cultural aspect that determines the identity and behaviour of stakeholders of the specific organisation to achieve set objectives specifically in very diverse areas such as Africa. Whilst various authors have written about organisational culture there is still a lack in literature developed to outline in detail the cultural patterns and norms of African cultures, which are important in understanding the communication approaches of Africans even in corporate environments. This lack in literature also deprives African organisations to understand the diversity within its stakeholders. The aim of this paper is to explore how organisational culture and aspects of culture play a vital role in creating a communication strategy that is fit for a specific organisation to outplay the intend communication objective. This paper place focus on organisational culture and the vital function it plays in strategic communication. Keywords: Strategic communication, organizational culture, diversity, culture, communication
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Arabahmadi, Amirbahram. "Combating female genital mutilation in Northeast (Horn) Africa and its challenges." African Health Sciences 20, no. 4 (2020): 1955–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ahs.v20i4.54.
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Background: This article investigates the practice of female genital mutilation as a long-held custom in the countries of North- east Africa, known as Horn of Africa, where many women in rural and urban areas are faced with different physical and psychic consequences in their future lives.
 Objective: To investigate the prevalence of FGM in the Horn of Africa and the traditional thinking of People about it.
 Methods: This study was based on descriptive analysis method. The questions of the study are (a) Why female circumcision is widely practiced in Horn of Africa; (b) What are the mental and physical consequences of female genital mutilation for the wom- en; and (c) How regional and international entities, whether governmental or NGOs, are combating this tradition.
 Results: This article has found out that female genital mutilation in Northeast African countries has resulted in many lifelong diseases and sexual degradation in many women and the best way to combat this tradition is to inform people by gradual (not abrupt) trainings without any insult to the beliefs of the people.
 Conclusion: This study reveals the Health education based on behavioral change. In doing so, the unity of policies between regional and international actors along with attracting the support of tribal elites is also needed.
 Keywords: Female genital mutilation; Northeast Africa; international organizations; nongovernmental organizations; gender discrimination.
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Maluwa, Tiyanjana. "International Law-Making in Post-Colonial Africa: The Role of the Organization of African Unity." Netherlands International Law Review 49, no. 01 (2002): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165070x00000346.
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Mazov, Sergei V. "The Peacekeeping Role of the Organization of African Unity During the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 2 (2023): 372–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-2-372-392.
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This study examines the peacekeeping activities of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in resolving the Nigerian crisis. On May 30, 1967 the eastern part of Nigeria, the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra, tried to secede from Nigeria. This led to a civil war that lasted from July 6, 1967 to January 15, 1970. Biafra’s army was defeated and capitulated. The reference to the history of the OAU peacekeeping experience is relevant, because it can be applied to the settlement of contemporary crises and conflicts in Africa. The author was guided by the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and reliance on sources. The aim of the article is to clarify the nature and methods of the OAU’s peacekeeping activities, to identify internal and external factors that hindered the achievement of peace, and to assess the effectiveness of the organization’s peacekeeping efforts. The article uses for the first time information and analytical memos of Soviet diplomats found in the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) on the OAU’s activities to stop the civil war in Nigeria. The author concludes that the Nigerian crisis was a unique international conflict for the Cold War period. The motives of the external actors were primarily determined by geopolitical aspirations and national interests, rather than bloc solidarity. The author identifies factors that negatively affected the OAU’s potential as a peacemaker: a split among African countries (four of which recognized Biafra’s independence) and competition from Great Britain, which vigorously promoted its own peacekeeping agenda. The OAU’s decisions were not binding on member states; it had no effective mechanism for implementing them, and it had no armed forces of its own that could be used to disengage the warring parties. The OAU succeeded in diplomatically securing overwhelming African support for Nigeria’s territorial integrity, though its mediation efforts failed to achieve peace. The Biafra leadership was not going to capitulate while there was still room for resistance and the federal government was not inclined to question the country’s territorial integrity. The results of the OAU’s peacekeeping can be assessed as positive: it prevented the legitimization of separatist Biafra, which could have had a domino effect with disastrous consequences for the entire African continent.
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S. Basiru, Adeniyi, and Olusesan A. Osunkoya. "Between the Rock and a Hard Place: The Africa Union and Democracy Promotion in Africa." Journal of Governance and Development (JGD) 16, Number 1 (2020): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jgd2020.16.1.3.
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While the Cold War lasted, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) never considered democracy promotion in member states as a priority. What mattered to the body was the safeguard of the sovereignties of member states. The globalization of the third democratic wave however, changed that as democracy promotion, courtesy of Donor’s aid agenda became a core objective of the OAU/AU. Deploying descriptive, historical, and analytical methods of inquiry with a focus on the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance (ACDEG), this article assesses the extent of AU’s commitments to promoting democracy in Africa. Following an extensive review of conceptual literature on democracy, as well as relevant studies on OAU/AU’s democracy promotion initiatives in Africa, it notes that OAU/AU, no doubt, has robust normative frameworks for dealing with an unconstitutional change of government and other actions that could constitute a threat to the growth of democracy in Africa but in enforcing these frameworks, it is often stuck between a rock and a hard place. It suggests, among others, the strengthening of the enforcement mechanisms of the organization.
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Mentanko, Joshua. "The Limits of Pharmaceutical Internationalism: Mexico, the Third World, and the Resource of Medicinal Plants in the 1970s." Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development 14, no. 1 (2023): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hum.2023.a902632.
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Abstract: In the 1970s, research into traditional medicine helped suture solidarity between Mexico and the Third World. The Mexican national agency for traditional medicine research convened a meeting of researchers in the same field from Africa, Asia, and Latin America as well as the World Health Organization and Organization of African Unity in 1977 in Mexico City. Transcripts from their discussions demonstrate how parallel conversations about decolonizing global health and the global economy converged around revalorizing medicinal plants as the basis for sovereignty and development. The article also excavates tensions within this common front around negotiating internal gender and cultural differences.
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Negm, Namira. "Distinctively African: The Unique Appeal of the African Union to International Lawyers of African Origin." International Organizations Law Review 21, no. 3 (2024): 474–83. https://doi.org/10.1163/15723747-21030010.
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Abstract This article explores the African Union’s (AU) distinct allure to international legal scholars of African descent, charting its evolution from the post-colonial era to a comprehensive continental collaboration. The AU’s departure from the limited scope of its precursor, the Organization of African Unity (oau), is evident in its holistic approach encompassing economic development, human rights, peace, and sovereignty. It emphasizes African-led solutions, robust human rights mechanisms like the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, recognition of customary law, economic integration initiatives such as the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), and advocacy for decolonisation. African lawyers are drawn to the AU’s inclusive legal frameworks, engaging in legal reforms that resonate with African realities and identities. Ultimately, the AU stands as a catalyst for justice, self-determination, and holistic development, offering a platform for African legal scholars to shape a distinctly African legal landscape.
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Souaré, Issaka K. "The African Union as a norm entrepreneur on military coups d’état in Africa (1952–2012): an empirical assessment." Journal of Modern African Studies 52, no. 1 (2014): 69–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x13000785.
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ABSTRACTBetween 1952 and 2012, there were a total of 88 successful military coups in Africa. Of those, 63 occurred prior to 1990, and 10 cases since the adoption, by the defunct Organization of African Unity (OAU), of the Lomé Declaration in July 2000, banning military coups and adopting sanctions against regimes born out of this. The article shows that the African Union (AU) has followed in the footsteps of the OAU in this regard. Assisted by some African regional organisations and international partners, the combined effect of this policy of the AU – assisted by other factors – has been a significant reduction in the occurrence of this phenomenon. While not constituting a funeral arrangement for military coups in the immediate future, these developments – if they were to continue – may indeed make this eventuality achievable in the long run. But the article also reveals some challenges the AU is facing in ensuring this.
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Alfonso, Rowena Ianthe. "“Crucial to the Survival of Black People”." Journal of Urban History 43, no. 1 (2016): 140–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144215583984.
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“This is a Black Paper,” declared BUILD’s statement criticizing the Buffalo Public School system for providing inferior education to black children in Buffalo, New York. Written in 1967 by the community organization, BUILD (which stood for Build Unity, Independence, Liberty, and Dignity), “BUILD Black Paper Number One” was a call for change. Like other black communities in late 1960s America, black Buffalo was caught up in the fervor of the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements. A “Rust Belt” city, Buffalo was hit hard by deindustrialization, which, coupled with unemployment, segregated housing and unequal education, adversely affected its black community. In 1967, a riot exploded in Buffalo’s predominantly black East Side. This article analyzes statements made by black Buffalonians and argues that Black Power thrived in Buffalo in the late 1960s, through community organizations which attempted to address urban issues that negatively affected African Americans in a postindustrial city.
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Pagoaga Ruiz de la Illa, Aranzazu. "International dispute settlement in Africa: Dispute Settlement and Conflict Resolution under the Organization of African Unity, the African Union, and African Traditional Practices: A Critical Assessment." Deusto Journal of Human Rights, no. 3 (December 11, 2017): 57–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/aahdh-3-2006pp57-92.
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The proliferation of conflicts of different scope and nature in the African continent has been identified as one of the factors hindering the development of the continent, leading to efforts to create due mechanisms to tackle them. This essay examines both the OAU and AU mechanisms, compares them and assesses their adequacy for the settlement of African disputes. Once these shortcomings are identified, this dissertation looks into the common characteristics of traditional dispute settlement and conflict management to discuss whether they can somehow contribute to the improvement of modern institutional mechanisms.Published online: 11 December 2017
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Ananchenkova, P. I., and Yu I. Donskova. "Corporate training in commercial banks: trends in the foreign financial sector." Entrepreneur’s Guide 17, no. 2 (2024): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24182/2073-9885-2024-17-2-59-63.
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Currently, many organizations see an urgent need for systematic and targeted development of the skills and abilities of their employees, and are reviewing their training concepts and strategies, since changes in the external and internal organizational environment require adaptation to new processes, procedures, technologies and systems. Commercial banks are no exception to this rule. International studies reflecting the practice of personnel policy and human resource management in the largest banks in the world, such as JP Morgan, Bank of America, Citigroup, KCB, Equity, Pan–African Bank, Bank of Africa, etc., show that corporate training is highly appreciated by employees, is perceived as a mechanism of motivation and employee loyalty, helps reduce turnover personnel and increase the productivity of their work. Thus, personnel development through corporate training programs becomes a necessary and integral part of the personnel policy of modern companies in the banking sector, integrated into the strategy of corporate training and personnel policy in the unity of strategic goals and objectives of general management.
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Nmehielle, Vincent O. "Preventing and Responding to Atrocity Crimes in Africa: Interrogating the African Response in Darfur." African Journal of Legal Studies 4, no. 2 (2011): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/170873811x577320.
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AbstractThere has been much scholarly and public debate regarding whether the ongoing atrocities in Darfur constitute “genocide”. This article posits that, irrespective of the description given to the mass atrocities taking place in the Sudan, there needs to be a more formidable response and intervention by the world community. As part of this, the author examines the African Union (AU) engagement with the Darfur crisis, within the context of Sudan’s membership in the AU. Contending that Darfur is the first litmus test of how the AU is different from its predecessor, the Organization of African Unity, he argues that Darfuris would only realize the benefits of the new regional body if perpetrators of egregious human rights violations are brought to justice.
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Da Silva, Marina M. B. L. "The challenges of an engagement between the African Union and the UN Security Council." New Contree 75 (July 30, 2016): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v75i0.149.
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Since the 1960s and during the initial decades of the United Nations (UN) Africa has always had great representation inside the General Assembly. Besides the numerical advantage of Africa, the ties between the continent and the UN grew to be very specific and assumed multidimensional aspects due to the various issues related to the constant conflicts and social crises inside African territories. However, this engagement presents several complex aspects, including international, regional, and local issues. The engagement of Africa with the UN Security Council is based on two main pillars: conflict resolution and the claim of representation in a reformed Council. The problems related to these pillars are summarized in three broad categories considered problematic for this interaction: capacity, regional integration, and the political relation between the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council and the UN Security Council. The colonial background of the African continent left deep scars for its countries. Currently, Africa is the continent with the second biggest economic inequality in the world, besides the fact that its countries are hardly able to mobilize their forces to control domestic issues. Therefore, the capacity for collaboration and cooperation with UN forces is much reduced. At the same time, the continent was never united completely under a consensus and real integration, despite the existence of the AU – the former Organization of African Unity (OAU). African countries have been divided between two opposites: the need for integration and the defence of sovereignty. This division harmed even the African claims for fair representation inside the UNSC. This work intends to develop a discussion on how these problems must be overcome for successful engagement between the African continent and the UN Security Council.
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Nattrass, Nicoli. "From fragmentation to fragile unity: Organizational fault-lines in South African business." South African Journal of Business Management 29, no. 1 (1998): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v29i1.767.
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This article explores the nature and history of organized business in South Africa. It describes the major racial, sectoral and other fault-lines which fracture the business community, and indicates that many of these are the legacy of apartheid. It points out that the relationship between business and the state was ambiguous, varied between the economic sectors, and changed radically over time. The latter sections of the article discuss the role of business in South Africa's transition (and the collective action problems which were experienced), and charts the developments which lead up to the creation of the mega federation Business South Africa (BSA). It is argued that BSA represents an important, yet fragile, step towards unity.
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Ejiogu, EC. "Post-Liberation South Africa: Sorting Out the Pieces." Journal of Asian and African Studies 47, no. 3 (2012): 257–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909611428041.
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The written history and narratives of the anti-apartheid liberation struggle in South Africa has been cast, albeit erroneously, as if it was waged and won solely by the African National Congress (ANC), its ally the South African Communist Party (SACP), and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the three alliance partners that have held the reins of state power since the first multi-racial democratic elections in 1994. The truth is that the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of Azania, the Azania People’s Organization (AZAPO), the New Unity Movement (NUMO), and several other liberation movements played significantly vital roles in that struggle. The ensuing discourse puts this state of affairs on the PAC’s diminished status in the politics of post-liberation South Africa, which derives partly from its radical antecedents from its inception that placed it apart from the ANC from which it split in 1959, earned it immediate proscription from the apartheid stage before it could root itself properly as well as notoriety in the West. The discourse argues and concludes that a more comprehensive narrative and written history of that struggle will benefit the on-going quest for the transformation of South Africa’s multi-racial democracy and the course of democracy in the rest of Africa.
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Ncube, Swikani. "The African Union’s Response to Forced Migration: Reinforcing the Nexus between Peace and Security and Refugee/IDP Protection." International and Comparative Law Review 23, no. 2 (2023): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2023-0014.
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Summary Africa is home to millions of displaced persons–IDPs and refugees–a trend that has its genesis in the pre-independence armed struggles and is currently perpetuated by internal conflicts that plague most parts of the continent. Although the challenge has been a permanent phenomenon since the days of the Organisation of African Unity, the continental organization, now the African Union, has failed to craft a response strategy that addresses both forced displacement and the conundrum of protracted refugee situations. This article argues for a policy reformulation that situates the problem of displacement within the core of Africa’s peace and security framework (the APSA). It posits that this approach addresses both causes of forced displacement and the welfare of the displaced. At a policy level, the approach permeates good governance, peace, security and economic strategies of the Union.