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1
Wawryk, Alexandra Sophia. „The protection of indigenous peoples' lands from oil exploitation in emerging economies“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw346.pdf.
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Bibliography: leaves 651-699. "Through case studies of three emerging economies - Ecuador, Nigeria and Russia - this thesis analyses the factors present to a greater or lesser degree in emerging economies, such as severe foreign indebtedness and the absence of the rule of law, that undermine the effectiveness of the legal system in protecting indigenous peoples from oil exploitation. Having identified these factors, I propose that a dual approach to the protection of indigenous peoples' traditional lands and their environment be adopted, whereby international laws that set out the rights of indigenous peoples and place duties on states in this regard, are reinforced and translated into practice through the self-regulation of the international oil industry through a voluntary code of conduct for oil companies seeking to operate on indigenous peoples' traditional lands."
2
Prodromidou, Alexandra. „Russian foreign energy policy conduct in the oil and gas sectors : a case study of the Caspian region 1991-2008“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3151/.
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This thesis explores the continuities and change in the conduct of Russian foreign policy in the Caspian region in the period 1991-2008 with the central focus set on the inclusion of energy both as a tool and one of the main targets of Russian foreign policy during the Putin administration. More specifically it looks at the impact that the choice to establish Russia as an energy superpower based mainly on its oil and gas sectors during this period had on the conduct of Russian foreign policy in the Caspian region. The central research question is how Russian oil and gas companies are used as foreign policy tools in the conduct of Russian foreign energy policy within the current foreign energy policy framework and to what end. The argument of this thesis is based on the hypothesis that the Russian state uses its oil and gas companies in order to infiltrate the Central Asian energy markets and assert its economic hegemony in the region through a web of legal and contractual monopolies aiming at maintaining Russia’s economic hegemony in the Caspian and contributing to one of Russia’s main energy policy priority of becoming an influential player in the global energy markets.
3
Escoe, Gisela Meyer. „Sources of Soviet industrial growth (1961-85) : a production function analysis by branch and region /“. The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487688507502386.
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4
Nygaard, Christian A. B. „The Russian oil industry in transition : institutional and organisational reform“. Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2003. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6936/.
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This thesis analyses institutional and organisational reform in the Former Soviet Union and Russia in order to examine the effects and existence of path dependency and institutional competition in the development of the Russian oil industry. Based on a New Institutional Economics and Transaction Costs Economics framework the thesis establishes a link between the evolution of the oil industry and the institutional matrix associate with the structure of state power. In the post-Soviet setting path dependency is created by the state's continued reliance on a patrimonial structure of state power. Resource and time pressure and the lack of a popular reform consensus resulted in the domination of the former mode of state power over the constitutional-bureaucratic system favoured by the International Financial Institutions. The transaction cost premium associated with the constitutional-bureaucratic structure and the appropriation of income and resources created a bias towards the historic structure of state power. Thus state survival was an important factor in creating path dependency. However, the thesis reveals that due to the less ideologically based political foundation there is greater room for institutional competition. While such competition has remained low at the state administrative level the thesis finds there is some evidence of institutional competition at the industry level. Two corporate strategies (the Soviet Styled Company and the Western Styled Company) have emerged from the original Holding Type Company. These two strategies display different approaches to income extraction, development strategy and ownership structure. The two strategies constitute the basis from which potential institutional competition in the oil industry may develop.
5
Mueller, James D. „Process plant contractors in the former Soviet Union and Central/Eastern Europe : identification and analysis of contractor selection criteria“. Thesis, De Montfort University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4138.
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6
Opdahl, Ingerid Maria. „Mutually supportive? : the Russian state and Russian energy companies in the post-Soviet region, 1992-2012“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6548/.
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This thesis investigates relations between five Russian energy companies – RAO UES/Inter RAO (electricity), Minatom/Rosatom (nuclear energy), Lukoil (oil), Transneft (oil pipelines) and Gazprom (gas) – and the Russian state from 1992 to 2012, with particular regard to state-company interaction over Russian foreign policy and companies’ activities in the post-Soviet region. The argument is that, due to the institutional legacies of the Soviet system, state-company interaction over foreign policy and energy operations abroad was part of their interaction over the Russian state’s institutional development. The study is based on the conceptual framework of social orders developed by North, Wallis and Weingast (NWW). State-company relations are seen to vary according to their informality and formality, and how closely the companies, and their rent streams, are tied to the state and the ruling coalition, or regime. The thesis concludes that the institutions that structure companies’ relations with the Russian state at home make them more or less available as foreign policy tools. In particular, domestic state-company relations influence the companies’ role in maintaining post-Soviet energy dependence on Russia. The thesis highlights the energy companies’ importance for state infrastructural power, and for the durability of Russia’s authoritarian regime.
7
Seck, Andrew Benjamin. „Financing upstream oil and gas ventures in the transitional economies of the former Soviet Union : a study of foreign investment and associated risks“. Thesis, University of Dundee, 2012. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/a6b90028-401b-4686-a715-2b5631df4e98.
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The development of the Foreign Oil and Gas Investment (FOGI) Database permitted a systematic study of all reported upstream projects involving foreign investors throughout FSU, in order to assess the reaction of western capital to the opening up of the FSU's oil industry. While we identified 292 upstream projects either under discussion or development and representing a potential investment of $231 - $308 billion, there is a wide dichotomy between the high level of interest and the low level of investment incurred. It is misleading to assess potential levels of investment in the FSU in isolation of global upstream investments which are estimated at $106 billion per year over the next decade. Of this amount western IOCs are expected to contribute approximately $55 billion per year. The challenge for the FSU is to attract its share (or increase its share) of global upstream capital expenditures. The latter implies a transfer of productive capacity from elsewhere in the world.International efforts vis-ä-vis the World Bank, IFC, EBRD, OPIC and various export credit agencies have failed to inject substantial credits into the FSU's petroleum industry. Disbursements remain slow and their claimed catalytic role appears to be overstated. As the FSU ranks very poorly on a scale of political/country risk, western commercial banks remain wary of extending credits. We believe the rejuvenation of the FSU's oil industry, particularly outside Russia, is pre-conditional upon the involvement of the `Major' IOCs who possess the requisite capital and technology to initiate the necessary projects. But, our research indicates that IOCs are pursuing a cautious policy of self-financing and staggered development. Thus the real onus of financing lies with the host-governments to provide the economic, legal and fiscal environment which will permit these projects to earn sufficient profits for reinvestment. Should such conditions be created in Russia, where a large domestic oil industry already exists, then the domestic industry would likely contribute a large portion of the needed investment as they would themselves be in a position to reinvest their own earnings. There is a strong correlation between levels of potential FDI and the location of known reserves as IOCs seek to minimise geological risk. In Central Asia and the Caspian Sea region where $55 - $75 billion in potential upstream investments have been reported, transportation uncertainty is singled out as the most critical impediment to growth. There are no realistic alternatives to the construction of new pipeline capacity which will act as the ultimate regulator of foreign upstream investment. For the time being large volumes of western investment capital remains cautious and beyond the reach of the FSU's petroleum industry.
8
Russell, John. „The role of socialist competition in establishing labour discipline in the Soviet working class, 1928-1934“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1987. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1290/.
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Between 1928 and 1934 Soviet society experienced what amounted to two industrial revolutions: the adaptation of a largely non-industrial working population to industry and the introduction of new technologies and methods of management. These radical changes inevitably gave rise to problems of labour discipline, expressed most graphically in soaring rates of labour turnover and absenteeism. These problems were exacerbated by the pace, intensity and scope of Soviet industrialisation and by the social policies that accompanied this drive. As in any such process these problems had to be tackled by utilising a blend of measures based on compulsion, conviction and incentive. The present work examines the blend employed by the Soviet regime during the period under review to stimulate, in the shortest possible time scale, a general will for industrialisation and, having established that will and destroyed opposition to it, channel the energies thus generated into the desired directions. The distinctive element in this blend is identified as socialist competition, which the regime utilised to stimulate support for and stifle opposition to industrialisation, and, subsequently, to raise work skills to the level required by the modern industry being constructed. Moreover, socialist competition allowed the regime to implement a management system geared to the maximum priority of production interests, while preserving a commitment, albeit in abstract terms, to the concept of a workers' state.
9
Holmberg, Rurik. „Survival of the Unfit : Path Dependence and the Estonian Oil Shale Industry“. Doctoral thesis, Linköping : Linköping University, Department of Technology and Social Change, 2008. http://www.bibl.liu.se/liupubl/disp/disp2008/arts427s.pdf.
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10
Kennedy, John. „Minding their own business : an ethnographic study of entrepreneurship in Putin's Russia“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7305/.
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Russian entrepreneurs have long faced considerable difficulties. While much is known about what these difficulties are, less is known about how entrepreneurs respond to them, what it is like to be an entrepreneur under these circumstances and why they bother in the first place. In this thesis I address these questions by conducting a multi-sited ethnography within three small Siberian enterprises, observing the directors as they conduct their everyday business. I find that these entrepreneurs all resent their vulnerable position in the political economy but that they have developed a capacity to survive or thrive in spite of the obstacles and threats they encounter. This capacity, I argue, is less a consequence of their commercial acumen than their understanding of what can be achieved given their particular circumstances, their knowledge that business-state relations take an informal, personalised form, and their preparedness to resist predatory outsiders. This leads me to reconsider the meaning of entrepreneurship in the Russian context. Furthermore, my informants’ agency presents a challenge to the idea in predominant political economic theories that the Russian state dominates the private sector. I therefore reconceptualise business-state relations using Douglass C. North et al’s Limited Access Order theory in combination with my empirical materials. This provides a more accurate theory that accepts the pre-eminent role of the state in the political economy while accommodating the agency displayed by my informants.
11
Klusener, Edgar. „How did East Germany's Media represent Iran between 1949 and 1989?“ Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/how-did-east-germanys-media-represent-iran-between-1949-and-1989(9b223332-bfc9-4f9e-a2db-10c760510c46).html.
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This thesis examines how the press of the erstwhile German Democratic Republic represented Iran in the years from 1949 – the year of the GDR’s formation – until 1989, the last complete year before its demise on 3 October 1990. The study focuses on key events in Iranian history such as the overthrow of the Mossadegh government in 1953, the White Revolution, the Islamic Revolution of 1979, and the Iran-Iraq war. It will be shown that although news and articles were based on selected facts, they still presented a picture of Iran that was at best distorted, the distortions and misrepresentations amounting to what could be described as 'factual fiction'. Furthermore, clear evidence will be provided that economical and political relations with Iran were a primary concern of the GDR’s leadership, and thus also of the GDR’s press and have therefore dominated the reporting on Iran. Whatever ideological concerns there may have been, they were hardly ever allowed to get in the way of amicable relations with the Shah or later with the Islamic Republic. Only in periods where the two countries enjoyed less amicable or poor relations, was the press free to critically report events in Iran and to openly support the cause of the SED’s communist Iranian sister party, the Tudeh. Despite East Germany’s diametric ideological environment and despite the fundamentally different role that the GDR’s political system had assigned to the press and to journalism, East Germany’s press was as reliant on the input of the global news agencies as any Western media. The at times almost complete reliance on Western news agencies as sources for news on Iran challenged more than just the hermeneutic hegemony the SED and the GDR’s press wanted to establish. After all, which news and information were made available by the news agencies to the media in both East and West was primarily determined by the business interests of said agencies. The study makes a contribution to three fields: Modern Iranian history, (East-) German history and media studies. The most valid findings were certainly made in the latter.
12
Hamada, Kazuyuki. „The Soviet defense industry's conversion program US and Japanese responses /“. 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/28208741.html.
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13
Speckhard, Christopher Thomas. „The ties that bind: big business and center-periphery relations in the Russian Federation“. Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1414.
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14
Weber, Yuval. „Petropolitics and foreign policy : fiscal and institutional origins and patterns of Russian foreign policy, 1964-2012“. Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/26949.
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Russian foreign policy from the mid-1960s has vacillated between periods of expansion and retrenchment in which the military and diplomatic reach of the state has extended to continents or been retracted to very modest conceptions of national defense. During this period, the financial centrality of energy exports has come to dominate the Russian economy, leading scholars and observers to draw a causal link between the two: as energy revenues go up, expansionism does as well, while declines in revenues lead Russia to behave less assertively. This dissertation outlines an alternative argument for petrostate foreign policy in which positive or negative revenue environments determine the menu of policy options available to policymakers, but that internal politics determine the content of those foreign policy choices. I argue that foreign policy choices are conditional on the mediating political institutions and circumstances existing at the time of booms and busts, namely that how energy revenue shocks affect foreign policy decision-making in a petrostate after a revenue shock depends on the political environment before the shock. The petropolitics foreign policy theory thus provides insight as to when the expansionism might occur. By focusing on revenue yet allowing politicians to retain agency, this “petropolitics” foreign policy theory links structural theories of foreign policy to leadership-driven models of political decision-making. This petropolitics theory then reassesses Russian foreign policy by analyzing leadership tenures from Leonid Brezhnev to Vladimir Putin. I show that Soviet expansionism in the Third World in the 1970s was not simply because of a positive revenue shock, but because of Brezhnev’s political weakness after his installation in a palace coup. Similarly, I show that Mikhail Gorbachev’s retrenchment of foreign policy commitments arose not solely from a lack of energy revenues, but from his political strength in light of the poor performance of his predecessors. Finally, I show that Vladimir Putin’s selective expansionism and retrenchment emerges in a skillful consolidation of domestic political strength, a fortuitous influx of energy revenues, and a willingness to change foreign policy strategies to serve a single preference of maintaining power.text
15
Davison, Jennifer-Anne. „Power dynamics in Russian-Tatarstani relations: A case study“. Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/913.
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In the context of nationalism and sovereignty studies emerging since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, this thesis provides an economic, rather than political, perspective of Tatarstan’s success in negotiating sovereignty claims with Russia, arguing that what lay behind Tatarstan’s demands for extensive political and economic rights was not mass nationalist mobilization, but the desire for control over natural resources by the Tatarstani elite dominated by former Soviet functionaries of indigenous nationality. In addition, this paper examines the importance of continuity among the local political elites, contrasting Tatarstan’s approach with that of Chechnya’s uncompromising separatist drive and the resulting years of civil conflict. Finally, the most recent page in the history of Russian-Tatarstani relations, the gradual reduction of the republic’s autonomy in connection with President Putin’s centralizing reforms, confirms my principal argument that control over resources is more important to the Tatarstani elites than political power as such.