Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Northmen – europe, northern – congresses“

The formation of the first state system in Europe took place from the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, as a result of the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648), to the Utrecht (1713), Rastatt-Baden (1714) and Nystad Congresses (1721) which finished the end of the war of the Spanish Succession and the Northern war. The legal fixation of the Westphallian system was accompanied by its public perception and acceptance. First of all, this was demonstrated by International Congresses, which were not only a common negotiation process, but also a place of representation of the significance and culture of each state. In fact, the European Congress was a carefully designed triumph of Рeace within the continent, which required considerable funds, was widely covered in the press and glorified in celebrations, paintings, plastic art, release of commemorative medals, poetry and even fashion. The article presents the most striking examples of iconography of Peace Congresses. The author believes that their performative nature and iconography, emphasizing the European character of Peace and the protopatriotic moods that it evoked, made a significant contribution to the civilization heritage of Europe.

The international situation of Russia and its foreign policy were a subject of discussions within the framework of various currents of public thought in the 19th century. However, Russian conservatives, concerned about the future of the country in a changing world, paid special attention to these issues. The conservative concept emerged and evolved in the course of reflections and polemics on Russia's place in the world and the relationships between foreign policy and domestic development. The emphasis in such discussions was placed on the era of Peter the Great, when Russia had become part of the system of international relations, declared its geopolitical interests and begun to implement them consistently. In fact, in Peter's time, the Westphalian system, in which Russia was assigned a clearly peripheral role, was replaced by a new European order based on the Congresses in Utrecht, Rastatt and BadenЯ(1713-1714), on the results of the Great Northern War (1700-1721) and the Treaty of Nystad (1721). Under these new conditions, Peter the Great showed not only continuity with his predecessors' policies but also outlined the main foreign policy vectors, which Russia followed throughout the 18th century and, as conservative thinkers pointed out, the whole of the 19th century.

From May 31 to June 4, 2021, the XXVII International Ophthalmological Congress "White Nights" - the 17th Congress of the All-Russian public organization "Association of Ophthalmologists" was held in St. Petersburg. This annual event, held in accordance with the order of the Ministry of Health of the Russian Federation and dedicated to the diagnosis and treatment of diseases of the organ of vision, is the largest and most significant not only for Russia, but also for the whole of Northern Europe.

This article analyzes the phenomenon of the emergence of a new pan-European political «Identity and Democracy» in the political arena of Europe. Its predecessor was the European party the «Movement for a Europe of Nations and Freedoms», MENF was formed in 2015 by a number of nationalist and far-right parties from EU member states, and the group «Europe of Nations and Freedoms» in the European Parliament, which emerged in 2015, as a result of the merger of MEPs from the «Freedom» parties from Austria and the Netherlands, «Flemish interest», Belgium, «Northern League», Italy, «Congress of the New Right», Poland and «National Front», France. In 2019, the pan-European party «Identity and Democracy» was created, which is characterized by a commitment to nationalist values and a radically Eurosceptic view of the EU’s development prospects. The author tried to identify the causes of this political force and its future prospects.

The 46th NERA Congress was held on March 8th to 10th 2018 at the University of Oslo. NERA is the Nordic Educational Research Association that brings together researchers in the field of educational sciences in the Nordic countries. An essential part of the association and of the congress are NERA’s 24 networks that are organised around different subject areas in educational sciences like early childhood research, youth research etc.. There is a network also for social pedagogy. Its aim is to develop and strengthen the cooperation between researchers and professional groups, engaged or interested in the field of social pedagogy, in the Nordic countries and even wider in Northern Europe like in Poland and Germany. It is currently coordinated by six researchers from five different countries: Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Poland and Sweden. The theme for NERA2018 congress was Educational Research: Boundaries, Breaches and Bridges. The Social pedagogy network had organized altogether four sessions during the congress dealing with topical issues in the field of social pedagogical research. These sessions included two roundtable discussions, the first one dealing with sensitive research and the second one on social pedagogy at schools. In addition to the roundtables there was one symposium considering research in the area of asylum seekers and refugees, and one session was for traditional paper presentations. The countries that were represented in network sessions were Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Iceland, Finland, and Poland. The sessions awakened animated conversations between participants. One common topic of the discussed issues related to the role and transformation of social pedagogy in changing societies. The sessions of the social pedagogy network were opened up by the roundtable discussion on sensitive research. The leading question for the short presentations of the roundtable participants was: how to research in cooperation with extremely vulnerable people. We heard two interesting presentations by Irena Dychawy Rosner from Malmö University and by Aneta Ostaszewska from the University of Warsaw that giuded us to a discussion about how to support the participation in social pedagogical research of e.g. women working in prostitution so that not just their anonymity and well-being during the research process are secured but also their autonomy and agency could be supported. The research examples shown in the presentations were so fascinating that the discussion around them filled up all the time of the roundtable although we had planned to have four presentations instead of two but there had been two cancellations. The second session following the roundtable was a traditional paper presentation session. Even this session had one last minute cancellation – we assumed it was because of the flue season – so we had two presentations by Jan Arvid Haugan from the Norwegian University of Science and Technology and Vilborg Jóhannsdóttir from the University of Iceland. Jan Arvid’s presentation was on ’Coping strategies and resilience in upper secondary school’. He shared with us some social pedagogically interesting findings about the background factors behind school drop-out. He himself told us that he was not familiar with the social pedagogical discussion but he had thought that his research findings could be of use in our field when we are trying to find out ways how to support the integration of young people. And he certainly had right. Vilborg’s presentation on the other hand was very interesting for another reason: it was about Icelandic social pedagogy, which differs quite a lot from the understandings of social pedagogy in other Nordic countries. In Iceland, the social pedagogical practice concerns almost only work with people with disabilities. The professional education, role and perspectives of social pedagogy have developed in line with the paradigm change rooted in the CRPD (Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities), which has replaced the medical understanding of disability by the social relational understanding of disability. For example in Finland, the social pedagogical discussion and practice have focused very little on people with disabilities. The second roundtable was on social pedagogy at schools. There were four short presentations leading to a common discussion about the role that social pedagogy and social pedagogues have and could have at schools in different Nordic countries. Vilborg Jóhannsdóttir shared us more thoughts on social pedagogy in Iceland concentrating now on the work that the social pedagogues are doing in inclusive schools. Their role seems to be very essential in supporting the education of disabled children and young people in ’normal’ schools but it is at the same time quite controversal. Amela Pacuka from the Oslo Metropolitan University asked us in her presentation: What social pedagogy is for? She had a very critical perspective towards social pedagogy as it is practiced in Norway at schools: trying to find a balance between measurement, quality assurance, testing and relations work. Margareta Fehland and Mikael Boregren from Malmö University presented a project that they have been working on developing a new way of listening to kids in school. Their presentation roused a lively discussion about empathy and about the possiblity to teach empathy in social pedagogical studies. Interestingy, discussion about empathy and about teaching empathy has just recently awaken in the Finnish social pedagogical discussion. Eija Raatikainen, Leigh Anne Rauhala and Seija Mäenpää from Metropolia University of Applied Sciences have published an article about professional empathy called ’Qualified Empathy: A key element for an empowerment professional’ in the Finnish journal of social pedagogy. It is available online in English (Raatikainen, Rauhala, Mäenpää 2017). The last peresentation in the roundtable was about social pedagogical thinking at schools in Finland, presented by Elina Nivala from the University of Eastern Finland. It described social pedagogy as an approach rather than a profession meaning that different professionals at school can have a social pedagogical orientation in their work: A teacher, a special education teacher, a school social worker and even a school nurse can have a social pedagogical mindset in their work e.g. when building pedagogical relations and working holistically with the pupils, supporting their participation and finding ways to strengthen the school community and well-being of everybody at schools. All of them can be considered social pedagogues at schools if they want to develop their work based on social pedagogical thinking. The last session organised by the Social pedagogy network was the symposium called ’How to research in the area of asylum seekers and refugees’. It included originally six presentations: two from Finland and four from Denmark but two of those from Denmark were cancelled. The two presentations from Finland were ’Acts of citizenship in reception centre’ by Päivikki Rapo, and ’Life on hold? – A research project on agency and belonging of asylum seekers’ by Elina Nivala, both of them from the University of Eastern Finland. The Danish presentations were ’How do asylum-seekers experience a sense of meaningfulness in their everyday life in asylum-centres’ Anna Ørnemose, Lene Løkkegård and Lis Leleur, and ’Creating a sense of meaning in connection to school attendance of unaccompanied asylum seeking children’ by Nadia Klarsgaard & Kasper Drevsholt, all of them from the University College of Northern Denmark (UCN). The symposium had a wonderful opportunity to provide an arena for comparative discussion about social pedagogigal asylum research, which is a relatively new field in both countries. Discussions were animated but there could have been more time for comparative perspectives. This shows the need for more research and discussions on this field between different countries. One of the discussed topics concerned asylum seeker women and their possibilities to participation. According to observations of Danish researchers in an asylum center in Denmark, asylum seeker women were denied to get their own spaces. This was argumented with ideas of gender equality in Danish society. In Finland, the challenges on physical spaces of reception centres have also been discussed. Rapo (2018) made an ethnographic research in a Finnish reception centre for her master's thesis. In the observed reception centre, women's fragile position was understood and it was taken into account but even then some restrictions of spaces were noticed only later. It will be interesting to follow how practicies related to gender will transform in reception centres, as questions concerning gender, religion, culture and participation in Western societies are challenging. It is obvious that knowledge on participation and agency of asylum seeker and refugee women is much needed, and social pedagogical research could provide valuable perspectives and tools to produce it. All in all, the presentations and discussions during the sessions showed us very clearly that there is a lot of interesting research and work done in the field of social pedagogy in the Nordic countries. They also illustrated explicitly that the traditions in social pedagogical discussion and practice do differ quite a lot between different Nordic countries. Due to this, there should be more discussion about how social pedagogical practicies have developed historically in different societies and how they are defined theoretically. It is important to discuss critically how social pedagogical work is in practice but it would be of utmost importance to discuss as well how the practices are understood and represented in theory: what is it that makes something social pedagogical, how can it be conceptualised and what makes it different from other fields of practice. And the same goes to research: are there some elements that make research social pedagogical. We hope that the next NERA congress in Uppsala, Sweden on March 6th to 8th will provide an as lively arena for discussions than the previous one did and even more opportunities for critical reflection and shared moments of new understanding. We welcome all new researchers interested in social pedagogy to join us there.

"„Sok szíves üdvözlettel régi barátos...” (“With kind regards, your old friend...”). Coriolan Petranu’s Friendly Connections to the Hungarian Historians. Coriolan Petranu is the founder of modern art history education and scientific research in Transylvania. He had received special education in this field of study that is relatively new in the region. He started his studies in 1911 at the University of Budapest, attending courses in law and art history. During the 1912-1913 academic year he joined the class of Professor Adolph Goldschmiedt (1863-1944) at the Friedrich-Wilhelm University in Berlin. The professor was an illustrious personality from the same generation as art historians Emil Mâle, Wilhelm Vögte, Bernard Berenson, Roger Fry, Aby Warburg, and Heinrich Wölfflin, specialists who had provided a decisive impetus to art historical research during the twentieth century. In the end of 1913, Coriolan Petranu favored Vienna, with its prestigious art historical school attached to the university from the capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. There he completed and perfected his education under the supervision of Professor Josef Strzygowski (1862-1941). The latter scholar was highly appreciated for his contributions to the field of universal art history by including the cultures of Asia Minor (Syria, Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Persia), revealing the influence that this area had on proto-Christian art, as well as by researching ancient art in Northern Europe. In March 1920 the young art historian successfully defended his doctoral dissertation entitled Inhaltsproblem und Kunstgeschichte (”Content and art history”). He thus earned his doctor in philosophy title that opened him access to higher education teaching and art history research. His debut was positively marked by his activity as museographer at the Fine Art Museum in Budapest (Szepműveszeti Muzeum) in 1917-1918. Coriolan Petranu has researched Romanian vernacular architecture (creating a topography of wooden churches in Transylvania) and his publications were appreciated, published in the era’s specialized periodicals and volumes or presented during international congresses (such as those held in Stockholm in 1933, Warsaw in 1933, Sofia in 1934, Basel in 1936 and Paris in 1937). The Transylvanian art historian under analysis has exchanged numerous letters with specialists in the field. The valuable lot of correspondence, comprising several thousands of letters that he has received from the United States of America, Great Britain, Spain, France, Switzerland, The Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Czechoslovakia, Austria, Hungary, Poland, the USSR, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Egypt represents a true history of the stage and development of art history as a field of study during the Interwar Period. The archive of the Art History Seminary of the University in Cluj preserves one section dedicated to Hungarian letters that he has send to Hungarian specialists, art historians, ethnographers, ethnologists or colleagues passionate about fine art (Prof. Gerevich Tibor, Prof. Takács Zoltán, Dr. Viski Károly, Count Dr. Teleki Domokos). His correspondence with Fritz Valjavec, editor of the “Südostdeutsche Forschungen” periodical printed in München, is also significant and revealing. The letters in question reveal C. Petranu’s significant contribution through his reviews of books published by Hungarian art historians and ethnographers. Beyond the theoretical debates during which Prof. Petranu has criticized the theories formulated by Prof. Gerevich’s school that envisaged the globalization of Hungarian art between the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period and that also included in this general category the works of German masters and artists with other ethnic backgrounds, he has also displayed a friendly attitude and appreciation for the activity/works of his Hungarian colleagues (Viski Károly and Takács Zoltán). The previously unpublished Romanian-Hungarian and Hungarian-Romanian set of letters discussed here attest to this. Keywords: Transylvania, correspondence, vernacular architecture, reviews, photographs, Gerevich Tibor, Dr. Viski Károly "

ObjectivesTo assess the duration of display of conflict of interest (COI) disclosure slides of presentations at the European Society of Cardiology (ESC) Congress 2016, and to identify factors associated with the duration of display of the disclosure slide.DesignCross-sectional observational study.Outcome measuresDisplay duration of the COI disclosure slide and display duration per disclosure.ResultsAnalysis of official video recordings of all oral presentations, viewed on the ESC website. 1673 oral presentations were analysed. In 706 presentations (42.2%), COIs were present on the disclosure slide. The median display duration of the disclosure slide was 2.49 s (minimum value: 0.16 s; IQR 1.47–4.08). In multivariable analysis, time spent on COI disclosures was positively related to the number of COIs (+0.11 s per extra COI), older estimated age of the speaker (+3.92 s for 75–85 years compared with <25 years), verbally commenting on disclosures (up to +8.25 s) and disclosures being of a non-commercial nature (+2.83 s). In addition, speakers from Eastern, Southern and Western Europe, Africa+East Asia and Asia showed their disclosures significantly shorter than the reference group (Northern Europe).ConclusionCOI disclosure slides are often displayed too briefly to reasonably assess their content. Several factors appear to influence the duration of display of the COI disclosure slides, but none do so to the degree that the display duration becomes sufficiently long.

Primary percutaneous coronary intervention (PPCI) is recommended by the European Society of Cardiology (ESC) treatment guidelines as the preferred treatment for ST-elevation acute myocardial infarction (STEMI) whenever it is available within 90–120 minutes of the first medical contact. A survey conducted in 2008 in 51 ESC countries found that the annual incidence of hospital admissions for acute myocardial infarction is around 1,900 patients per million population, with an incidence of STEMI of about 800 per million. It showed that STEMI patients’ access to reperfusion therapy and the use of PPCI or thrombolysis (TL) vary considerably between countries. Northern, western and central Europe already have well-developed PPCI services, offering PPCI to 60–90 % of all STEMI patients. Southern Europe and the Balkans are still predominantly using TL. Where this is the case, a higher proportion of patients are left without any reperfusion treatment. The survey concluded that a nationwide PPCI strategy results in more patients being offered reperfusion therapy. To address the inequalities in STEMI patients’ access to life-saving PPCI, and to support the implementation of the ESC STEMI treatment guidelines in Europe, the Stent for Life (SFL) Initiative was launched jointly by the European Association of Percutaneous Cardiovascular Interventions (EAPCI) and EuroPCR in 2008. National cardiac societies from Bulgaria, France, Greece, Serbia, Spain and Turkey signed the SFL Declaration at the ESC Congress in Barcelona in 2009. The aim of the SFL Initiative is to improve the delivery of, and STEMI patients’ access to, life-saving PPCI and thereby reduce mortality and morbidity. Currently, 10 national cardiac societies support the SFL Initiative in their respective countries. SFL national action programmes have been developed and are being implemented in several countries. The formation of regional PPCI networks involving emergency medical services, non-percutaneous coronary intervention hospitals and PPCI centres is considered to be a critical success factor in implementing PPCI services effectively. This article describes examples of how SFL countries are progressing in implementing their national programmes, thus increasing PPCI penetration in Europe.

The Irish national revolution of 1916–23 left behind a partitioned island, with a northern segment that remained part of the United Kingdom and a southern ‘Free State’ – later to become a Republic – that was dominated by conservative forces. Most of those who had been involved in the struggle for national independence peeled off to form new parties in the 1920s, leaving behind a rump of militant Irish republicans. Sinn Féin and its military wing, the Irish Republican Army, would pose the greatest threat to political stability in the two Irish states. Although the Irish left has historically been among the weakest in Western Europe, repeated attempts have been made to fuse republicanism with socialism, from the Republican Congress in the 1930s to the Official Republican Movement of the 1970s and ’80s. At present, Sinn Féin poses the main electoral challenge to the conservative parties in the southern state, while holding office in a devolved administration north of the border. Eoin Ó Broin’s Sinn Féin and the Politics of Left Republicanism offers an assessment of these efforts from a leading Sinn Féin activist who maintains a certain critical distance from his own party’s approach, while The Lost Revolution by Brian Hanley and Scott Millar and INLA: Deadly Divisions give comprehensive accounts of two earlier left-republican projects.

The article examines the activities of the Russian diplomatic mission in Naples in 1802-1808 based on the correspondence between brothers Alexander and Konstantin Bulgakov. In accordance with the tropological methodology of the historian Hayden White, tragic and novel metanarratives are distinguished in describing the relationship between the Kingdom of Naples, Russia, and the countries of Western Europe at the beginning of the 19th century. The narration of the events in accordance with the tragic plot reveals the confrontation between the hero and the world, Napoleon and the coalition of European states led by Austria, Britain, and Russia. At the same time, the transformation of the tragedy into the novel in historical terms presupposes a change in the established world order after the end of the era of the Napoleonic Wars, which the decisions of the Congress of Vienna consolidated in 18141815. The basis of the plot in the selected metanarratives is the life of Ferdinand IV, the king of Naples, and his family; Napoleon’s military actions in Italy; diplomatic and military assistance to Naples from Russia and the life of Russians in Naples and Palermo; the events of the Patriotic War of 1812; the messianic role of Emperor Alexander in the victory over Napoleon’s army. The influence of the actions of the allied forces in 1813-1815 and the decisions of the Congress of Vienna on the emergence of national liberation movements in Italy and the subsequent unification of the country is revealed. The spatial centers of the Bulgakovs’ epistolary works are Naples, Palermo, Rome, the capitals of four empires (Paris, Vienna, London, Petersburg), and related historical figures (King Ferdinand IV and his wife Maria Carolina of Austria (sister of Marie Antoinette, the French queen), Napoleon, Joseph Bonaparte, Joachim Murat, Austrian Emperor Francis II, Russian Emperor Alexander I, Pope Pius VII, Admiral and Secretary of State of the Kingdom of Naples John Acton, Russian envoys in Naples and Rome A.Ya. Italinsky and sine, and others. The article analyzes the conceptual sphere and poetics of the “Neapolitan” text of Russian literature. In the letters, the image of Naples is presented through the situation of a meeting of Southern and Northern Europe, Naples and Petersburg, monarchy and republic, Catholicism and Orthodoxy, history and modernity. Naples is perceived as a special communicative space associated with the diplomatic activities of both brothers, with their circle of communication, and aesthetically with a private letter as a kind of an ego-document. The perception of Naples as an island state, as an “earthly paradise at the foot of a volcano”, as a city of the Lazzaroni and carnival culture brings the correspondence between the Bulgakov brothers close with descriptions of this city in Russian travelogues of the late 18th - first third of the 19th centuries. The author declares no conflicts of interests.

Drawing on the histories of other international organisations, the chapter explores the practice of co-operative internationalism within the International Co-operative Alliance (ICA) from its foundation in 1895. The chapter traces the development of the ICA’s internal organisation and the conflict that this sometimes generated, especially over the need to balance the diverse interests of different national members. The chapter analyses the role of the International Co-operative Congresses, held triennially in different European cities and how these changed over the period. It asks what the co-operative congresses can tell us about the rituals and practices of inter-war internationalism, including practical matters such as language and the logistics of travel. It also examines the changing geography of international co-operation, tracing the shift in the ICA’s centre of gravity towards northern Europe over the period.

Responding to a call by Pierre Sané, Secretary-General of Amnesty International, for a worldwide political movement to overcome the social damage that has been wrought by economic globalization, this paper asks whether such a movement can invoke current conceptions of human rights. In particular, if human rights are Euro-centric, how well would they serve the self-understanding of a movement that is to be global, culturally pluralistic and counterhegemonic to Northern capital? I argue that it is not human rights that are Eurocentric, but only certain conceptions of human rights. Properly understood, human rights are justifiable from within all cultures. Moreover, current conceptions of human rights are not as narrow as they were in 1948, when the Universal Declaration was drafted. Nearly five decades of international dialogue have transformed human rights discourse in ways that are profoundly anti-Eurocentric, and further transformations are already underway. There are resources of moral and political experience, within all cultures, which argue strongly in favor of these transformations. Therefore, a more consistent and more complete knowledge of human rights can emerge cross-culturally if the dialogue is not abused and if the relevant moral and political experience is let into the dialogue from all quarters.

Abstract It was not surprising that immigration reform should reach the agenda of the civil rights coalition in the 1960s. American immigration policy since the 1920s had rested on a system of national origins quotas that favored immigration from northern and western Europe and that largely excluded Asians. The liberal reformers who dominated the heavily Democratic 89th Congress in 1965 deplored racial and ethnic quotas and banned them in the civil rights legislation of 1964 and 1965. The quota laws of the 1920s, however, had themselves been reform achievements, supported by a broad coalition that included middle-class “Progressives” (both Republicans and Democrats), organized labor, and the most prominent African-American leaders of the day. Immigration restrictionists from the left side of the political spectrum included leaders of organized labor, prominent spokesmen for black Americans, social justice Progressives, and conservationists. They argued that uncontrolled immigration, encouraged by industrial employers seeking docile low-wage workers, flooded the national labor pool, depressed wages, worsened working conditions and tenement housing, weakened organized labor, provided the basis for the corrupt city political machines, and threatened overpopulation. The immigration restriction coalition also included patrician conservatives such as Theodore Roosevelt and Massachusetts senator Henry Cabot Lodge, who sought to maintain the dominance in America of Anglo-Saxon stock. Madison Grant, a Park Avenue patrician, ardent student of the natural sciences and eugenics, and founder of the New York Zoological Society, in 1916 published The Passing of the Great Race, a popular text for “nativist” intellectuals.

Брауншвейгский конгресс был широким европейским дипломатическим форумом, на котором была предпринята попытка закончить Северную войну, заключив мир между Россией и Швецией. В конгрессе принимали участие представители Австрии, Дании, Польши-Саксонии, Пруссии, Ганновера и России. Последняя фактически впервые заявила о себе как о новой империи на евразийском пространстве. Ее главной задачей было заключение мира со Швецией на условиях всех территориальных приобретений, достигнутых в ходе Северной войны. Представителем России на Брауншвейгском конгрессе в январе 1714 г. царским указом был назначен один из ведущих русских дипломатов, посол в Гааге – князь Б. И. Куракин. Ему были даны широкие полномочия. В частности, они предполагали возможность заключения мира со Швецией независимо от того, прибудут ли представители от короля Карла XII, пребывавшего в то время в Османской империи, или от шведского правительства в Стокгольме. Кроме того, Б. И. Куракин должен был вести переговоры с императора Священной Римской империи о возможности последнего принудить Швецию к заключению мирного договора. Россией была предложена программа мирного урегулирования со Швецией. В случае невозможности заключения мира официальный Петербург ставил перед собой следующие задачи. Прежде всего, было необходимо укрепить Северный союз, не допустив сепаратного мира саксонского курфюрста и польского короля Августа II и датского монарха Фредерика IV со Швецией. Петр I также стремился расширить ряды своих союзников, присоединив к ним Пруссию и Ганновер. Наконец, русские дипломаты стремились нейтрализовать морские державы (Великобританию и Нидерланды), поскольку к 1714 г. сложилась опасная ситуация возможности их вступления в Северную войну на стороне Швеции. The Brunswick Congress was a broad European diplomatic forum during which an attempt was made to end the Great Northern War by making peace between Russia and Sweden. The congress was attended by representatives of Austria, Denmark, Poland-Saxony, Prussia, Hanover and Russia. The latter actually declared itself for the first time as a new empire in the Eurasian space. Its main task was to conclude peace with Sweden on the terms of preserving all territorial acquisitions achieved in the Great Northern War. In January 1714 one of the leading Russian diplomats, the ambassador in the Hague, prince B. I. Kurakin was appointed as a representative of Russia. He was given broad powers. In particular, they assumed the possibility of concluding peace with Sweden, regardless of whether representatives would come from king Charles XII, who was then in the Ottoman empire, or from the Sweden government in Stockholm. In addition, B. I. Kurakin was supposed to negotiate with the Emperor about the possibility of the latter to force Sweden to conclude a peace treaty. Russia proposed a program for a peace settlement with Sweden. In the event that it was impossible to conclude peace, official Saint Petersburgh set itself the following tasks. First, it was necessary to strengthen the Northern Alliance, preventing the separate peace of the Saxon elector and the Polish king Augustus II and the Danish monarch Frederick IV with Sweden. Peter I also sought to expand the ranks of his allies by adding Prussia and Hanover to them. Finally Russian diplomats sought to neutralize the maritime powers (Great Britain and Netherlands) as by 1714 there was a dangerous situation that they could enter the Great Northern war on the side of Sweden.

Heat pumps for residential space heating has become an increasingly important alternative to the conventional European heating systems like gas or oil burners. They offer the opportunity to reduce CO2 emission associated with heating residential homes in central and northern Europe as well as energy savings. The operational parameters for compressors in heat pumps are derived from different heat pump configurations. High compressor efficiency and a wide operating map is required so that an economically viable heat pump is achieved which meets the required operational conditions. The modifications to the basic refrigeration scroll compressor design are demonstrated. These dedicated compressor designs make it possible to achieve the required high condensing temperatures. A performance comparison with the standard compressor designs is presented and the available product range for the design of heat pump systems is shown.