Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Nurses Employment Australia“

Background: The purpose of this paper is to describe and encapsulate the elements of the sexual health nurse’s role in Australia. In Australia, sexual health nursing is a fast evolving speciality operating within a climate of diverse role expectations, settings and population groups. Today’s health care climate demands that nurses’ roles and their impact on patient care be held up to scrutiny. Methods: A literature review was conducted that used descriptive analysis to elicit the recurrent themes appearing in the Australian sexual health nursing literature that would describe the role. Results: A model of sexual health nursing was evident with the two primary themes of professional responsibility and patient care. The professional role included a philosophy of sharing nursing experiences, collaboration, employment in multiple settings, and the development of the role into advanced practice, appropriate academic and clinical preparation and a commitment to research. The patient care role included the provision of individual and holistic patient care, ability to access specific at-risk groups, clinical effectiveness, patient education and community development roles. Conclusion: Australian sexual health nurses make a specific and measurable contribution to the health care system. They are likely to continue to advance their role supported by appropriate research that validates their models of practice, continues their philosophy of sharing their experiences and that documents the impact they have on the health outcomes of individuals and populations.

This article provides an overview of the extent of casualisation of the nursing workforce in Australia,focusing on the impact for those managing the system. The implications for nurse managers in particular are considerable in an industry where service demand is difficult to control and where individual nurses are thought to be increasingly choosing to work casually. While little is known of the reasons behind nurses exercising their preference for casual work arrangements,some reasons postulated include visa status (overseas trained nurses on holiday/working visas); permanent employees taking on additional shifts to increase their income levels; and those who elect to work under casual contracts for lifestyle reasons. Unknown is the demography of the casual nursing workforce, how these groups are distributed within the workforce,and how many contracts of employment they have across the health service - either through privately managed nursing agencies or hospital managed casual pools. A more detailed knowledge of the forces driving the decisions of this group is essential if health care organisations are to equip themselves to manage this changing workforce and maintain a standard of patient care that is acceptable to the community.

The barriers to Indigenous people entering tertiary education, succeeding, and gaining employment in the health professions are broad and systemic. While efforts have been made to address these barriers, the number of Indigenous health professionals remains extremely low across Australia. The Pika Wiya Learning Centre in South Australia provides a range of practical, social, cultural, and emotional supports for tertiary students to increase the number of Indigenous health professionals, especially registered nurses, in the region. This paper reports on the Centre?s strengths that may represent best practice in student support, and the obstacles to further development.

The growing burden of chronic disease will increase the role of primary care in supporting self-management and health behaviour change. This role could be undertaken to some extent by the increased practice nurse workforce that has occurred over recent years. Mixed methods were used to investigate the potential for general practice nurses to adopt this role during a 12-month randomised controlled study of telephone-delivered health mentoring in Tasmanian practices. Nurses (general practice and community health) were trained as health mentors to assist chronic obstructive pulmonary disease patients to identify and achieve personal health related goals through action plans. Of 21% of invited practices that responded, 19 were allocated to health mentoring; however, general practice nurses were unable to train as health mentors in 14 (74%), principally due to lack of financial compensation and/or workload pressure. For five general practice nurses trained as health mentors, their roles had previously included some chronic disease management, but training enhanced their understanding and skills of self-management approaches and increased the focus on patient partnership, prioritising patients’ choices and achievability. Difficulties that led to early withdrawal of health mentors were competing demands, insufficient time availability, phone calls having lower priority than face-to-face interactions and changing employment. Skills gained were rated as valuable, applicable to all clinical practice and transferable to other health care settings. Although these results suggest that training can enhance general practice nurses’ skills to deliver self-management support in chronic disease, there are significant system barriers that need to be addressed through funding models and organisational change.

e20615 Background: The Clinical Practice Guidelines for the Psychosocial Care of Adults with Cancer (the Guidelines) were launched in 2003 to guide cancer care providers in the assessment of psychosocial issues and provision of evidence-based interventions. Despite multi-faceted Australia-wide dissemination efforts, the current study aimed to be the first to assess current implementation of the Guidelines across and barriers to uptake. Methods: A cross-sectional web-based survey was developed to assess clinical use of recommendations in the Guidelines in relation to the provision of psychosocial support, and assessment of distress and pain. Data was collected about perceived barriers to the provision of psychosocial support at participants’ place of employment, as well as roles and training needs. Cancer nurses were recruited through the Cancer Nurses Society of Australia, the Royal College of Nursing Australia, and the Haematology Society of Australia & New Zealand. Descriptive and correlational analyses were conducted. Results: Of 354 respondents, 266 completed the assessment. Relaxation training was the most prevalent form of psychosocial support (24%) and web-based support (20%) was the most common modality. While 26% of institutions had no systematic means of assessing distress amongst patients, those that did relied primarily on clinical interviews (37%). Once a patient was identified as distressed, most often the care coordinator was responsible for providing ensuing interventions. An organizational culture in which psychosocial issues are seen as less important than medical treatment (23%) and role ambiguity proved to be barriers to provision of psychosocial support, particularly when nurses did not perceive psychosocial support was beneficial and supervision was inadequate (R2= .313, F(1, 265) = 6.58, p < .001). Conclusions: Results confirmed that dissemination does not necessarily equal implementation. Clear pathways for assessment and treatment need to be established to reduce individual barriers and promote organizational cultures that appreciate the need to integrate psychosocial care in standard medical treatment.

ObjectivesTo evaluate the relationship between markers of staff employment stability and use of short-term healthcare workers with markers of quality of care. A secondary objective was to identify clinic-specific factors which may counter hypothesised reduced quality of care associated with lower stability, higher turnover or higher use of short-term staff.DesignRetrospective cohort study (Northern Territory (NT) Department of Health Primary Care Information Systems).SettingAll 48 government primary healthcare clinics in remote communities in NT, Australia (2011–2015).Participants25 413 patients drawn from participating clinics during the study period.Outcome measuresAssociations between independent variables (resident remote area nurse and Aboriginal Health Practitioner turnover rates, stability rates and the proportional use of agency nurses) and indicators of health service quality in child and maternal health, chronic disease management and preventive health activity were tested using linear regression, adjusting for community and clinic size. Latent class modelling was used to investigate between-clinic heterogeneity.ResultsThe proportion of resident Aboriginal clients receiving high-quality care as measured by various quality indicators varied considerably across indicators and clinics. Higher quality care was more likely to be received for management of chronic diseases such as diabetes and least likely to be received for general/preventive adult health checks. Many indicators had target goals of 0.80 which were mostly not achieved. The evidence for associations between decreased stability measures or increased use of agency nurses and reduced achievement of quality indicators was not supported as hypothesised. For the majority of associations, the overall effect sizes were small (close to zero) and failed to reach statistical significance. Where statistically significant associations were found, they were generally in the hypothesised direction.ConclusionsOverall, minimal evidence of the hypothesised negative effects of increased turnover, decreased stability and increased reliance on temporary staff on quality of care was found. Substantial variations in clinic-specific estimates of association were evident, suggesting that clinic-specific factors may counter any potential negative effects of decreased staff employment stability. Investigation of clinic-specific factors using latent class analysis failed to yield clinic characteristics that adequately explain between-clinic variation in associations. Understanding the reasons for this variation would significantly aid the provision of clinical care in remote Australia.

An innovative project which aims to balance acute care and community health care in the clinical experience for students in a generic baccalaureate nursing program, is outlined. The ways in which nurses in community practice and academia can work together to ensure that primary health care (PHC) becomes a philosophy used for guiding nursing practice, is demonstrated. The aims of the project are to gather sufficient information on which to base curricula change to the undergraduate baccalaureate nursing program, as well as to assess the employment outcomes for this group of graduate nurses. The paper sets the context for the project by providing a brief historical review that highlights the relevance and necessity of PHC as a framework for nursing. The ways in which nurses in community practice and nurses in academia can work together to ensure that primary health care (PHC) becomes a philosophy used for guiding nursing practice is discussed. Through an innovative partnership between the School of Nursing, Flinders University of South Australia (FUSA) and Noarlunga Health Services, curriculum changes ensure that nursing students experience a balance of theory and practice in both the community and acute clinical fields, and that the curriculum is underpinned by PHC philosophy and principles.

IN NOVEMBER 2002, in what stands as one of the most significant whistle blowing cases in the history of the Australian health care system, four nurses went public with concerns they had about the management of clinical incidents and patient safety at two hospitals in Sydney, New South Wales. The handling of this case and its aftermath raises important moral questions concerning the nature of whistleblowing in health care domains and the possible implications for the patient safety and quality of care movement in Australia. This paper presents an overview of the case, the moral risks associated with whistleblowing, and some lessons learned. The International Council of Nurses (2000) Code of Ethics stipulates that nurses have a stringent responsibility to 'take appropriate action to safeguard individuals when their care is endangered by a co-worker or any other person'. Other local and international nursing codes of ethics and standards of professional conduct likewise obligate nurses to take appropriate action to safeguard individuals when placed at risk by the incompetent, unethical or illegal acts of others ? including the system. Despite these coded moral prescriptions for responsible and accountable professional conduct, taking appropriate action when others are placed at risk (including making reports to appropriate authorities) is never an easy task nor is it free of risk for nurses. As has been amply demonstrated in the literature, taking a moral stance to protect patient safety and quality of care can be extremely hazardous to nurses (Johnstone 1994, 2002, 2004; Ahern & McDonald 2002). In situations where nurses report their concerns to an appropriate authority but nothing is done to either investigate or validate their claims, nurses are faced with the ethical dilemma and 'choice' of whether to: do nothing ('put up and shut up'); leave their current place of employment (and possibly even the profession); or take the matter further ('blow the whistle') by reporting their concerns to an external authority that they perceive as having the power to do something about their concerns. It is rare for nurses to 'blow the whistle' in the public domain. When they do, it is usually because they perceive that something is terribly wrong and, as a matter of conscience, they cannot just look on as morally passive bystanders. For those nurses who do take a stand, the costs to them personally and professionally are almost always devastating, with no guarantees that the situation on which they have taken a public stance will be improved. Nurses who blow the whistle often end up with their careers and lives in tatters (see case studies in Johnstone 1994 & 2004).

Over the past decade, several Australian universities have offered a double degree in nursing and paramedicine. Mainstream employment models that facilitate integrated graduate practice in both nursing and paramedicine are currently lacking. The aim of the present study was to detail the development of the Interprofessional Graduate Program (IPG), the industrial and professional issues that required solutions, outcomes from the first pilot IPG group and future directions. The IPG was an 18-month program during which participants rotated between graduate nursing experience in emergency nursing at Northern Health, Melbourne, Australia and graduate paramedic experience with Ambulance Victoria. The first IPG with 10 participants ran from January 2011 to August 2012. A survey completed by nine of the 10 participants in March 2014 showed that all nine participants nominated Ambulance Victoria as their main employer and five participants were working casual shifts in nursing. Alternative graduate programs that span two health disciplines are feasible but hampered by rigid industrial relations structures and professional ideologies. Despite a ‘purpose built’ graduate program that spanned two disciplines, traditional organisational structures still hamper double-degree graduates using all of skills to full capacity, and force the selection of one dominant profession. What is known about the topic? There are no employment models that facilitate integrated graduate practice in both nursing and paramedicine. The lack of innovative employment models for double-degree graduates means that current graduate program structures force double-degree graduates to practice in one discipline, negating the intent of a double degree. What does this paper add? This is the first time that a graduate program specifically designed for double-degree graduates with qualifications as Registered Nurses and Paramedics has been developed, delivered and evaluated. This paper confirms that graduate programs spanning two health disciplines are feasible. What are the implications for practitioners? Even with a graduate program specifically designed to span nursing and paramedicine, traditional organisational structures still hamper double-degree graduates using all their skills to full capacity, and force the selection of one dominant profession.

Aim/Purpose: This study aims to determine where nursing students from a metropolitan university subsequently work following graduation, identify the factors that influence decisions to pursue careers in particular locations, ascertain educational plans in the immediate future; and explore the factors that might attract students to pursue postgraduate study. Background: The global nursing shortage and high attrition of nursing students remain a challenge for the nursing profession. A recurrent pattern of maldistribution of nurses in clinical specialities and work locations has also occurred. It is imperative that institutions of learning examine their directions and priorities with the goal of meeting the mounting health needs of the wider community. Methodology: Qualitative and quantitative data were obtained through an online 21-item questionnaire. The questionnaire gathered data such as year of graduation, employment status, the location of main and secondary jobs, the principal area of nursing activity, and plans for postgraduate study. It sought graduates’ reasons for seeking employment in particular workplaces and the factors encouraging them to pursue postgraduate study. Contribution: This study is meaningful and relevant as it provided a window to see the gaps in higher education and nursing practice, and opportunities in research and collaboration. It conveys many insights that were informative, valuable and illuminating in the context of nurse shortage and nurse education. The partnership with hospitals and health services in providing education and support at the workplace is emphasized. Findings: Twenty-three students completed the online questionnaire. All respondents were employed, 22 were working in Australia on a permanent basis (96%), 19 in urban areas (83%) with three in regional/rural areas (13%), and one was working internationally (4%). This pilot study revealed that there were varied reasons for workplace decisions, but the most common answer was the opportunity provided to students to undertake their graduate year and subsequent employment offered. Moreover, the prevailing culture of the organization and high-quality clinical experiences afforded to students were significant contributory factors. Data analysis revealed their plans for postgraduate studies in the next five years (61%), with critical care nursing as the most popular specialty option. The majority of the respondents (78%) signified their interest in taking further courses, being familiar with the educational system and expressing high satisfaction with the university’s program delivery. Recommendations for Practitioners: The results of the pilot should be tested in a full study with validated instruments in the future. With a larger dataset, the conclusions about graduate destinations and postgraduate educational pursuits of graduates would be generalizable, valid and reliable. Recommendation for Researchers: Further research to explore how graduates might be encouraged to work in rural and regional areas, determine courses that meet the demand of the market, and how to better engage with clinical partners are recommended. Impact on Society: It is expected that the study will be extended in the future to benefit other academics, service managers, recruiters, and stakeholders to alert them of strategies that may be used to entice graduates to seek employment in various areas and plan for addressing the educational needs of postgraduate nursing students. The end goal is to help enhance the nursing workforce by focusing on leadership and retention. Future Research: Future directions for research will include canvassing a bigger sample of alumni students and continuously monitoring graduate destinations and educational aspirations. How graduates might be encouraged to work in rural and regional areas will be further explored. Further research will also be undertaken involving graduates from other universities and other countries in order to compare the work practice of graduates over the same time frame.

Nurses are increasingly needed in primary healthcare settings to support community-based healthcare delivery. Programs to facilitate transition of new graduate nurses are well established in acute care; however, there are few similar programs reported in settings like general practice. This paper sought to explore the experiences of new graduate registered nurses and their registered nurse mentors in a new graduate program within Australian general practice. New graduates (n = 9) and their mentors participated in interviews before, during and at the conclusion of a 12-month new graduate program. Interviews were digitally audio-recorded and professionally transcribed verbatim before being analysed using thematic analysis. Eighteen new graduate and 10 mentor interviews were conducted, revealing four themes. Preparation and Opportunities describes the influence that pre-registration education had on preparing nurses for general practice employment. Exceeding Expectations highlights the positive experiences within the program. Program Challenges draws attention to the difficulties experienced by participants, and Future Career Intentions explores future career plans. This study highlights that a general practice new graduate nurse program has the potential to build the workforce. However, strengthening undergraduate preparation of nurses around primary health care and addressing funding issues in general practice, are important to promote the success of such programs.

Practice managers are often involved in the employment of practice nurses and are likely to have a significant role in future transition programs in general practice. Therefore, the aim of the study was to explore practice managers’ expectations of new graduate registered nurses working in general practice. A nation-wide web-based electronic survey distributed by the Australian Association of Practice Management was used to collect demographic data and practice managers’ expectations of new graduate nurses directly transitioning into general practice in their first year of practice. The sample was broadly representative of the Australian state and territory population numbers. Respondents were predominantly female with postgraduate qualifications. The findings of this study highlight that practice managers who currently work with practice nurses would be supportive of graduate registered nurses in general practice in their first year with preceptor support. The results of this study have important implications for nursing workforce development and it is recommended that such initiatives are widely introduced with appropriate financial support.

Despite more nurses working in Australian general practice, there has been limited investigation exploring ways that general practitioners and registered nurses work together to deliver clinical care. However, it has been postulated that the small business structure, common in Australian general practices, might influence collaboration between these two groups of health professionals. This paper presents one theme from a larger qualitative study. Eight general practitioners and fourteen registered nurses working in general practice participated in semistructured face-to-face interviews between February and May 2015. Naturalistic inquiry was adopted to elicit and explore the narrative accounts of participants about working together in general practice. An inductive process of thematic analysis was used to identify, analyse and report patterns and themes. Ancillary costs associated with the employment of registered nurses in general practice and the time registered nurses took to undertake procedural services were a concern for general practitioners. Registered nurses did not always work to their full scope of practice and many felt that their expertise was not appropriately remunerated. Findings suggested that fee for service-funding models can negatively influence collaboration between general practitioners and registered nurses working in general practice.

Australian health policy initiatives have increasingly supported the employment of nurses in general practice. An understanding of the impact of nursing care on patients in this setting is integral to assuring quality, safety and a patient-centred focus. The aim was to develop a survey to evaluate the satisfaction and enablement of patients who receive nursing care in Australian general practices. The survey was to be simple to administer and analyse, ensuring practicality for use by general practice nurses, doctors and managers. Two validated instruments formed the basis of the Patient Enablement and Satisfaction Survey (PESS). This survey was refined and validated for the Australian setting using focus groups and in-depth interviews with patients, and feedback from general practice nurses. Test-retest and alternate form methods were used to establish the survey’s reliability. Feedback resulted in 14 amendments to the original draft survey. Questions that demonstrated a strong positive correlation for the test-retest and alternate form measures were included in the final survey. The PESS is a useful, practical tool for the evaluation of nursing care in Australian general practice, its validity and reliability established through a patient-centred research approach, reflective of the needs of patients accessing nursing services in this setting.

Objective To determine the economic feasibility in Australian general practices of using a practice nurse (PN)-led care model of chronic disease management. Methods A cost-analysis of item numbers from the Medicare Benefit Schedule (MBS) was performed in three Australian general practices, one urban, one regional and one rural. Patients (n =254; >18 years of age) with chronic conditions (type 2 diabetes, hypertension, ischaemic heart disease) but without unstable or major health problems were randomised into usual general practitioner (GP) or PN-led care for management of their condition over a period of 12 months. After the 12-month intervention, total MBS item charges were evaluated for patients managed for their stable chronic condition by usual GP or PN-led care. Zero-skewness log transformation was applied to cost data and log-linear regression analysis was undertaken. Results There was an estimated A$129 mean increase in total MBS item charges over a 1-year period (controlled for age, self-reported quality of life and geographic location of practice) associated with PN-led care. The frequency of GP and PN visits varied markedly according to the chronic disease. Conclusions Medicare reimbursements provided sufficient funding for general practices to employ PNs within limits of workloads before the new Practice Nurse Incentive Program was introduced in July 2012. What is known about the topic? The integration of practice nurses (PN) into the Australian health system is limited compared with the UK and other parts of Europe. There are known patient benefits of PNs collaborating with general practitioners, especially in chronic disease management, but the benefits from a financial perspective are less clear. What does this paper add? The cost-analysis of a PN-led model of chronic disease management in Australian general practice is reported, providing an indication of the financial impact of using PNs in primary healthcare. What are the implications for practitioners? Taking into account general practice and individual PN workloads, sufficient funding for employment of PNs is provided by Medicare reimbursements.

Introduction:Clinicians working in emergency departments (ED) play a vital role in the healthcare response to chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear, and explosive (CBRNe) events. However, ED clinicians’ individual and workplace preparedness for CBRNe events is largely unknown.Aim:The aim of this research was to explore Australian ED nurses and doctors’ perceptions of individual and workplace preparedness related to CBRNe events.Methods:The study populations were Australian nurses and doctors who work in EDs. Data was collected via a survey with 43 questions requiring binary responses or a rating on a Likert scale. The survey consisted of questions relating to the participant’s previous disaster training, perceived likelihood of a CBRNe event impacting their ED, perceived level of knowledge, perceived personal preparedness, perception of ED preparedness, and willingness to attend their workplace. Data were analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistics.Results:There were 244 complete responses, 92 (37.7%) doctors and 152 (62.3%) nurses. When comparing doctors and nurses, there was a statistical difference between gender (p = < 0.001), length of employment (p = < 0.001), and role in the ED (p = < 0.001). Doctors and nurses had a similar level of previous training except for practical training in mask fitting (p = 0.033). CBRNe events were considered separately. Perceived level of knowledge, perceived personal preparedness, and perception of ED preparedness were significant predictors of willingness to work in all CBRNe event. Perceived likelihood of a CBRNe event impacting their ED was not a predictor of willingness.Discussion:This research contributes to an overview of the current status of Australian ED clinicians’ preparedness for CBRNe response. To increase the willingness of ED doctors and nurses attending their workplace for a CBRNe event, strategies should focus on enhancing individuals perceived level of knowledge, perceived personal preparedness, and perception of ED preparedness.

This paper investigates the links between the psychological contract and organizational justice variables on to performance behaviors through the mechanisms of engagement, job satisfaction and psychological distress, beyond the perception-oriented individual factor of negative affectivity. Nursing staff (n = 273) from a medium to large Australian hospital completed a self-report survey. Structural equation modeling found differential effects of psychological contract breach and psychological contract status, the mediating roles of engagement, job satisfaction and distress on to performance behaviors, while noting the role of individual negative affectivity. Engaging nurses is critical to both their in-role and discretionary performance behaviors. Reducing negative impacts, particularly those due to breaking promises and unfair processes, while protecting the nurses’ mental health, enables performance levels to be maintained. This study demonstrates that nurses’ general perceptions of their employment relationship impacted their in-role and discretionary performance behaviors, especially through the mechanism of engagement. The complexity of managing nurses is highlighted by those variables that enacted positive impacts via engagement as versus the variables that led to distress and acted as brakes on performance, as well as the impact of the negative affectivity trait of the nurses.

Discussion of skilled migration often focuses on skill shortages and global labour market trends, with little attention directed to the individual experiences of the migrants themselves. ‘Divina’ is a migrant nurse who left her home country of the Philippines to gain work in Australia. In the process of this migration, Divina was drawn into a complex web of co-ethnic relationships with migration intermediaries that shaped much of her experiences with respect to entry and employment in Australia. Her story highlights how migration intermediaries can exacerbate the precarious and vulnerable position of skilled migrants. The dangers are particularly striking for those migrating from non-English-speaking and/or developing nations, where vulnerabilities can be entrenched by ‘trusting’ co-ethnic relations forged between sending and receiving countries.

This case study examines the financial viability, benefits and challenges of employing a primary healthcare (PHC) nurse practitioner (NP) in a bulk-billing healthcare cooperative in the Australian Capital Territory. There are few empirical case reports in the Australian literature that demonstrate financial sustainability of this type of healthcare professional in primary healthcare. This case study demonstrates that the costs of employing a PHC-NP in general practice are offset by direct and indirect Medicare billings generated by the PHC-NP, resulting in a cost-neutral healthcare practitioner. The success of this model relies on bidirectional collaborative working relationships amongst general practitioners and NPs. PHC-NPs should have a generalist scope of practice and specialist expertise in order to maximise their utility within the general practice environment. What is known about the topic? NPs represent a growing workforce of highly trained and educated advanced practice nurses that aims to improve access to timely and affordable healthcare for underserviced populations. Recent legislation has allowed for greater exploration of innovative models of care using NPs in Australian primary healthcare. What does this paper add? This case study provides practical information on the financial and logistical implications of employing an NP in a bulk-billing general practice. It demonstrates the broad capability of this workforce in Australian primary healthcare, and gives an overview of the facilitators and barriers to their use in private practice. What are the implications for practitioners? Employment of a PHC NP in general practice requires careful consideration of the direct and indirect benefits associated with the complimentary care they offer. NP access to the Medicare Benefits Schedule is severely restricted, which impairs their ability to achieve a full scope of practice and may contribute to increased health system costs and inefficiencies. There are opportunities for integration and facilitation of this emerging role in general practice with existing nursing workforce. Further research into this evolving area would be of benefit.

The concept of caring is vague and complex, especially in critical environments such as the intensive care unit (ICU), where technological dehumanisation is a challenge for nurses. ICU nursing care includes not only patients but also extends to patients’ families, nurses, other health team members and the unit’s environment. Caring in critical care settings is affected by enabling and impeding factors. To explore these enablers and challenges factors, a focused ethnographic study was conducted in an Australian ICU. The data was collected from 35 registered nurses through various resources: participants' observations, documents reviews, interviews, and additional participants’ notes. Data were analysed inductively and thematically. The study outlines comprehensively and widely a wide range of enablers and challenges affecting caring in the ICU - which originate from different sources such as patients, families, nurses, and the ICU environment. This paper is the second in a two-part series which explores the ICU nurses’ experiences and perspectives of the enablers and challenges of caring in the ICU. Part 1 was concerned with the enablers and challenges to caring that are related to ICU patients, families, and environment. While Part 2 introduces readers to the enablers and challenges factors that are concerned with the nurses in ICU. These factors include nurses’ educational backgrounds and professional experience, employment working factors, leadership styles, relationships, and personal factors. Nurses and other stakeholders such as clinicians, educators, researchers, managers, and policymakers need to recognize these factors and their implications for providing quality care, in order to enhance and maintain the optimal level of caring in the ICU.

Women diagnosed with early breast cancer are now asked by their doctors to choose from a range of options for their preferred medical treatment plan. Little information is known about women’s treatment decision-making and therefore nurses do not have evidence to guide this decision support. The aim of this descriptive survey was to investigate the prediagnostic decision-making behavior of a sample (N= 377) of Australian women, regarding their treatment choices for early breast cancer. The data were collected using the Pre-Decision Portfolio Questionnaire (PDPQ) by Pierce (1996), which includes the Michigan Assessment of Decision Styles (MADS). Of 366 participating women, 19.9% strongly agreed to all three items of the MADS factor Deferring Responsibility; 0.3% strongly agreed to all four factors of Avoidance; 32.7% strongly agreed on all four items of Information Seeking; and 63.4% strongly agreed to all five items of Deliberation. Women showed a variety of preferred decision styles, depending on age, education, occupation and employment status. Only 36% of women indicated it was critically important to “get the treatment over as soon as possible;” 55% to “participate in selecting treatment;” and 53% to “read a lot of information.” The understanding of factors that are important to women when they are making decisions for medical treatment is a mandatory step in designing customized evidence-based decision support, which can be delivered by nurses to help women during this distressing experience.

BackgroundGPs are central to opioid strategy in chronic non-cancer pain (CNCP). Lack of treatment alternatives and providers are common reasons cited for not deprescribing opioids. There are limited data about availability of multidisciplinary healthcare providers (MHCPs), such as psychologists, physiotherapists, or dietitians, who can provide broader treatments.AimTo explore availability of MHCPs, and the association with GP opioid deprescribing and transition to therapeutic alternatives for CNCP.Design & settingCross-sectional survey of all practising GPs (N = 1480) in one mixed urban and regional Australian primary health network.MethodA self-report mailed questionnaire assessed the availability of MHCPs and management of their most recent patient on long-term opioids for CNCP.ResultsSix hundred and eighty-one (46%) valid responses were received. Most GPs (71%) had access to a pain specialist and MHCPs within 50 km. GPs’ previous referral for specialist support was significantly associated with access to a greater number of MHCPs (P = 0.001). Employment of a nurse increased the rate ratio of available MHCPs by 12.5% (incidence rate ratio [IRR] 1.125, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.001 to 1.264). Only one-third (32%) of GPs reported willingness to deprescribe and shift to broader CNCP treatments. Availability of MHCPs was not significantly associated with deprescribing decisions.ConclusionLack of geographical access to known MHCPs does not appear to be a major barrier to opioid deprescribing and shifting toward non-pharmacological treatments for CNCP. Considerable opportunity remains to encourage GPs' decision to deprescribe, with employment of a practice nurse appearing to play a role.

23 Background: The diagnosis and treatment of cancer often causes financial stress, partly by impacting on the ability to continue in paid employment. Our aim was to identify changes in work status 12 months after a diagnosis of breast cancer. Methods: An audit of the medical records of women who presented to the Western Health (Victoria, Australia) nurse led breast cancer Survivorship Clinic (SC) between October 2015 and October 2016 was performed to identify employment status at diagnosis and at their review at SC 12 months later. Results: 111 records were reviewed. The mean age was 55 (range 28-82yrs). 84 of these women (76%) were 65 years of younger at the time of diagnosis. 46 of the 84 women ≤65 years were in paid employment at diagnosis (55%), and 38 (83%) were still working in some capacity at review in the SC. Of the 38 still working, 28 were working in the same capacity, 8 were working reduced hours, and 2 were working increased hours. Women who had axillary dissections were most likely to have changed work status. Financial stress was reported by 8/19 of women who stopped working or had changed work hours, including 9 no longer in paid employment and 10 with changed hours. 2/28 women working in the same capacity reported financial stress. 65% of those who reported financial stress (11/17) had chemotherapy as part of their treatment. Conclusions: A breast cancer diagnosis has the ability to influence a woman's work status one year after diagnosis. Health professionals should appreciate the potential work concerns and financial stresses continuing to affect their patients.

AbstractDespite more than three decades of research, there is a limited understanding of the transactional process of appraisal, stress and coping. This has led to calls for more focused research on the entire process that underlies these variables. To date, there remains a paucity of such research. The present study examined Lazarus and Folkman's (1984) transactional model of stress and coping. One hundred and twenty nine Australian participants with full time employment (i.e., nurses and administration employees) were recruited. There were 49 male (age mean = 34, SD = 10.51) and 80 female (age mean = 36, SD = 10.31) participants. The analysis of three path models indicated that in addition to the original paths, which were found in Lazarus and Folkman's transactional model (primary appraisal→secondary appraisal→stress→coping), there were also direct links between primary appraisal and stress level time one and between stress level time one to stress level time two. This study has provided additional insights into the transactional process that will extend our understanding of how individuals appraise, cope and experience occupational stress.

Introduction: Cancer treatment includes conventional clinic-based infusions and various options for home administration of medication. Clinic-based treatment can be disruptive and costly to patients and caregivers, requiring transportation, time away from work/family responsibilities, and stressful clinical settings. The COVID-19 pandemic has increased concerns that patients may be exposed-or experience anxiety about exposure-to viruses and other pathogens. Potential benefits to home-based chemotherapy include cost/healthcare resource utilization savings and decreased infection exposure by avoiding clinical settings. In the COVID-19 era, ASH, ASCO, ESMO, and other groups have recommended home administration of chemotherapy, including infusions at home and self-administered oral and subcutaneous treatments, for certain cancer types where feasible. This literature review evaluated patient- and caregiver-relevant advantages of home-administered cancer therapy. Methods: A strategic literature review was conducted using the pearl growing/snowball method, wherein core publications were identified using an initial PubMed search strategy with the MeSH heading "Antineoplastic Agents/Administration & Dosage" and the search terms "Home Care Services" and "Patient Satisfaction." Results were limited to English-language publications dated January 2000 to July 2020, ≥10 study subjects, adult subjects only, with no limits for geography or cancer type. A total of 21 initial results were retrieved in PubMed. Six core publications were used to establish keywords and for bibliographic and prospective citation searches to identify additional relevant publications relating to patient preference and patient/caregiver-reported outcomes regarding cancer treatment administration settings. In addition to PubMed, the following congresses were searched: ASH (2004-2019), ASCO (2011-2020), EHA (2016-2019) and ESMO (2010-2019). Results: Thirty-one studies involving both hematologic cancers and solid tumors were identified from North and South America, Europe, Asia, and Australia. Cancer therapy was administered by patients/caregivers (ie, oral or subcutaneous) or a visiting nurse. All the studies reviewed reported benefits for home- vs clinic-based treatment. Patient expressed preference/satisfaction and willingness to continue with home-based regimens; while methodologies varied among studies, 70% to 100% of patients preferred home administration. Across studies, over half of patients receiving home treatment cited improvement in outcomes including well-being, activities of daily living, and family/social life, with benefits including convenience, comfort, reduced travel/financial burden, limited waiting time, and greater ability to maintain daily family/social activities. The impact on patient health-related quality of life (HRQoL) could not be compared quantitatively among studies as &lt;25% of the studies used validated tools, e.g., EORTC-QOL-C30. Among studies using validated tools, HRQoL outcomes were generally similar for patients treated at home or in-clinic. There were very few reports of patients needing or choosing to return to clinic-based care after initiating home treatment. Studies that captured safety outcomes did not report increased adverse effects or emergency room visits among patients treated at home. Of the 3 studies reporting caregiver outcomes, most caregivers expressed satisfaction with and preference for home treatment. Conclusions: The prioritization of therapies that can be administered at home has been proposed as a strategy for infection control in the COVID-19 era, but it is not currently a standard approach in the US. This targeted literature review consistently found patient-relevant benefits with home-administered chemotherapy. The identified studies provided minimal information on caregiver-reported outcomes, which is a limitation given that home-based cancer treatment impacts caregivers as well as patients. Home-based treatment may enhance quality of survival time and reduce healthcare resource utilization while maintaining clinical benefits of treatment and reducing contact with people in a busy clinical setting. While treatment decisions should consider patient preference for home-based treatment, some patients' treatment pathways will require care at an outpatient or inpatient facility. Disclosures Sandman: Pfizer Inc.: Consultancy. Bell:Pfizer: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company.

Wet-nurses themselves rarely left written accounts. In this article, I have reconstructed their experiences and work situations breastfeeding other women’s infants in colonial Australia through examining available sources concerning their employment situations and the fate of their infants when they were boarded out, as they commonly were. The employment of wet-nurses by royal households or prominent families has long been the topic of historical accounts, whereas the situation of the more numerous wet-nurses further down the social spectrum has received disproportionately little examination. In this article, I do not discuss informal, altruistic wet nursing by family or neighbors but, rather, the situation of those women for whom it was an occupation, by its very nature short term. Primary material sighted for this study included a considerable number of advertisements for positions placed by employers, their intermediaries (e.g., family physicians) and wet-nurses themselves, and newspaper reports when the wet-nurse’s children came to the attention of the courts. Death for boarded-out infants who succumbed to inappropriate feeding and substandard care was typically ascribed to “natural causes.”

AbstractThe aims of this study are three-fold: determine the factors that motivate nurses to pursue mental health nursing; identify the strategies that might attract nursing students and practising nurses to pursue mental health nursing as a professional career; and identify the difficulties of nurses in achieving their preferred clinical specialty.A descriptive qualitative study design with semi-structured interviews was used. Fifteen mental health nurses from rural and regional South Australia were interviewed. Interviews were transcribed verbatim, and thematic analysis was undertaken.Of the fifteen participants, thirteen were females and two were males; their average age was 50 years. The factors that motivated the participants to pursue mental health nursing were categorized as intrinsic and extrinsic. There were many strategies that might attract nursing students and nurses to the field, but the most popular suggestion was the provision of high quality meaningful clinical placements. Other strategies were to convey the personal satisfaction derived from being a mental health nurse, promote mental health nursing aggressively, and provide employment incentives. The study also highlighted the importance of addressing stigma, and greater education and support for nurses to pursue a mental health career.

The history of nursing in Sydney is central to understanding a range of issues including healthcare and gendered employment. This article is an introduction to nursing’s complex, fascinating and much neglected history in Sydney, Australia. Its focus is on hospitals as these have been, and remain, a central site for nursing practice and education. It explores the very different experiences of nursing students and matrons, the difficult working conditions which led to the ‘battleaxe’ stereotype, and the battle for even senior nurses to match their responsibilities with adequate power. Two major themes since the introduction of trained nursing has been the chronic nursing shortage and the sustained hostility towards formal education for nurses. Despite all the problems, nurses have practiced in such a way that they are perceived as the most ethical of all professions.

Abstract Background Positive reports of nursing-related outcomes such as quality nursing care, nursing engagement with work and good practice environment are crucial in attaining and maintaining Magnet® designation. The majority of Magnet®-designated organisations (N = 482) are in the USA, with their aggregate nursing outcomes widely published as benchmark data. Australian Magnet® outcomes have not been aggregated or published to date. Methods The aims are to benchmark educational preparation, occupational burnout, job satisfaction, intention to leave and working environment of nurses in Australian Magnet®-designated facilities and to determine the reliability of the Practice Environment Scale-Australia. The design is a cross-sectional multisite survey set in all three Australian Magnet®-designated organisations. The demographics included age, gender, level of education, years in practice, level of seniority and position title. Two items measured job satisfaction and intent to stay in current employment. The Maslach Burnout Inventory explored the three domains of nursing engagement: depersonalisation, personal achievement and emotional exhaustion. The Australian version of the Practice Environment Scale interrogated participants’ perceptions of their work environments. Results 2004 nurses participated (response rate 45.9%). Respondents’ mean age was 39.2 years (range 20–72). They were predominantly female and had worked in their current facility for more than 5 years. Eighty five percent had a minimum of a Bachelor’s degree. Eighty-six percent of respondents were satisfied or very satisfied with their current position. Eighty eight percent had no intention of leaving their current employer within the next 12 months. Participants rated their hospitals highly in all domains of the practice environment. Respondents reported less burnout in the personal accomplishment and depersonalisation domains than in the emotional exhaustion domain, in which they reported average levels of burnout. The internal consistency of the Practice Environment Scale-Australia was confirmed in this sample (Cronbach α’s 0.87–0.9 for subscales and 0.89 for composite score). Conclusion In this paper, we present nursing outcome data from all Australian Magnet® hospitals for the first time. This provides a benchmark that facilitates comparison with nursing outcomes published by Australian non-Magnet® hospitals and with international Magnet® organisations.

The notion of reflective practice has been considered important in healthcare professionals’ practice. In nursing, particularly in developed countries such as the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, it has been set as a required competence for registration. Some action has been taken to support the achievement of competent and reflective practitioners, including embedding reflection in the nursing pre-registration education curriculum. In the past twenty years, there has been focus on using art-based initiatives to help student nurses to reflect on their clinical experience. Amongst the art forms, poetry has been used as a reflective tool. Many studies found that poetry could be helpful for developing students’ reflective skills. This literature review was conducted to identify the feasibility and promising benefit of using poetry to increase student nurses’ reflective skills. A comprehensive search of the literature and integrative review were undertaken for reviewing and discussing the evidence-based literature that supports the using of poetry as a reflective tool. A critical and narrative approach was undertaken for 16 relevant literature related to the importance of reflection in practice, the promising potential to enhance students’ reflective skills during academic education, and how poetry might promote students’ reflective skills. The literature review showed that using poetry in education have been carried out, and have yielded positive results. It is promising to note that the development of reflective practice, as required to be an attribute of a registered nurse, could be stimulated and achieved by the employment of poetry as a reflective tool in clinical education. The literature review also demostrated that using poetry as a reflective tool in nursing education is both feasible and worthwhile. Therefore, it is proven that using poetry as a means of reflection in an education setting is beneficial and valuable.

Abstract Background Residents of remote communities in Australia and other geographically large countries have comparatively poorer access to high-quality primary health care. To inform ongoing policy development and practice in relation to remote area health service delivery, particularly in remote Indigenous communities, this review synthesizes the key findings of (1) a comprehensive study of workforce turnover and retention in remote Northern Territory (NT) of Australia and (2) a narrative review of relevant international literature on remote and rural health workforce retention strategies. This synthesis provides a valuable summary of the current state of international knowledge about improving remote health workforce retention. Main text Annual turnover rates of NT remote area nurses (148%) and Aboriginal health practitioners (80%) are very high and 12-month stability rates low (48% and 76%, respectively). In remote NT, use of agency nurses has increased substantially. Primary care costs are high and proportional to staff turnover and remoteness. Effectiveness of care decreases with higher turnover and use of short-term staff, such that higher staff turnover is always less cost-effective. If staff turnover in remote clinics were halved, the potential savings would be approximately A$32 million per annum. Staff turnover and retention were affected by management style and effectiveness, and employment of Indigenous staff. Review of the international literature reveals three broad themes: Targeted enrolment into training and appropriate education designed to produce a competent, accessible, acceptable and ‘fit-for-purpose’ workforce; addressing broader health system issues that ensure a safe and supportive work environment; and providing ongoing individual and family support. Key educational initiatives include prioritising remote origin and Indigenous students for university entry; maximising training in remote areas; contextualising curricula; providing financial, pedagogical and pastoral support; and ensuring clear, supported career pathways and continuing professional development. Health system initiatives include ensuring adequate funding; providing adequate infrastructure including fit-for-purpose clinics, housing, transport and information technology; offering flexible employment arrangements whilst ensuring a good ‘fit’ between individual staff and the community (especially with regard to cultural skills); optimising co-ordination and management of services that empower staff and create positive practice environments; and prioritising community participation and employment of locals. Individual and family supports include offering tailored financial incentives, psychological support and ‘time out’. Conclusion Optimal remote health workforce stability and preventing excessive ‘avoidable’ turnover mandates alignment of government and health authority policies with both health service requirements and individual health professional and community needs. Supportive underpinning policies include: Strong intersectoral collaboration between the health and education sectors to ensure a fit-for-purpose workforce;A funding policy which mandates the development and implementation of an equitable, needs-based formula for funding remote health services;Policies that facilitate transition to community control, prioritise Indigenous training and employment, and mandate a culturally safe work context; andAn employment policy which provides flexibility of employment conditions in order to be able to offer individually customised retention packages There is considerable extant evidence from around the world about effective retention strategies that contribute to slowing excessive remote health workforce turnover, resulting in significant cost savings and improved continuity of care. The immediate problem comprises an ‘implementation gap’ in translating empirical research evidence into actions designed to resolve existing problems. If we wish to ameliorate the very high turnover of staff in remote areas, in order to provide an equitable service to populations with arguably the highest health needs, we need political and executive commitment to get the policy settings right and ensure the coordinated implementation of multiple strategies, including better linking existing strategies and ‘filling the gaps’ where necessary.

ObjectiveTo investigate the role of maternal night shift work in occurrence of urogenital anomalies in offspring, considering a possible interaction with mode of conception.MethodsA population-based cohort comprising births in South Australia (1986–2002) was produced via linkage of fertility clinic records, perinatal and birth defects data. This study concerned first births to women in paid employment (n=98 103). Potential exposure to night shift was imputed by applying a job-exposure matrix to recorded occupation. Associations were examined using logistic regression, first for nurses and other night shift workers separately, then combined. An interaction term for night shift work and mode of conception was included in all models, while adjusting for covariates.ResultsAssociations were similar for nurses and other night shift workers, although only statistically significant for the former when considered separately. A multiplicative interaction was supported: for natural conceptions, maternal night shift work was not associated with offspring urogenital anomalies (OR=0.99, 95% CI 0.84 to 1.15); where a birth arose from fertility treatment, urogenital anomalies were significantly higher among births to all night shift workers compared with day workers (OR=2.07, 95% CI 1.20 to 3.55). This was not due to differences in the type of fertility treatment received.ConclusionsWomen in occupations that probably involved night shift did not have offspring with increased prevalence of urogenital anomalies if they conceived naturally. When night shift workers conceived with fertility treatment, the prevalence of urogenital anomalies was elevated. Possibly these women had the greatest exposure to night shift work, or least tolerance for this work schedule, or heightened sensitivity to hormonal aspects of fertility treatment.

Objective: To examine the relative risk of suicide among healthcare professionals compared to other occupations and examine changes in suicide rates over time. Methods: Suicide cases were identified using the National Coronial Information System and were included if they were recorded as a death by intentional self-harm between 2001 and 2017 and were by an employed adult aged 20–69 with a known occupation at the time of death. Suicide methods were reported descriptively. Workforce data at the population level was extracted from the Australian Bureau of Statistics 2011 Census. Age-standardised suicide rates per 100,000 person-years for each of the four occupational groups were calculated using direct standardisation and using the Australian Bureau of Statistics population-level data from the 2011 Census. Negative binomial regression was used to estimate suicide risk by healthcare employment status and profession, to investigate differences by sex and to examine trends in suicide rates over time, using rate ratios and 95% confidence intervals. Results: Healthcare professionals were at increased risk of suicide compared to other occupations (rate ratio = 1.30, 95% confidence interval = [1.19, 1.42], p < 0.001), controlling for age, sex and year of death. Nurses and midwives were identified as being at significantly increased risk of suicide (rate ratio = 1.95, 95% confidence interval = [1.73, 2.19], p < 0.001). Suicide rates among female medical practitioners increased substantially over time ( p = 0.01). Conclusion: Health professionals are at significantly increased risk of suicide, though the relative risk of different groups is changing over time. There has been a substantial increase in the risk of suicide among female medical practitioners with rates of suicide in this group more than doubling over the last two decades. Findings highlight the need for targeted suicide prevention initiatives for healthcare professionals.

Abstract Background The current pandemic of COVID-19 impacted the psychological wellbeing of populations globally. Objectives We aimed to examine the extent and identify factors associated with psychological distress, fear of COVID-19 and coping. Methods We conducted a cross-sectional study across 17 countries during Jun-2020 to Jan-2021. Levels of psychological distress (Kessler Psychological Distress Scale), fear of COVID-19 (Fear of COVID-19 Scale), and coping (Brief Resilient Coping Scale) were assessed. Results A total of 8,559 people participated; mean age (±SD) was 33(±13) years, 64% were females and 40% self-identified as frontline workers. More than two-thirds (69%) experienced moderate-to-very high levels of psychological distress, which was 46% in Thailand and 91% in Egypt. A quarter (24%) had high levels of fear of COVID-19, which was as low as 9% in Libya and as high as 38% in Bangladesh. More than half (57%) exhibited medium to high resilient coping; the lowest prevalence (3%) was reported in Australia and the highest (72%) in Syria. Being female (AOR 1.31 [95% CIs 1.09-1.57]), perceived distress due to change of employment status (1.56 [1.29-1.90]), comorbidity with mental health conditions (3.02 [1.20-7.60]) were associated with higher levels of psychological distress and fear. Doctors had higher psychological distress (1.43 [1.04-1.97]), but low levels of fear of COVID-19 (0.55 [0.41-0.76]); nurses had medium to high resilient coping (1.30 [1.03-1.65]). Conclusions The extent of psychological distress, fear of COVID-19 and coping varied by country; however, we identified few higher risk groups who were more vulnerable than others. There is an urgent need to prioritise health and well-being of those people through well-designed intervention that may need to be tailored to meet country specific requirements.

Abstract Background Midwifery job retention is an ongoing global issue. Prior research has recognised that considering an individual’s attributes in relation to their work environment may assist in improving job satisfaction among midwives, leading to improved long-term job retention in the midwifery profession. The aim of this study was to evaluate whether, and how organisational fit is addressed in current entry level midwifery job advertisements within Australia. Methods Midwifery jobs were searched for within 12 search engines, using the search term ‘midwife’, including Seek.com, Indeed.com, government employment websites for all Australian states and territories, and private health organisation websites. Data were extracted from eligible job advertisements by three independent researchers. Extracted data encompassed elements addressing person-job fit and person-organisation fit. Content analysis involving chi-square and Fischer exact tests were completed on extracted data. Results Key findings demonstrate private health care organisations (29.2%) are more likely than public health care organisations (8.8%) to ask potential candidates to have additional qualifications, however, public health care organisations (34.1% vs. 16.7%) are more likely to ask for dual registration as a midwife and nurse. This is further supported by private health care organisations being more likely to refer to the candidate as a midwife (72.9% vs. 48.4%) than as a nurse. Private health care organisations more often noted access to support for employees and were more likely to mention access to employee assistance programs (41.7% vs. 13.2%), orientations (16.7% vs. 0%) and included benefits (72.9% vs. 42.9%). Clinical skills and personality traits were more frequently addressed in public health organisation advertisements; these included a requirement of employees to be accountable (49.5% vs. 6.3%), innovative (28.6% vs. 0%), have teamwork (69.2% vs. 52.1%) and conflict resolution skills (36.3% vs. 8.3%), and have knowledge of legislation (44.0% vs. 25.0%) and contemporary midwifery issues (28.6% vs. 4.2%). Conclusion This study highlights that organisations employing midwives may be unwittingly contributing to the problem of midwife attrition through inattention to factors that endear midwives to workplaces in job advertisements. Further work developing employee selection and recruitment processes that are informed by the concept of person-job-organisation fit, is necessary.

Abstract Background The Maternal Early Childhood Sustained Home-visiting program (MECSH) is a structured nurse-delivered program designed to address health inequities experienced by families experiencing significant adversity. There is strong evidence for the effectiveness of this program, but limited research exploring the practice and process elements that are core to positive parent outcomes. This study aimed to examine the relationship between customised care related to the mother’s risk factors and parent satisfaction and enablement in the delivery of a MECSH-based program. Methods A cross-sectional study design was used. Program delivery data collected as part of a large randomised controlled trial of a MECSH-based sustained nurse home visiting program in Australia (right@home) were analysed. This study used the data collected from the intervention arm in the trial (n = 352 women). Parent satisfaction was measured at child age 24 months using the modified short-form Patient Satisfaction Questionnaire. Parent enablement was measured at child age 24 months by a modified Parent Enablement Index. Customised care was defined as appropriate provision of care content in response to four maternal risks: smoking, mental health, domestic violence and alcohol and drugs. Logistic analysis was performed to assess the impact of customised care on parent satisfaction and enablement while adjusting for covariates such as sociodemographic factors. A significance level of 95% was applied for analysis. Results Our results indicated high levels of satisfaction with the care provided and positive enablement. There were several sociodemographic factors associated with satisfaction and enablement, such as language spoken at home and employment experience. The mothers who received customised care in response to mental health risk and domestic violence had significantly greater satisfaction with the care provided and experienced an increase in enablement compared to those who did not receive such care. Conclusion This study contributes to the existing body of empirical research that examines the relationship between care processes and client outcomes in the delivery of home visiting services. It is essential for the sustained nurse home visiting service model to be flexible enough to cater for variations according to family circumstances and needs while maintaining a core of evidence-based practice.

Indigenous cross-cultural training has been around since the 1980s. It is often seen as a way to increase the skills and competency of staff engaged in providing service to Indigenous clients and customers, teaching Indigenous students within universities and schools, or working with Indigenous communities (Fredericks and Bargallie, “Indigenous”; “Which Way”). In this article we demonstrate how such training often exposes power, whiteness, and concepts of an Indigenous “other”. We highlight how cross-cultural training programs can potentially provide a setting in which non-Indigenous participants can develop a deeper realisation of how their understandings of the “other” are formed and enacted within a “white” social setting. Revealing whiteness as a racial construct enables people to see race, and “know what racism is, what it is not and what it does” (Bargallie, 262). Training participants can use such revelations to develop their racial literacy and anti-racist praxis (Bargallie), which when implemented have the capacity to transform inequitable power differentials in their work with Indigenous peoples and organisations.What Does the Literature Say about Cross-Cultural Training? An array of names are used for Indigenous cross-cultural training, including cultural awareness, cultural competency, cultural responsiveness, cultural safety, cultural sensitivity, cultural humility, and cultural capability. Each model takes on a different approach and goal depending on the discipline or profession to which the training is applied (Hollinsworth). Throughout this article we refer to Indigenous cross-cultural training as “cultural competence” or “cultural awareness” and discuss these in relation to their application within higher education institutions. While literature on health and human services programs in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and other nation states provide clear definitions of terms such as “cultural safety”, cultural competence or cultural awareness is often lacking a concise and consistent definition.Often delivered as a half day or a one to two-day training course, it is unrealistic to think that Indigenous cultural competence can be achieved through one’s mere attendance and participation. Moreover, when courses centre on “cultural differences” and enable revelations about those differences they are in danger of presenting idealised notions of Indigeneity. Cultural competence becomes a process through which an Indigenous “other” is objectified, while very little is offered by way of translating knowledge and skills into practice when working with Indigenous peoples.What this type of learning has the capacity to do is oversimplify and reinforce racism and racist stereotypes of Indigenous peoples and Indigenous cultures. What is generally believed is that if non-Indigenous peoples know more about Indigenous peoples and cultures, relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples will somehow improve. The work of Goenpul scholar Aileen Moreton-Robinson is vital to draw on here, when she asks, has the intellectual investment in defining our cultural differences resulted in the valuing of our knowledges? Has the academy become a more enlightened place in which to work, and, more important, in what ways have our communities benefited? (xvii)What is revealed in a range of studies – whether centring on racism and discrimination or the ongoing disparities across health, education, incarceration, employment, and more – is that despite forty plus years of training focused on understanding cultural differences, very little has changed. Indigenous knowledges continue to be devalued and overlooked. Everyday and structural racisms shape everyday experiences for Indigenous employees in Australian workplaces such as the Australian Public Service (Bargallie) and the Australian higher education sector (Fredericks and White).As the literature demonstrates, the racial division of labour in such institutions often leaves Indigenous employees languishing on the lower rungs of the employment ladder (Bargallie). The findings of an Australian university case study, discussed below, highlights how power, whiteness, and concepts of “otherness” are exposed and play out in cultural competency training. Through their exposure, we argue that better understandings about Indigenous Australians, which are not based on culture difference but personal reflexivity, may be gained. Revealing What Was Needed in the Course’s Foundation and ImplementationThis case study is centred within a regional Australian university across numerous campuses. In 2012, the university council approved an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander strategy, which included a range of initiatives, including the provision of cross-cultural training for staff. In developing the training, a team explored the evidence as it related to university settings (Anning; Asmar; Butler and Young; Fredericks; Fredericks and Thompson; Kinnane, Wilks, Wilson, Hughes and Thomas; McLaughlin and Whatman). This investigation included what had been undertaken in other Australian universities (Anderson; University of Sydney) and drew on the recommendations from earlier research (Behrendt, Larkin, Griew and Kelly; Bradley, Noonan, Nugent and Scales; Universities Australia). Additional consultation took place with a broad range of internal and external stakeholders.While some literature on cross-cultural training centred on the need to understand cultural differences, others exposed the problems of focusing entirely on difference (Brach and Fraser; Campinha-Bacote; Fredericks; Spencer and Archer; Young). The courses that challenged the centrality of cultural difference explained why race needed to be at the core of its training, highlighting its role in enabling discussions of racism, bias, discrimination and how these may be used as means to facilitate potential individual and organisational change. This approach also addressed stereotypes and Eurocentric understandings of what and who is an Indigenous Australian (Carlson; Gorringe, Ross and Forde; Hollinsworth; Moreton-Robinson). It is from this basis that we worked and grew our own training program. Working on this foundational premise, we began to separate content that showcased the fluidity and diversity of Indigenous peoples and refrained from situating us within romantic notions of culture or presenting us as an exotic “other”. In other words, we embraced work that responded to non-Indigenous people’s objectified understandings and expectations of us. For example, the expectation that Indigenous peoples will offer a Welcome to Country, performance, share a story, sing, dance, or disseminate Indigenous knowledges. While we recognise that some of these cultural elements may offer enjoyment and insight to non-Indigenous people, they do not challenge behaviours or the nature of the relationships that non-Indigenous people have with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Bargallie; Fredericks; Hollinsworth; Westwood and Westwood; Young).The other content which needed separating were the methods that enabled participants to understand and own their standpoints. This included the use of critical Indigenous studies as a form of analysis (Moreton-Robinson). Critical race theory (Delgado and Stefancic) was also used as a means for participants to interrogate their own cultural positionings and understand the pervasive nature of race and racism in Australian society and institutions (McLaughlin and Whatman). This offered all participants, both non-Indigenous and Indigenous, the opportunity to learn how institutional racism operates, and maintains discrimination, neglect, abuse, denial, and violence, inclusive of the continued subjugation that exists within higher education settings and broader society.We knew that the course needed to be available online as well as face-to-face. This would increase accessibility to staff across the university community. We sought to embed critical thinking as we began to map out the course, including the theory in the sections that covered colonisation and the history of Indigenous dispossession, trauma and pain, along with the ongoing effects of federal and state policies and legislations that locates racism at the core of Australian politics. In addition to documenting the ongoing effects of racism, we sought to ensure that Indigenous resistance, agency, and activism was highlighted, showing how this continues, thus linking the past to the contemporary experiences of Indigenous peoples.Drawing on the work of Bargallie we wanted to demonstrate how Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples experience racism through systems and structures in their everyday work with colleagues in large organisations, such as universities. Participants were asked to self-reflect on how race impacts their day-to-day lives (McIntosh). The final session of the training focused on the university’s commitment to “Closing the Gap” and its Reconciliation Action Plan (RAP). The associated activity involved participants working individually and in small groups to discuss and consider what they could contribute to the RAP activities and enact within their work environments. Throughout the training, participants were asked to reflect on their personal positioning, and in the final session they were asked to draw from these reflections and discuss how they would discuss race, racism and reconciliation activities with the governance of their university (Westwood and Westwood; Young).Revelations in the Facilitators, Observers, and Participants’ Discussions? This section draws on data collected from the first course offered within the university’s pilot program. During the delivery of the in-person training sessions, two observers wrote notes while the facilitators also noted their feelings and thoughts. After the training, the facilitators and observers debriefed and discussed the delivery of the course along with the feedback received during the sessions.What was noticed by the team was the defensive body language of participants and the types of questions they asked. Team members observed how there were clear differences between the interest non-Indigenous participants displayed when talking about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and a clear discomfort when they were asked to reflect on their own position in relation to Indigenous people. We noted that during these occasions some participants crossed their arms, two wrote notes to each other across the table, and many participants showed discomfort. When the lead facilitator raised this to participants during the sessions, some expressed their dislike and discomfort at having to talk about themselves. A couple were clearly unhappy and upset. We found this interesting as we were asking participants to reflect and talk about how they interpret and understand themselves in relation to Indigenous people and race, privilege, and power.This supports the work of DiAngelo who explains that facilitators can spend a lot of time trying to manage the behaviour of participants. Similarly, Castagno identifies that sometimes facilitators of training might overly focus on keeping participants happy, and in doing so, derail the hard conversations needed. We did not do either. Instead, we worked to manage the behaviours expressed and draw out what was happening to break the attempts to silence racial discussions. We reiterated and worked hard to reassure participants that we were in a “safe space” and that while such discussions may be difficult, they were worth working through on an individual and collective level.During the workshop, numerous emotions surfaced, people laughed at Indigenous humour and cried at what they witnessed as losses. They also expressed anger, defensiveness, and denial. Some participants revelled in hearing answers to questions that they had long wondered about; some openly discussed how they thought they had discovered a distant Aboriginal relative. Many questions surfaced, such as why hadn’t they ever been told this version of Australian history? Why were we focusing on them and not Aboriginal people? How could they be racist when they had an Aboriginal friend or an Aboriginal relative?Some said they felt “guilty” about what had happened in the past. Others said they were not personally responsible or responsible for the actions of their ancestors, questioning why they needed to go over such history in the first place? Inter-woven within participants’ revelations were issues of racism, power, whiteness, and white privilege. Many participants took a defensive stance to protect their white privilege (DiAngelo). As we worked through these issues, several participants started to see their own positionality and shared this with the group. Clearly, the revelation of whiteness as a racial construct was a turning point for some. The language in the group also changed for some participants as revelations emerged through the interrogation and unpacking of stories of racism. Bargallie’s work exploring racism in the workplace, explains that “racism”, as both a word and theme, is primarily absent in conversations amongst non-Indigenous colleagues. Despite its entrenchment in the dialogue, it is rarely, if ever addressed. In fact, for many non-Indigenous people, the fear of being accused of racism is worse than the act of racism itself (Ahmed; Bargallie). We have seen this play out within the media, sport, news bulletins, and more. Lentin describes the act of denying racism despite its existence in full sight as “not racism”, arguing that its very denial is “a form of racist violence” (406).Through enhancing racial literacy, Bargallie asserts that people gain a better understanding of “what racism is, what racism is not and how race works” (258). Such revelations can work towards dismantling racism in workplaces. Individual and structural racism go hand-in-glove and must be examined and addressed together. This is what we wanted to work towards within the cultural competency course. Through the use of critical Indigenous studies and critical race theory we situated race, and not cultural difference, as central, providing participants with a racial literacy that could be used as a tool to challenge and dismantle racism in the workplace.Revelations in the Participant Evaluations?The evaluations revealed that our intention to disrupt the status quo in cultural competency training was achieved. Some of the discussions were difficult and this was reflected in the feedback. It was valuable to learn that numerous participants wanted to do more through group work, conversations, and problem resolution, along with having extra reading materials. This prompted our decision to include extra links to resource learning materials through the course’s online site. We also opted to provide all participants with a copy of the book Indigenous Australia for Dummies (Behrendt). The cost of the book was built into the course and future participants were thankful for this combination of resources.One unexpected concern raised by participants was that the course should not be “that hard”, and that we should “dumb down” the course. We were astounded considering that many participants were academics and we were confident that facilitators of other mandatory workplace training, for example, staff Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO), Fire Safety, Risk Management, Occupational Health and Safety, Discrimination and more, weren’t asked to “dumb down” their content. We explained to the participants what content we had been asked to deliver and knew their responses demonstrated white fragility. We were not prepared to adjust the course and dumb it down for white understandings and comfortabilities (Leonardo and Porter).Comments that were expected included that the facilitators were “passionate”, “articulate”, demonstrated “knowledge” and effectively “dealt with issues”. A couple of the participants wrote that the facilitators were “aggressive” or “angry”. This however is not new for us, or new to other Aboriginal women. We know Aboriginal women are often seen as “aggressive” and “angry”, when non-Indigenous women might be described as “passionate” or “assertive” for saying exactly the same thing. The work of Aileen Moreton-Robinson in Australia, and the works of numerous other Aboriginal women provide evidence of this form of racism (Fredericks and White; Bargallie; Bond). Internationally, other Indigenous women and women of colour document the same experiences (Lorde). Participants’ assessment of the facilitators is consistent with the racism expressed through racial microaggression outside of the university, and in other organisations. This is despite working in the higher education sector, which is normally perceived as a more knowledgeable and informed environment. Needless to say, we did not take on these comments.The evaluations did offer us the opportunity to adjust the course and make it stronger before it was offered across the university where we received further evaluation of its success. Despite this, the university decided to withdraw and reallocate the money to the development of a diversity training course that would cover all equity groups. This meant that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples would be covered along with sexual diversity, gender, disability, and people from non-English speaking backgrounds. The content focused on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples was reduced to one hour of the total course. Including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in this way is not based on evidence and works to minimise Indigenous Australians and their inherent rights and sovereignty to just another “equity group”. Conclusion We set out to develop and deliver a cross-cultural course that was based on evidence and a foundation of 40 plus years’ experience in delivering such training. In addition, we sought a program that would align with the university’s Reconciliation Action Plan and the directions being undertaken in the sector and by Universities Australia. Through engaging participants in a process of critical thinking centring on race, we developed a training program that successfully fostered self-reflection and brought about revelations of whiteness.Focusing on cultural differences has proven ineffective to the work needed to improve the lives of Indigenous Australian peoples. Recognising this, our discussions with participants directly challenged racist and negative stereotypes, individual and structural racism, prejudices, and white privilege. By centring race over cultural difference in cultural competency training, we worked to foster self-revelation within participants to transform inequitable power differentials in their work with Indigenous peoples and organisations. The institution’s disbandment and defunding of the program however is a telling revelation in and of itself, highlighting the continuing struggle and importance of placing additional pressure on persons, institutions, and organisations to implement meaningful structural change. ReferencesAhmed, Sara. On Being Included: Racism and Diversity in Institutional Life. Duke University Press, 2012.Anderson, Ian. “Advancing Indigenous Health through Medical Education”. 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In Cultural Competence and the Higher Education Sector: Perspectives, Policies and Practice, eds. Jack Frawley, Gabrielle Russell, and Juanita Sherwood, Springer Publications, 295-308. <https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007%2F978-981-15-5362-2>.Fredericks, Bronwyn, and Debbie Bargallie. “‘Which Way? Talking Culture, Talking Race’: Unpacking an Indigenous Cultural Competency Course”. International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 9.1 (2016): 1-14.Fredericks, Bronwyn, and Marlene Thompson. “Collaborative Voices: Ongoing Reflections on Cultural Competency and the Health Care of Australian Indigenous People”. Journal of Australian Indigenous Issues 13.3 (2010): 10-20.Fredericks, Bronwyn, and Nereda White. “Using Bridges Made by Others as Scaffolding and Establishing Footings for Those That Follow: Indigenous Women in the Academy”. Australian Journal of Education 62.3 (2018): 243–255.Gorringe, Scott, Joe Ross, and Cressida Fforde. Will the Real Aborigine Please Stand Up? 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Introduction: Bubbles and Sport The ephemeral materiality of bubbles – beautiful, spectacular, and distracting but ultimately fragile – when applied to protect or conserve in the interests of sport-media profit, creates conditions that exacerbate existing inequalities in sport and society. Bubbles are usually something to watch, admire, and chase after in their brief yet shiny lives. There is supposed to be, technically, nothing inside them other than one or more gasses, and yet we constantly refer to people and objects being inside bubbles. The metaphor of the bubble has been used to describe the life of celebrities, politicians in purpose-built capital cities like Canberra, and even leftist, environmentally activist urban dwellers. The metaphorical and material qualities of bubbles are aligned—they cannot be easily captured and are liable to change at any time. In this article we address the metaphorical sporting bubble, which is often evoked in describing life in professional sport. This is a vernacular term used to capture and condemn the conditions of life of elite sportspeople (usually men), most commonly after there has been a sport-related scandal, especially of a sexual nature (Rowe). It is frequently paired with connotatively loaded adjectives like pampered and indulged. The sporting bubble is rarely interrogated in academic literature, the concept largely being left to the media and moral entrepreneurs. It is represented as involving a highly privileged but also pressurised life for those who live inside it. A sporting bubble is a world constructed for its most prized inhabitants that enables them to be protected from insurgents and to set the terms of their encounters with others, especially sport fans and disciplinary agents of the state. The Covid-19 pandemic both reinforced and reconfigured the operational concept of the bubble, re-arranging tensions between safety (protecting athletes) and fragility (short careers, risks of injury, etc.) for those within, while safeguarding those without from bubble contagion. Privilege and Precarity Bubble-induced social isolation, critics argue, encourages a loss of perspective among those under its protection, an entitled disconnection from the usual rules and responsibilities of everyday life. For this reason, the denizens of the sporting bubble are seen as being at risk to themselves and, more troublingly, to those allowed temporarily to penetrate it, especially young women who are first exploited by and then ejected from it (Benedict). There are many well-documented cases of professional male athletes “behaving badly” and trying to rely on institutional status and various versions of the sporting bubble for shelter (Flood and Dyson; Reel and Crouch; Wade). In the age of mobile and social media, it is increasingly difficult to keep misbehaviour in-house, resulting in a slew of media stories about, for example, drunkenness and sexual misconduct, such as when then-Sydney Roosters co-captain Mitchell Pearce was suspended and fined in 2016 after being filmed trying to force an unwanted kiss on a woman and then simulating a lewd act with her dog while drunk. There is contestation between those who condemn such behaviour as aberrant and those who regard it as the conventional expression of youthful masculinity as part of the familiar “boys will be boys” dictum. The latter naturalise an inequitable gender order, frequently treating sportsmen as victims of predatory women, and ignoring asymmetries of power between men and women, especially in homosocial environments (Toffoletti). For those in the sporting bubble (predominantly elite sportsmen and highly paid executives, also mostly men, with an array of service staff of both sexes moving in and out of it), life is reflected for those being protected via an array of screens (small screens in homes and indoor places of entertainment, and even smaller screens on theirs and others’ phones, as well as huge screens at sport events). These male sport stars are paid handsomely to use their skill and strength to perform for the sporting codes, their every facial expression and bodily action watched by the media and relayed to audiences. This is often a precarious existence, the usually brief career of an athlete worker being dependent on health, luck, age, successful competition with rivals, networks, and club and coach preferences. There is a large, aspirational reserve army of athletes vying to play at the elite level, despite risks of injury and invasive, life-changing medical interventions. Responsibility for avoiding performance and image enhancing drugs (PIEDs) also weighs heavily on their shoulders (Connor). Professional sportspeople, in their more reflective moments, know that their time in the limelight will soon be up, meaning that getting a ticket to the sporting bubble, even for a short time, can make all the difference to their post-sport lives and those of their families. The most vulnerable of the small minority of participants in sport who make a good, short-term living from it are those for whom, in the absence of quality education and prior social status, it is their sole likely means of upward social mobility (Spaaij). Elite sport performers are surrounded by minders, doctors, fitness instructors, therapists, coaches, advisors and other service personnel, all supporting athletes to stay focussed on and maximise performance quality to satisfy co-present crowds, broadcasters, sponsors, sports bodies and mass media audiences. The shield offered by the sporting bubble supports the teleological win-at-all-costs mentality of professional sport. The stakes are high, with athlete and executive salaries, sponsorships and broadcasting deals entangled in a complex web of investments in keeping the “talent” pivotal to the “attention economy” (Davenport and Beck)—the players that provide the content for sale—in top form. Yet, the bubble cannot be entirely secured and poor behaviour or performance can have devastating effects, including permanent injury or disability, mental illness and loss of reputation (Rowe, “Scandals and Sport”). Given this fragile materiality of the sporting bubble, it is striking that, in response to the sudden shutdown following the economic and health crisis caused by the 2020 global pandemic, the leaders of professional sport decided to create more of them and seek to seal the metaphorical and material space with unprecedented efficiency. The outcome was a multi-sided tale of mobility, confinement, capital, labour, and the gendering of sport and society. The Covid-19 Gilded Cage Sociologists such as Zygmunt Bauman and John Urry have analysed the socio-politics of mobilities, whereby some people in the world, such as tourists, can traverse the globe at their leisure, while others remain fixed in geographical space because they lack the means to be mobile or, in contrast, are involuntarily displaced by war, so-called “ethnic cleansing”, famine, poverty or environmental degradation. The Covid-19 global pandemic re-framed these matters of mobilities (Rowe, “Subjecting Pandemic Sport”), with conventional moving around—between houses, businesses, cities, regions and countries—suddenly subjected to the imperative to be static and, in perniciously unreflective technocratic discourse, “socially distanced” (when what was actually meant was to be “physically distanced”). The late-twentieth century analysis of the “risk society” by Ulrich Beck, in which the mysterious consequences of humans’ predation on their environment are visited upon them with terrifying force, was dramatically realised with the coming of Covid-19. In another iteration of the metaphor, it burst the bubble of twenty-first century global sport. What we today call sport was formed through the process of sportisation (Maguire), whereby hyper-local, folk physical play was reconfigured as multi-spatial industrialised sport in modernity, becoming increasingly reliant on individual athletes and teams travelling across the landscape and well over the horizon. Co-present crowds were, in turn, overshadowed in the sport economy when sport events were taken to much larger, dispersed audiences via the media, especially in broadcast mode (Nicholson, Kerr, and Sherwood). This lucrative mediation of professional sport, though, came with an unforgiving obligation to generate an uninterrupted supply of spectacular live sport content. The pandemic closed down most sports events and those that did take place lacked the crucial participation of the co-present crowd to provide the requisite event atmosphere demanded by those viewers accustomed to a sense of occasion. Instead, they received a strange spectacle of sport performers operating in empty “cathedrals”, often with a “faked” crowd presence. The mediated sport spectacle under the pandemic involved cardboard cut-out and sex doll spectators, Zoom images of fans on large screens, and sampled sounds of the crowd recycled from sport video games. Confected co-presence produced simulacra of the “real” as Baudrillardian visions came to life. The sporting bubble had become even more remote. For elite sportspeople routinely isolated from the “common people”, the live sport encounter offered some sensory experience of the social – the sounds, sights and even smells of the crowd. Now the sporting bubble closed in on an already insulated and insular existence. It exposed the irony of the bubble as a sign of both privileged mobility and incarcerated athlete work, both refuge and prison. Its logic of contagion also turned a structure intended to protect those inside from those outside into, as already observed, a mechanism to manage the threat of insiders to outsiders. In Australia, as in many other countries, the populace was enjoined by governments and health authorities to help prevent the spread of Covid-19 through isolation and immobility. There were various exceptions, principally those classified as essential workers, a heterogeneous cohort ranging from supermarket shelf stackers to pharmacists. People in the cultural, leisure and sports industries, including musicians, actors, and athletes, were not counted among this crucial labour force. Indeed, the performing arts (including dance, theatre and music) were put on ice with quite devastating effects on the livelihoods and wellbeing of those involved. So, with all major sports shut down (the exception being horse racing, which received the benefit both of government subsidies and expanding online gambling revenue), sport organisations began to represent themselves as essential services that could help sustain collective mental and even spiritual wellbeing. This case was made most aggressively by Australian Rugby League Commission Chairman, Peter V’landys, in contending that “an Australia without rugby league is not Australia”. In similar vein, prominent sport and media figure Phil Gould insisted, when describing rugby league fans in Western Sydney’s Penrith, “they’re lost, because the football’s not on … . It holds their families together. People don’t understand that … . Their life begins in the second week of March, and it ends in October”. Despite misgivings about public safety and equality before the pandemic regime, sporting bubbles were allowed to form, re-form and circulate. The indefinite shutdown of the National Rugby League (NRL) on 23 March 2020 was followed after negotiation between multiple entities by its reopening on 28 May 2020. The competition included a team from another nation-state (the Warriors from Aotearoa/New Zealand) in creating an international sporting bubble on the Central Coast of New South Wales, separating them from their families and friends across the Tasman Sea. Appeals to the mental health of fans and the importance of the NRL to myths of “Australianness” notwithstanding, the league had not prudently maintained a financial reserve and so could not afford to shut down for long. Significant gambling revenue for leagues like the NRL and Australian Football League (AFL) also influenced the push to return to sport business as usual. Sport contests were needed in order to exploit the gambling opportunities – especially online and mobile – stimulated by home “confinement”. During the coronavirus lockdowns, Australians’ weekly spending on gambling went up by 142 per cent, and the NRL earned significantly more than usual from gambling revenue—potentially $10 million above forecasts for 2020. Despite the clear financial imperative at play, including heavy reliance on gambling, sporting bubble-making involved special licence. The state of Queensland, which had pursued a hard-line approach by closing its borders for most of those wishing to cross them for biographical landmark events like family funerals and even for medical treatment in border communities, became “the nation's sporting hub”. Queensland became the home of most teams of the men’s AFL (notably the women’s AFLW season having been cancelled) following a large Covid-19 second wave in Melbourne. The women’s National Netball League was based exclusively in Queensland. This state, which for the first time hosted the AFL Grand Final, deployed sport as a tool in both national sports tourism marketing and internal pre-election politics, sponsoring a documentary, The Sporting Bubble 2020, via its Tourism and Events arm. While Queensland became the larger bubble incorporating many other sporting bubbles, both the AFL and the NRL had versions of the “fly in, fly out” labour rhythms conventionally associated with the mining industry in remote and regional areas. In this instance, though, the bubble experience did not involve long stays in miners’ camps or even the one-night hotel stopovers familiar to the popular music and sport industries. Here, the bubble moved, usually by plane, to fulfil the requirements of a live sport “gig”, whereupon it was immediately returned to its more solid bubble hub or to domestic self-isolation. In the space created between disciplined expectation and deplored non-compliance, the sporting bubble inevitably became the scrutinised object and subject of scandal. Sporting Bubble Scandals While people with a very low risk of spreading Covid-19 (coming from areas with no active cases) were denied entry to Queensland for even the most serious of reasons (for example, the death of a child), images of AFL players and their families socialising and enjoying swimming at the Royal Pines Resort sporting bubble crossed our screens. Yet, despite their (players’, officials’ and families’) relative privilege and freedom of movement under the AFL Covid-Safe Plan, some players and others inside the bubble were involved in “scandals”. Most notable was the case of a drunken brawl outside a Gold Coast strip club which led to two Richmond players being “banished”, suspended for 10 matches, and the club fined $100,000. But it was not only players who breached Covid-19 bubble protocols: Collingwood coaches Nathan Buckley and Brenton Sanderson paid the $50,000 fine imposed on the club for playing tennis in Perth outside their bubble, while Richmond was fined $45,000 after Brooke Cotchin, wife of team captain Trent, posted an image to Instagram of a Gold Coast day spa that she had visited outside the “hub” (the institutionally preferred term for bubble). She was subsequently distressed after being trolled. Also of concern was the lack of physical distancing, and the range of people allowed into the sporting bubble, including babysitters, grandparents, and swimming coaches (for children). There were other cases of players being caught leaving the bubble to attend parties and sharing videos of their “antics” on social media. Biosecurity breaches of bubbles by players occurred relatively frequently, with stern words from both the AFL and NRL leaders (and their clubs) and fines accumulating in the thousands of dollars. Some people were also caught sneaking into bubbles, with Lekahni Pearce, the girlfriend of Swans player Elijah Taylor, stating that it was easy in Perth, “no security, I didn’t see a security guard” (in Barron, Stevens, and Zaczek) (a month later, outside the bubble, they had broken up and he pled guilty to unlawfully assaulting her; Ramsey). Flouting the rules, despite stern threats from government, did not lead to any bubble being popped. The sport-media machine powering sporting bubbles continued to run, the attendant emotional or health risks accepted in the name of national cultural therapy, while sponsorship, advertising and gambling revenue continued to accumulate mostly for the benefit of men. Gendering Sporting Bubbles Designed as biosecurity structures to maintain the supply of media-sport content, keep players and other vital cogs of the machine running smoothly, and to exclude Covid-19, sporting bubbles were, in their most advanced form, exclusive luxury camps that illuminated the elevated socio-cultural status of sportsmen. The ongoing inequalities between men’s and women’s sport in Australia and around the world were clearly in evidence, as well as the politics of gender whereby women are obliged to “care” and men are enabled to be “careless” – or at least to manage carefully their “duty of care”. In Australia, the only sport for women that continued during the height of the Covid-19 lockdown was netball, which operated in a bubble that was one of sacrifice rather than privilege. With minimum salaries of only $30,000 – significantly less than the lowest-paid “rookies” in the AFL – and some being mothers of small children and/or with professional jobs juggled alongside their netball careers, these elite sportswomen wanted to continue to play despite the personal inconvenience or cost (Pavlidis). Not one breach of the netballers out of the bubble was reported, indicating that they took their responsibilities with appropriate seriousness and, perhaps, were subjected to less scrutiny than the sportsmen accustomed to attracting front-page headlines. National Netball League (also known after its Queensland-based naming rights sponsor as Suncorp Super Netball) players could be regarded as fortunate to have the opportunity to be in a bubble and to participate in their competition. The NRL Women’s (NRLW) Premiership season was also completed, but only involved four teams subject to fly in, fly out and bubble arrangements, and being played in so-called curtain-raiser games for the NRL. As noted earlier, the AFLW season was truncated, despite all the prior training and sacrifice required of its players. Similarly, because of their resource advantages, the UK men’s and boy’s top six tiers of association football were allowed to continue during lockdown, compared to only two for women and girls. In the United States, inequalities between men’s and women’s sports were clearly demonstrated by the conditions afforded to those elite sportswomen inside the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) sport bubble in the IMG Academy in Florida. Players shared photos of rodent traps in their rooms, insect traps under their mattresses, inedible food and blocked plumbing in their bubble accommodation. These conditions were a far cry from the luxury usually afforded elite sportsmen, including in Florida’s Walt Disney World for the men’s NBA, and is just one of the many instances of how gendered inequality was both reproduced and exacerbated by Covid-19. Bursting the Bubble As we have seen, governments and corporate leaders in sport were able to create material and metaphorical bubbles during the Covid-19 lockdown in order to transmit stadium sport contests into home spaces. The rationale was the importance of sport to national identity, belonging and the routines and rhythms of life. But for whom? Many women, who still carry the major responsibilities of “care”, found that Covid-19 intensified the affective relations and gendered inequities of “home” as a leisure site (Fullagar and Pavlidis). Rates of domestic violence surged, and many women experienced significant anxiety and depression related to the stress of home confinement and home schooling. During the pandemic, women were also more likely to experience the stress and trauma of being first responders, witnessing virus-related sickness and death as the majority of nurses and care workers. They also bore the brunt of much of the economic and employment loss during this time. Also, as noted above, livelihoods in the arts and cultural sector did not receive the benefits of the “bubble”, despite having a comparable claim to sport in contributing significantly to societal wellbeing. This sector’s workforce is substantially female, although men dominate its senior roles. Despite these inequalities, after the late March to May hiatus, many elite male sportsmen – and some sportswomen - operated in a bubble. Moving in and out of them was not easy. Life inside could be mentally stressful (especially in long stays of up to 150 days in sports like cricket), and tabloid and social media troll punishment awaited those who were caught going “over the fence”. But, life in the sporting bubble was generally preferable to the daily realities of those afflicted by the trauma arising from forced home confinement, and for whom watching moving sports images was scant compensation for compulsory immobility. The ethical foundation of the sparkly, ephemeral fantasy of the sporting bubble is questionable when it is placed in the service of a voracious “media sports cultural complex” (Rowe, Global Media Sport) that consumes sport labour power and rolls back progress in gender relations as a default response to a global pandemic. Covid-19 dramatically highlighted social inequalities in many areas of life, including medical care, work, and sport. For the small minority of people involved in sport who are elite professionals, the only thing worse than being in a sporting bubble during the pandemic was not being in one, as being outside precluded their participation. Being inside the bubble was a privilege, albeit a dubious one. But, as in wider society, not all sporting bubbles are created equal. Some are more opulent than others, and the experiences of the supporting and the supported can be very different. The surface of the sporting bubble may be impermanent, but when its interior is opened up to scrutiny, it reveals some very durable structures of inequality. Bubbles are made to burst. They are, by nature, temporary, translucent structures created as spectacles. As a form of luminosity, bubbles “allow a thing or object to exist only as a flash, sparkle or shimmer” (Deleuze, 52). In echoing Deleuze, Angela McRobbie (54) argues that luminosity “softens and disguises the regulative dynamics of neoliberal society”. The sporting bubble was designed to discharge that function for those millions rendered immobile by home confinement legislation in Australia and around the world, who were having to deal with the associated trauma, risk and disadvantage. 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Abstract Purpose. To know the perceptions of mothers and health professionals in relation to the care provided and received during breastfeeding at primary health care level.Methods. A qualitative exploratory study was conducted with breastfeeding mothers (10) and primary health care professionals (24). Data was gathered through indepth interviews and focus groups. Data analysis was performed through thematic content analysis. The rigor of the study was ensured by the Guba and Lincoln criteria for qualitative research. Ethical aspects were addressed through the informed consent process, confidentiality, and methodological rigor.Results. The experience of providing/receiving breastfeeding support was revealed as a dynamic, multidimensional care and support process, through three central themes: 1. Influence of previous care and support experiences during the breastfeeding process; 2. Importance of the context within which care is framed; and 3. Addressing emotions to establish trust between professionals and mothers.Conclusion. The study findings contribute to further understanding a complex phenomenon, such as breastfeeding support and care for mothers/families, from the experience of the actors involved, deepening the experiences of both in integrated manner. In addition, the relational, organizational, and contextual dimensions that influence support, and that should guide care, are also highlighted.Descriptors: breastfeeding; mothers; primary care nursing; qualitative research.How to cite this article: Lucchini-Raies C, Márquez-Doren F, Garay Unjidos N, Contreras J, Jara D, Calabacero C, et al., Care during Breastfeeding: Perceptions of Mothers and Health Professionals. Invest. Educ. Enferm. 2019; 37(2):e09ReferencesWorld Health Organisation. Infant and young child feeding [Internet]. 2017; (cited 03 May 2019):23–5. Available from: http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs342/en/ Rosso F, Skarmeta N, Sade A. 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