Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „New french orthography“

The article is devoted to the analysis of American borrowings in French of the 21st century. Americanisms in French keep their graphic form and change French orthography, its principles and system. All spheres of social being are borrowing from American English. In the field of food the French vocabulary has borrowed from American English snack-bar, brunch, fast-food, pop-corn, hot-dog, cocktail, coca-cola. In some words the orthography is simple, based on phonetical principles. In the case of bar, fast, pop, corn, dog, coca, cola there is no problems to write or to read these words. But other substantives have brought specific orthograms (ck, un, op, h, ail) and modify the French graphic inventory: snack, brunch, food, hot, cocktail. The cultural sphere has received many units from American English: hip-hop, rock-and-roll, rock`n`roll, hard rock, heavy metal, jazz rock, punk rock, grunge. Some americanisms enrich French graphic with digrams ck, ea, zz, un or aphonograms (h), apostrophe (rock`n`roll) etc. Borrowed americanisms with English orthography can create homophone series in french: crack (cocaine) – crac! (crac!) – crack (crack) – crack (favorite trotter) – craque, craques, craquent (verb "to crack") – craque (fib) – krach (crash failure) – krak (castle). Barrowed orthograms complicate French graphic. They have no new phonems but add superfluous graphems in French inventory. Etymological orthograms reproduce the linguocultural traditions of language. They shape the high graphostyle of language and please young people who loves to use Anglicisms and Americanisms with authentic orthography. Graphic features of English loan-words result into hybridization of French vocabulary, complicate orthography, extend the linguocultural domain and insure the ethnosociolinguistical loyalty of both languages and cultures.

<p>The given study explores the subject of the effectiveness of the regulatory policy in the field of orthography introduced in recent years by the Royal Spanish Academy, the Polish Language Council and the French Academy. The main purpose of the work is to present the differences between the behaviour of the users of the three languages: Spanish, French and Polish against some normative provisions in the field of orthography and to suggest answers to a few key questions: Who shows the most favourable attitude towards the norms established by the linguistic institutions of their country? In what situations do speakers reject or accept new spelling forms?</p><div> </div>

Purpose The value of shared reading as an opportunity for learning word meanings, or semantics, is well established; it is less clear whether children learn about the orthography, or word spellings, in this context. We tested whether children can learn the spellings and meanings of new words at the same time during a tightly controlled shared reading session. We also examined whether individual differences in either or both of orthographic and semantic learning during shared reading in English were related to word reading in English and French concurrently and 6 months longitudinally in emergent English–French bilinguals. Method Sixty-two Grade 1 children (35 girls; M age = 75.89 months) listened to 12 short stories, each containing four instances of a novel word, while the examiner pointed to the text. Choice measures of the spellings and meanings of the novel words were completed immediately after reading each set of three stories and again 1 week later. Standardized measures of word reading as well as controls for nonverbal reasoning, vocabulary, and phonological awareness were also administered. Results Children scored above chance on both immediate and delayed measures of orthographic and semantic learning. Orthographic learning was related to both English and French word reading at the same time point and 6 months later. In contrast, the relations between semantic learning and word reading were nonsignificant for both languages after including controls. Conclusion Shared reading is a valuable context for learning both word meanings and spellings, and the learning of orthographic representations in particular is related to word reading abilities. Supplemental Material https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.13877999

Paul Erdmann Isert's Reise nach Guinea und den Caribäischen Inseln in Columbien (Copenhagen 1788) seems to have enjoyed a lively reception, considering the number of translations, both complete and abridged, which appeared shortly after the original. Written in German, in Gothic script, it was quickly ‘lifted over’ into the Roman alphabet in the translations (into Scandinavian languages, Dutch, and French), thus making it available to an even greater public than a purely German-reading one. In the course of my research for the first English translation, I have found that the greatest number of references to Reise in modern bibliographies have been to the French translation, Voyages en Guinée (Paris, 1793). This indicates a greater availability of the translation, a greater degree of competence/ease in reading French than the German in its original form, or both. The 1793 translation has recently been issued in a modern reprint, with the orthography modernized and with an introduction and notes by Nicoué Gayibor. Having recently completed my own translation, I have now had the opportunity to examine the 1793 edition more closely, and have noticed a number of variations and divergencies from the original. I would like to examine these here, largely as an illustration of problems in translation, using both a copy of the 1793 edition and the new reprint. The latter, barring a few orthographical errors—confusion of f's and s's—is true to its predecessor.

Over the last twenty years, “expert” discourses about the sociolinguistic character of Corsica have shifted from a focus on “diglossia” to an assertion that Corsican is a “polynomic” language. In the context of language shift and efforts at minority language revitalization, these two discourses make different claims about the relationship of language and identity, posit different kinds of power relationships between Corsicans and their two languages, and have different implications for Corsican language policy and advocacy. One of the unintended consequences of a revitalization program built on the idea of “diglossia” was the internal reproduction of dominant language hierarchies that divided rather than unified Corsicans around language. As an antidote, Corsican academics in the late eighties, introduced the notion of Corsican as a “polynomic” language defined both by its internal variation (multiple centers of “authenticity” and “authority”) and by speakers’ recognition of linguistic unity in diversity - a collective stance vis-à-vis linguistic variation that challenges the very principles of dominant (French) language ideologies in its inclusive, non-hierarchical nature. Through analysis of ethnographic data from a month-long bilingual teacher training course and from the way that Corsican orthography is taught in a bilingual school, I explore the ideology of polynomic unity in diversity and how it misrecognizes 1) contemporary speakers’ relationship with regional variation and 2) the new forms of linguistic diversity caused by language shift among both students and teachers in Corsican bilingual classrooms.

This article examines if and how the recommendations of the spelling reform from 1990 are applied and used in practice. We have focused especially on the loanwords namely anglicisms in the Canadian French and their employment in the Canadian press in electronic format. For that purpose, we wanted to depict certain details of the spelling reform concerning words of foreign origin, and more precisely those which are borrowed from British and American English. We have also concentrated our attention on the difficulties of French grammatical system, comparing it with the Italian and Spanish grammatical systems in order to illustrate the level of complexity of the French language. To demonstrate and verify the usage of the rules recommended by the reform of French orthography, we have chosen several online versions of Canadian daily press.

Researchers on bilingual processing can benefit from computational tools developed in artificial intelligence. We show that a normalized Levenshtein distance function can efficiently and reliably simulate bilingual orthographic similarity ratings. Orthographic similarity distributions of cognates and non-cognates were identified across pairs of six European languages: English, German, French, Spanish, Italian, and Dutch. Semantic equivalence was determined using the conceptual structure of a translation database. By using a similarity threshold, large numbers of cognates could be selected that nearly completely included the stimulus materials of experimental studies. The identified numbers of form-similar and identical cognates correlated highly with branch lengths of phylogenetic language family trees, supporting the usefulness of the new measure for cross-language comparison. The normalized Levenshtein distance function can be considered as a new formal model of cross-language orthographic similarity.

The paper provides a new analysis of the apostrophe in various languages which is less redundant and complies better with linguistic intuition than traditional definitions. The apostrophe does not mark the omission of letters, as traditionally assumed (English it’s, German auf’m ‘on the’, French l’ami ‘the friend’), but indicates important morpheme boundaries wherever this is necessary for certain reasons. Such an indication of a morpheme boundary can be necessitated by several factors, e.g. the omission of letters (English it’s, German auf’m, French l’ami), proper names (Turkish Ankara’da ‘in Ankara’, English John’s), or graphical code-switching (English two l’s, Russian laptop’ов ‘laptop, gen. pl.’). This explanation covers even most violations of current orthographic norms, e.g. German Häus’chen ‘small house’, and it has no exceptions whatsoever in formal texts. (English isn’t, German ’nauf ‘up’, French p’tit ‘small’ are mere ‘transcripts’ of colloquial speech.)

The goal of the experiment was to examine the relevance of a new French web-based assessment, Tinfolec (Test INFOrmatisé d’évaluation de la LECture), the aim of which is to evaluate the reading abilities of children in primary grades. The participants were 1,016 children from Grades 2 to 5. They completed the five tasks of Tinfolec designed to assess the efficiency of the two procedures used to identify written words (the nonlexical route and the lexical orthographic route). We tested the reliability and validity of the new tool in a subsection of this sample. Correlational analyses provided evidence of the reliability and validity of Tinfolec. The results are consistent with the conventionally observed effect of lexical factors (length, consistency, and frequency) on written word processing. The results confirm the relevance of the proposed tasks. The study produced promising results and would allow practitioners to perform online assessments of reading skills.

ABSTRACTIn February 2016 the French spelling reform of 1990, which introduced changes to approximately 2,000 words, became the object of discussion online, after it was announced that the new spellings would be included in textbooks from September. Analysing a corpus of tweets, containing key terms from the online discussion, JeSuisCirconflexe; ognon and réforme orthographe, this study gives an insight into the reactions to this governmental linguistic intervention, the recurring themes in their discourse and how this can be interpreted as prescriptive or purist behaviour. Although previous studies have extensively analysed reactions to the 1996 spelling reform in Germany, little research has considered online lay-reactions to the French reform. Given observations that online interactions differ in many ways to equivalent offline interactions, this study can form a point of contrast to previous studies conducted in offline contexts, thereby enriching the existing literature in this field. It is also often claimed that France is a country in which linguistic purism is deeply entrenched; this article will seek further evidence for these claims.

The paper presents analysis of errors in translation on the CAT platform Smartcat, which accumulates all tools for computer-assisted translation (CAT) including a machine translation (MT) system and translation memory (TM). The research is conducted on the material of the translation on Smartcat platform (a joint project of a tourist guide translation (35,000 words) from Hebrew to Russian, English, and French). The errors on the CAT platform disclose difficulties in mastering text semantic coherence and stylistic features. The influence of English as lingua franca appears in peculiar orthographic and punctuation errors in the target text in Russian. Peculiar errors in translation on the CAT platform reveal the necessity of advanced technological competence in translators. The peculiar errors uncover problems associated with a source text segmentation into sentences. The segmentation can trigger a translator to preserve the sentence boundaries and use a Russian complicated compound sentence that provoke punctuation errors. Difficulties of the anaphora resolution in distant semantically coherent segments are also associated with the source text segmentation and working window formatting. A joint project presupposes different translators to translate different files of the source document. To generate the coherence, contiguity and integrity of the whole document, the files have to be revised by a third-party editor to avoid conflict of interest. The editor-reviser is also responsible for improving the target text pragmatic and genre characteristics while applying top-down strategy to target text analysis. Thus, the translator’s errors while applying CAT tools reveal the effect of bottom-up text processing alongside with cross-language interference.

This article investigates the status of French N+N constructions in which the N2 productively combines with different N1’s (e.g. réunion marathon ‘marathon meeting’, examen marathon ‘marathon exam’, plaidoyer marathon ‘marathon plea’, etc). In the literature, this construction has been analyzed in very different ways, going from regular N+N compounding to the syntactic combination of a noun with a second noun converted into an adjective. In a first section, the arguments in favour of these different analyses are discussed. The second section is devoted to a specific case study in which the construction N-clé ‘key N’ (mot-clé ‘key word’, fonction-clé ‘key function’, élément-clé ‘key element’, etc.) is subjected to a profound semantic, orthographic, morphological and syntactic analysis. It will be observed that in recent uses the N-clé construction has developed some new syntactic properties that might be accounted for by a process of degrammaticalization.

This research investigated the phonological directions by which new roots are incorporated into Esperanto. Words were selected from the following magazines: Kontakto, the official magazine of the Tutmonda Esperantista Junulara Organizo (TEJO – World Esperanto Youth Organization), which was first published in 1963 and has subscribers in over 90 countries, and Esperanto, the official magazine of the Universala Esperanto-Asocio (UEA – Esperanto Universal Association), which was first released in 1905 and has readers in 115 countries, in addition to a technological terminology list (Nevelsteen, 2012) and to words not quoted in dictionaries but published in a list on the blog <http://vortaroblogo.blogspot.com.br/2009/09/nepivajvortoj-i.html>. Words were collected from 13 different languages: Arabic, Chinese, French, English, Japanese, Komi, Korean, Portuguese, Russian, Spanish, Turkish, Sanskrit and Swahili. The theoretical basis that guided this analysis was Loanword Phonology, mainly the works of Calabrese & Wetzels (2009), Vendelin & Peperkamp (2006), Paradis (1988), Kang (2011), Friesner (2009), Menezes (2013), Chang (2008), Kenstowicz & Suchato (2006) and Roth (1980). An analysis of the corpus showed that words can be adapted by their phonetic form as well as by their root’s orthographic form from the original language. Furthermore, we observed that long vowels were, for the most part, adapted as simple vowels; and some words are present in two synchronic variations.

This paper presents the results of a longitudinal spelling study conducted among 496 school children, from sixth grade (the first year of middle school in France) to ninth grade (the fourth and final year of middle school in France). Its first objective is to examine the evolution of both lexical and grammatical spelling skills in a deep orthography and to present new findings on the advanced mastery of spelling skills. Its second aim is to provide insight into pupils’ orthographic knowledge and remaining difficulties at the end of French compulsory schooling. Pupils were assessed using the same text dictation when they were sixth graders and when they were ninth graders. The data show that both lexical and grammatical performance increased from the sixth to ninth grade and that these interact with each other. The qualitative analysis of errors allows points of resistance in the acquisition of French orthography to be highlighted.

The overall aim of this article is to show the stability of graphically marking morphosyntactic structures in French text messages. It presents a manual analysis of the first 400 French messages of the new corpus sms4science.ch, an analysis which focuses on subject-verb-agreement and its graphical marking in a form of communication commonly assumed to show a considerable amount of non-standard spelling. The overall results show two things: First, the marking of subject-verb agreement is closer to standard orthography when occurring with lexical subjects, which, however, are very infrequent in text messages, a hint at their variationist character as texts of 'communicative immediacy' ('oral discourse'). Second, this type of agreement, central both for typological and theoretical approaches to human language(s), is marked in almost 90% of the occurrences according to standard graphic regularities or by other devices, which leads to the conclusion that core syntax (grammar) is completely unaltered also in apparently 'non-standard' texts.

07–142Bowles, Hugo (U Rome, Italy), Bridging the gap between conversation analysis and ESP – an applied study of the opening sequences of NS and NNS service telephone calls. English for Specific Purposes (Elsevier) 25.2 (2006), 332–357.07–143Charles, Maggie (U Oxford Language Centre, UK), Phraseological patterns in reporting clauses used in citation: A corpus-based study of theses in two disciplines. English for Specific Purposes (Elsevier) 25.2 (2006), 310–331.07–144Csomay, Eniko (San Diego State U, USA), Academic talk in American university classrooms: crossing the boundaries of oral-literate discourse?Journal of English for Academic Purposes (Elsevier) 5.2 (2006), 117–135.07–145Juola, Patrick, John Sofko & Patrick Brennan (Duquesne U, Pittsburgh, USA; juola@mathcs.duq.edu), A prototype for authorship attribution studies. Literary and Linguistic Computing (Oxford University Press) 21.2 (2006), 169–178.07–146Kleiber, Georges (UFR Philosophie, linguistique et informatique, 67084 Strasbourg, France; Kleiber@umb.u-strasbg.fr) & Francine Gerhard-Krait, Quelque part: du spatial au non spatial en passant par l'indétermination et la partition [Quelque part: From the spatial to the non-spatial by way of indeterminacy and partition]. Journal of French Language Studies (Cambridge University Press) 16.2 (2006), 147–166.07–147Northcott, Jill & Gillian Brown (Institute for Applied Language Studies, Edinburgh, UK), Legal translator training: Partnership between teachers of English for legal purposes and legal specialists. English for Specific Purposes (Elsevier) 25.2 (2006), 358–375.07–148Palacios-Martínez, Ignacio & Ana Martínez-Insua (U de Santiago de Compostela, Spain; iafeans@usc.es), Connecting linguistic description and language teaching: Native and learner use of existential there. International Journal of Applied Linguistics (Blackwell) 16.2 (2006), 213–231.07–149Pilz, Thomas, Wolfram Luther & Norbert Fuhr (U Duisburg-Essen, Germany; pilz@informatik.uni-duisburg.de), Rule-based search in text databases with nonstandard orthography. Literary and Linguistic Computing (Oxford University Press) 21.2 (2006), 179–186.07–150Richter Lorentzen, Lise (U Trondheim, Norway; lise.lorentzen@hf.ntnu.no), Le fonctionnement du pronom adverbial y et la concurrence entre y, là et là-bas en emploi spatial [The function of the adverbial pronoun y and the competition between y, là and là-bas in spatial use]. Journal of French Language Studies (Cambridge University Press) 16.2 (2006), 167–185.07–151Song, Jae Jung (U Otago, New Zealand; jaejung.song@stonebow.otago.ac.nz), The translatability-universals connection in linguistic typology: much ado about something. Babel (John Benjamins) 51.4 (2005), 308–322.07–152Suárez, Octavio Santana, José Rafael Pérez Aguiar, Luis Losada García & Francisco Javier Carreras Riudavets (U Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Spain; fcarreras@dis.ulpgc.es), Functional disambiguation based on syntactic structures. Literary and Linguistic Computing (Oxford University Press) 21.2 (2006), 187–197.07–153Yakhontova, Tatyana (Ivan Franko National U L'viv, Ukraine), Cultural and disciplinary variation in academic discourse: The issue of influencing factors. Journal of English for Academic Purposes (Elsevier) 5.2 (2006), 153–167. doi:10.1016/j.jeap.2006.03.002

Since the IUSS Rome Congress in 1924, where the scientific community decided to use the expression<em> Soil Science </em>instead of <em>Pedology</em> or <em>Edaphology</em>, criteria for the formation of new words in Spanish concerning the study of the soil have not been established. New terms in English are formed by giving priority to the Greek root πἐδον in front of the root ἒδαψοξ. This criterion does not take into account the fact that in Greek the term πἐδον refers to the <em>soil we walk on</em> and not to the <em>soil where plants grow</em>, which is expressed by the term ἒδαψοξ. This paper proposes criteria based on etymological, semantic and pragmatic linguistics for the formation of new or the equivalent of English soil-related words in Spanish. The analysis is based on: authorities in this field; etymological elements; aspects of phonetic and orthographic ambiguity; the equivalences between similar terms in English, Spanish and French; the usage of the expression at university level, by soil societies, and by scientific journals; and on aspects of linguistic good taste in certain geographic areas of Spanish language. The scope of this paper is not to contest the use of terms already in existance, recognizing that there may be strongly entrenched terms in some countries having Spanish as their own language. These terms should be referred to as varieties for a particular geographical area according to the specific regional Spanish semantics in America.

Most investigations of language use in the computer-mediated communication (CMC) systems colloquially known as 'chat rooms' are based on studies of chat rooms in which English is the predominant language. This study begins to redress that bias by investigating language use in a Swedish text-based chat room. Do Swedish chat participants just adopt strategies adapted to suit the needs of written online conversation, or is Swedish written language being developed in analogy with adaptations that can be observed in 'international' chat rooms? As is now well known, text-based chat rooms provide a means for people to converse in near real time with very little delay between messages. As a written form of interaction, there is no possibility of sending simultaneous non-verbal information, and while the minimal delay gives the interaction a more conversational feel, the conversants must struggle with the time pressure of combining a slow message production system with rapid transmission-reception. Several strategies have been developed in order to ease the strain of writing and to convey more information than written symbols normally allow (Werry; Witmer & Katzman; Hård af Segerstad, "Emoticons"). A number of strategies have been developed to suit the needs of CMC, some of which we recognise from traditional writing, but perhaps use more generously in the new environment. Well known and internationally recognised strategies used to compensate for the lack of non-verbal or non-vocal signals include providing analogies for vocalisations adopted in order to compensate for the effort of typing and time pressure: Smileys (or emoticons): Smileys are combinations of keyboard characters which attempt to resemble facial expressions, eg. ;) (or simple objects such as roses). These are mostly placed at the end of a sentence as an aid to interpret the emotional state of the sender; Surrounding words with *asterisks* (or a number of variants, such as underscores (_word_)). As with smileys, asterisks may be used to indicate the emotional state of the sender (eg. *smiles*, *s*), and also to convey an action (*waves*, *jumps up and down*); In some systems, different fonts and colours may be used to express emotions. Capitals, unorthodox spelling and mixing of cases in the middle of words and Extreme use of punctuation marks may all be used to convey analogies to prosodic phenomena such as intonation, tone of voice, emphasis ("you IDIOT"); Abbreviations and acronyms: some are traditional, others new to the medium; Omission of words: ellipsis, grammatical function words; and, Little correction of typographical errors -- orthography or punctuation -- and little traditional use of mixed cases (eg. capitals at the beginning of sentences), and punctuation. Method This study compares and contrasts data from a questionnaire and material from a logged chat channel. The investigation began with a questionnaire, inquiring into the habits and preferences of Swedish students communicating on the Internet. 333 students (164 females and 169 males) answered the questionnaire that was sent to five upper secondary schools (students aged 16-18), and two lower secondary schools (students aged 13-15). Subjects were asked for three kinds of information: (a) examples of the strategies mentioned above and whether they used these when chatting online, (b) which languages were used in everyday communication and in chat rooms, and (c) the names of favourite chat rooms. One of the most popular public chat rooms turned out to be one maintained by a Swedish newspaper. Permission was obtained to log material from this chat room. The room may be accessed at: <http://nychat.aftonbladet.se/webchat/oppenkanal/Entren.php>. A 'bot (from 'robot', a program that can act like a user on an IRC network) was used to log the time, sender and content of contributions in the room. In order to get a large data set and to record the spread of activity over the most part of a week, approximately 120 hours of logging occurred, six days and nights in succession. During this period 4 293 users ('unique pseudonyms'), from 278 different domains provided 47 715 contributions in total (410 355 total utterances). The logged material was analysed, using the automated search tool TRASA (developed by Leif Gronqvist -- Dept. of Linguistics, Göteborg University, Sweden). Results The language used in the chat room was mainly Swedish. Apart from loan words (in some cases with the English spelling intact, in other cases adapted to Swedish spelling), English phrases (often idiomatic) showed up occasionally, sometimes in the middle of a Swedish sentence. Some examples of contributions are shown, extracted from their original context. (Note: Instances of Nordic letters in the examples have been transformed into the letters 'a' and 'o' respectively.) Table 1. Examples of nicknames and contributions taken from the Web chat material. 01.07.20 Darth Olsson Helloo allibadi hur e de i dag? 14:44:40 G.B Critical information check 01.11.40 Little Boy Lost fru hjarterdam...120 mil busstripp...Later hojdare om det...;) 18.10.30 PeeWee this sucks 22.17.12 Ellen (16) Whatever! 16.06.55 Blackboy Whats up The above examples demonstrate that both nicknames and contributions consist of a mix either of Swedish and English, or of pure English. In answering the questionnaire, the subjects gave many examples of the more 'traditional strategies' used in international chat channels for overcoming the limitations of writing: traditional abbreviations, the use of all uppercase, asterisk-framed words, extreme use of punctuation and the simplest smileys (Hård af Segerstad, "Emoticons", "Expressing Emoticons", "Strategies" and "Swedish Teenagers"). The questionnaire results also included examples of 'net-abbreviations' based on English words. However, while these were similar to those observed in international chat rooms, the most interesting finding was that Swedish teenagers do not just copy that behaviour from the international chat rooms that they have visited: the examples of creative and new abbreviations are made up in comparison with the innovative English net-abbreviations, but based on Swedish words. A number of different types of abbreviations emerged: Acronyms made up from the first letters in a phrase (eg. "istf", meaning "i stallet for" [trans. "instead of"]); Numbers representing the sound value of a syllable in combination with letters (eg. "3vligt" meaning "trevligt" [trans. "nice"]); and, Letters representing the sound value of a syllable in combination with other letters forming an abbreviated representation of a word (eg. "CS" meaning "(vi) ses" [trans. "see (you)"]). The logged chat material showed that all of the strategies, both Swedish and English, mentioned in the questionnaire were actually used online. The Swedish strategies mentioned in the questionnaire are illustrated in Table 2. Table 2. Examples of innovative and traditional Swedish abbreviations given in the questionnaire. Innovative Abbreviation Full phrase Translation Traditional abbreviation Full phrase Translation Asg Asgarvar Laughs hard ngn nagon someone Iofs i och for sig Strictly speaking Ngra nagra some ones iaf, if i allafall Anyway gbg Göteborg Göteborg É Ar Is sv svenska Swedish D Det It bla bland annat among other things Cs (vi) ses See you t.ex. till exempel for example Lr Eller Or ngt nagot something B.S.D.V Bara Sa Du Vet Just To Let You Know t.om till och med even P Pa On, at etc et cetera QL (ql) Kul Fun m.m med mera and more 3vligt Trevligt Nice m.a.o. med andra ord in other words Tebax Tillbaka Back mkt mycket a lot Oxa Ocksa Too ibl Ibland sometimes The table above shows examples of traditional and creative abbreviations developed to suit the limitations and advantages of written Swedish online. A comparison of the logged material with the examples given in the questionnaire shows that all innovative abbreviations exemplified were used, sometimes with slightly different orthography. Table 3. The most frequent abbreviations used in the chat material No. of occurrences Innovative Abbreviations No. of occurrences Traditional abbreviations 224 Oxa 74 GBG 101 Oki 60 gbg 62 Oki 56 ngn 47 É 43 mm 16 P 42 Gbg 10 Iofs 37 ngt 10 If 26 bla 10 D 19 tex 5 Tebax 19 Tom 5 OKI 18 etc 4 É 8 MM 4 Ql 6 Ngn 4 P 5 BLA 4 OXA 4 tom 4 D 4 NGN 3 Asg 4 Mm 3 IF 3 TEX 2 Oxa 2 TOM 1 Cs 2 Ngt 1 Tebax 1 ngra 1 QL 1 bLA 1 If 1 ASG The limited space of this article does not allow for a full analysis of the material from the chat, but in short, data from both the questionnaire and the Web chat of this study suggest that Swedish teenagers conversing in electronic chat rooms draw on their previous knowledge of strategies used in traditional written language to minimise time and effort when writing/typing (cf. Ferrara et al.). They do not just copy behaviour and strategies that they observe in international chat rooms that they have visited, but adapt these to suit the Swedish language. As well as saving time and effort typing, and apart from conveying non-verbal information, it would appear that these communication strategies are also used as a way of signalling and identifying oneself as 'cyber-regulars' -- people who know the game, so to speak. At this stage of research, beyond the use of Swedish language by Swedish nationals, there is nothing to indicate that the adaptations found are significantly different to online adaptations of English or French (cf. Werry). This result calls for further research on the specifics of Swedish adaptations. References Allwood, Jens. "An Activity Based Approach to Pragmatics." Gothenburg Papers in Theoretical Linguistics 76. Dept. of Linguistics, University of Göteborg, 1995. Ferrara, K., H. Brunner, and G. Whittemore. "Interactive Written Discourse as an Emergent Register." Written Communication 8.1 (1991): 8-34. Hård af Segerstad, Ylva. "Emoticons -- A New Mode for the Written Language." Dept. of Linguistics, Göteborg University, Sweden. Unpublished paper, 1998. ---. "Expressing Emotions in Electronic Writing." Dept. of Linguistics, Göteborg University, Sweden. Unpublished paper, 1998. ---. "Strategies in Computer-Mediated Written Communication -- A Comparison between Two User Groups." Dept. of Linguistics, Göteborg University, Sweden. Unpublished paper, 1998. ---. "Swedish Teenagers' Written Conversation in Electronic Chat Environments." WebTalk -- Writing As Conversation. Ed. Diane Penrod. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Forthcoming. Witmer, Diane, and Sandra Lee Katzman. "On-Line Smiles: Does Gender Make A Difference in the Use of Graphic Accents?" Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 2.4 (1997). 19 Aug. 2000 <http://www.ascusc.org/jcmc/vol2/issue4/witmer1.php>. Werry, Christopher, C. "Linguistic and Interactional Features of Internet Relay Chat." Computer-Mediated Communication: Linguistic, Social and Cross-Cultural Perspectives. Ed. Susan Herring. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1996. 47-63. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Ylva Hård af Segerstad. "Swedish Chat Rooms." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.4 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0008/swedish.php>. Chicago style: Ylva Hård af Segerstad, "Swedish Chat Rooms," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 4 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0008/swedish.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Ylva Hård af Segerstad. (2000) Swedish chat rooms. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(4). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0008/swedish.php> ([your date of access]).

06–451Baquedano-López, Patricia (U California, Berkeley, USA; pbl@berkeley.edu), Jorge L. Solís & Shlomy Kattan, Adaptation: The language of classroom learning. Linguistics and Education (Elsevier) 16.1 (2005), 1–26.06–452Brooks, Patricia, J. (City U New York, USA; pbrooks@mail.csi.cuny.edu), Vera Kempe & Ariel Sionov, The role of learner and input variables in learning inflectional morphology. Applied Psycholinguistics (Cambridge University Press) 27.2 (2006), 185–209.06–453Clahsen, Harald & Claudia Felser (U Essex, UK; harald@essex.ac.uk), Grammatical processing in language learners. Applied Psycholinguistics (Cambridge University Press) 27.1 (2006), 3–42.06–454Cleland, Alexandra A. (U York, UK; a.cleland@psych.york.ac.uk) & Martin J. 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IntroductionTasmania hangs from the map of Australia like a drop in freefall from the substance of the mainland. Often the whole state is mislaid from Australian maps and logos (Reddit). Tasmania has, at least since federation, been considered peripheral—a region seen as isolated, a ‘problem’ economically, politically, and culturally. However, Tasmania not only cleaves to the ‘north island’ of Australia but is also subject to the gravitational pull of an even greater land mass—Antarctica. In this article, we upturn the political conventions of map-making that place both Antarctica and Tasmania in obscure positions at the base of the globe. We show how a changing global climate re-frames Antarctica and the Southern Ocean as key drivers of worldwide environmental shifts. The liquid and solid water between Tasmania and Antarctica is revealed not as a homogenous barrier, but as a dynamic and relational medium linking the Tasmanian archipelago with Antarctica. When Antarctica becomes the focus, the script is flipped: Tasmania is no longer on the edge, but core to a network of gateways into the southern land. The state’s capital of Hobart can from this perspective be understood as an “Antarctic city”, central to the geopolitics, economy, and culture of the frozen continent (Salazar et al.). Viewed from the south, we argue, Tasmania is not a problem, but an opportunity for a form of ecological, cultural, economic, and political sustainability that opens up the southern continent to science, discovery, and imagination.A Centre at the End of the Earth? Tasmania as ParadoxThe islands of Tasmania owe their existence to climate change: a period of warming at the end of the last ice age melted the vast sheets of ice covering the polar regions, causing sea levels to rise by more than one hundred metres (Tasmanian Climate Change Office 8). Eleven thousand years ago, Aboriginal people would have witnessed the rise of what is now called Bass Strait, turning what had been a peninsula into an archipelago, with the large island of Tasmania at its heart. The heterogeneous practices and narratives of Tasmanian regional identity have been shaped by the geography of these islands, and their connection to the Southern Ocean and Antarctica. Regions, understood as “centres of collective consciousness and sociospatial identities” (Paasi 241) are constantly reproduced and reimagined through place-based social practices and communications over time. As we will show, diverse and contradictory narratives of Tasmanian regionality often co-exist, interacting in complex and sometimes complementary ways. Ecocritical literary scholar C.A. Cranston considers duality to be embedded in the textual construction of Tasmania, writing “it was hell, it was heaven, it was penal, it was paradise” (29). Tasmania is multiply polarised: it is both isolated and connected; close and far away; rich in resources and poor in capital; the socially conservative birthplace of radical green politics (Hay 60). The weather, as if sensing the fine balance of these paradoxes, blows hot and cold at a moment’s notice.Tasmania has wielded extraordinary political influence at times in its history—notably during the settlement of Melbourne in 1835 (Boyce), and during protests against damming the Franklin River in the early 1980s (Mercer). However, twentieth-century historical and political narratives of Tasmania portray the Bass Strait as a barrier, isolating Tasmanians from the mainland (Harwood 61). Sir Bede Callaghan, who headed one of a long line of federal government inquiries into “the Tasmanian problem” (Harwood 106), was clear that Tasmania was a victim of its own geography:the major disability facing the people of Tasmania (although some residents may consider it an advantage) is that Tasmania is an island. Separation from the mainland adversely affects the economy of the State and the general welfare of the people in many ways. (Callaghan 3)This perspective may stem from the fact that Tasmania has maintained the lowest Gross Domestic Product per capita of all states since federation (Bureau of Infrastructure Transport and Regional Economics 9). Socially, economically, and culturally, Tasmania consistently ranks among the worst regions of Australia. Statistical comparisons with other parts of Australia reveal the population’s high unemployment, low wages, poor educational outcomes, and bad health (West 31). The state’s remoteness and isolation from the mainland states and its reliance on federal income have contributed to the whole of Tasmania, including Hobart, being classified as ‘regional’ by the Australian government, in an attempt to promote immigration and economic growth (Department of Infrastructure and Regional Development 1). Tasmania is indeed both regional and remote. However, in this article we argue that, while regionality may be cast as a disadvantage, the island’s remote location is also an asset, particularly when viewed from a far southern perspective (Image 1).Image 1: Antarctica (Orthographic Projection). Image Credit: Wikimedia Commons, Modified Shading of Tasmania and Addition of Captions by H. Nielsen.Connecting Oceans/Collapsing DistanceTasmania and Antarctica have been closely linked in the past—the future archipelago formed a land bridge between Antarctica and northern land masses until the opening of the Tasman Seaway some 32 million years ago (Barker et al.). The far south was tangible to the Indigenous people of the island in the weather blowing in from the Southern Ocean, while the southern lights, or “nuyina”, formed a visible connection (Australia’s new icebreaker vessel is named RSV Nuyina in recognition of these links). In the contemporary Australian imagination, Tasmania tends to be defined by its marine boundaries, the sea around the islands represented as flat, empty space against which to highlight the topography of its landscape and the isolation of its position (Davies et al.). A more relational geographic perspective illuminates the “power of cross-currents and connections” (Stratford et al. 273) across these seascapes. The sea country of Tasmania is multiple and heterogeneous: the rough, shallow waters of the island-scattered Bass Strait flow into the Tasman Sea, where the continental shelf descends toward an abyssal plain studded with volcanic seamounts. To the south, the Southern Ocean provides nutrient-rich upwellings that attract fish and cetacean populations. Tasmania’s coast is a dynamic, liminal space, moving and changing in response to the global currents that are driven by the shifting, calving and melting ice shelves and sheets in Antarctica.Oceans have long been a medium of connection between Tasmania and Antarctica. In the early colonial period, when the seas were the major thoroughfares of the world and inland travel was treacherous and slow, Tasmania’s connection with the Southern Ocean made it a valuable hub for exploration and exploitation of the south. Between 1642 and 1900, early European explorers were followed by British penal colonists, convicts, sealers, and whalers (Kriwoken and Williamson 93). Tasmania was well known to polar explorers, with expeditions led by Jules Dumont d’Urville, James Clark Ross, Roald Amundsen, and Douglas Mawson all transiting through the port of Hobart. Now that the city is no longer a whaling hub, growing populations of cetaceans continue to migrate past the islands on their annual journeys from the tropics, across the Sub-Antarctic Front and Antarctic circumpolar current, and into the south polar region, while southern species such as leopard seals are occasionally seen around Tasmania (Tasmania Parks and Wildlife). Although the water surrounding Tasmania and Antarctica is at times homogenised as a ‘barrier’, rendering these places isolated, the bodies of water that surround both are in fact permeable, and regularly crossed by both humans and marine species. The waters are diverse in their physical characteristics, underlying topography, sea life, and relationships, and serve to connect many different ocean regions, ecosystems, and weather patterns.Views from the Far SouthWhen considered in terms of its relative proximity to Antarctic, rather than its distance from Australia’s political and economic centres, Tasmania’s identity undergoes a significant shift. A sign at Cockle Creek, in the state’s far south, reminds visitors that they are closer to Antarctica than to Cairns, invoking a discourse of connectedness that collapses the standard ten-day ship voyage to Australia’s closest Antarctic station into a unit comparable with the routinely scheduled 5.5 hour flight to North Queensland. Hobart is the logistical hub for the Australian Antarctic Division and the French Institut Polaire Francais (IPEV), and has hosted Antarctic vessels belonging to the USA, South Korea, and Japan in recent years. From a far southern perspective, Hobart is not a regional Australian capital but a global polar hub. This alters the city’s geographic imaginary not only in a latitudinal sense—from “top down” to “bottom up”—but also a longitudinal one. Via its southward connection to Antarctica, Hobart is also connected east and west to four other recognized gateways: Cape Town in South Africa, Christchurch in New Zealand; Punta Arenas in Chile; and Ushuaia in Argentina (Image 2). The latter cities are considered small by international standards, but play an outsized role in relation to Antarctica.Image 2: H. Nielsen with a Sign Announcing Distances between Antarctic ‘Gateway’ Cities and Antarctica, Ushuaia, Argentina, 2018. Image Credit: Nicki D'Souza.These five cities form what might be called—to adapt geographer Klaus Dodds’ term—a ‘Southern Rim’ around the South Polar region (Dodds Geopolitics). They exist in ambiguous relationship to each other. Although the five cities signed a Statement of Intent in 2009 committing them to collaboration, they continue to compete vigorously for northern hemisphere traffic and the brand identity of the most prominent global gateway. A state government brochure spruiks Hobart, for example, as the “perfect Antarctic Gateway” emphasising its uniqueness and “natural advantages” in this regard (Tasmanian Government, 2016). In practice, the cities are automatically differentiated by their geographic position with respect to Antarctica. Although the ‘ice continent’ is often conceived as one entity, it too has regions, in both scientific and geographical senses (Terauds and Lee; Antonello). Hobart provides access to parts of East Antarctica, where the Australian, French, Japanese, and Chinese programs (among others) have bases; Cape Town is a useful access point for Europeans going to Dronning Maud Land; Christchurch is closest to the Ross Sea region, site of the largest US base; and Punta Arenas and Ushuaia neighbour the Antarctic Peninsula, home to numerous bases as well as a thriving tourist industry.The Antarctic sector is important to the Tasmanian economy, contributing $186 million (AUD) in 2017/18 (Wells; Gutwein; Tasmanian Polar Network). Unsurprisingly, Tasmania’s gateway brand has been actively promoted, with the 2016 Australian Antarctic Strategy and 20 Year Action Plan foregrounding the need to “Build Tasmania’s status as the premier East Antarctic Gateway for science and operations” and the state government releasing a “Tasmanian Antarctic Gateway Strategy” in 2017. The Chinese Antarctic program has been a particular focus: a Memorandum of Understanding focussed on Australia and China’s Antarctic relations includes a “commitment to utilise Australia, including Tasmania, as an Antarctic ‘gateway’.” (Australian Antarctic Division). These efforts towards a closer relationship with China have more recently come under attack as part of a questioning of China’s interests in the region (without, it should be noted, a concomitant questioning of Australia’s own considerable interests) (Baker 9). In these exchanges, a global power and a state of Australia generally classed as regional and peripheral are brought into direct contact via the even more remote Antarctic region. This connection was particularly visible when Chinese President Xi Jinping travelled to Hobart in 2014, in a visit described as both “strategic” and “incongruous” (Burden). There can be differences in how this relationship is narrated to domestic and international audiences, with issues of sovereignty and international cooperation variously foregrounded, laying the ground for what Dodds terms “awkward Antarctic nationalism” (1).Territory and ConnectionsThe awkwardness comes to a head in Tasmania, where domestic and international views of connections with the far south collide. Australia claims sovereignty over almost 6 million km2 of the Antarctic continent—a claim that in area is “roughly the size of mainland Australia minus Queensland” (Bergin). This geopolitical context elevates the importance of a regional part of Australia: the claims to Antarctic territory (which are recognised only by four other claimant nations) are performed not only in Antarctic localities, where they are made visible “with paraphernalia such as maps, flags, and plaques” (Salazar 55), but also in Tasmania, particularly in Hobart and surrounds. A replica of Mawson’s Huts in central Hobart makes Australia’s historic territorial interests in Antarctica visible an urban setting, foregrounding the figure of Douglas Mawson, the well-known Australian scientist and explorer who led the expeditions that proclaimed Australia’s sovereignty in the region of the continent roughly to its south (Leane et al.). Tasmania is caught in a balancing act, as it fosters international Antarctic connections (such hosting vessels from other national programs), while also playing a key role in administering what is domestically referred to as the Australian Antarctic Territory. The rhetoric of protection can offer common ground: island studies scholar Godfrey Baldacchino notes that as island narratives have moved “away from the perspective of the ‘explorer-discoverer-colonist’” they have been replaced by “the perspective of the ‘custodian-steward-environmentalist’” (49), but reminds readers that a colonising disposition still lurks beneath the surface. It must be remembered that terms such as “stewardship” and “leadership” can undertake sovereignty labour (Dodds “Awkward”), and that Tasmania’s Antarctic connections can be mobilised for a range of purposes. When Environment Minister Greg Hunt proclaimed at a press conference that: “Hobart is the gateway to the Antarctic for the future” (26 Apr. 2016), the remark had meaning within discourses of both sovereignty and economics. Tasmania’s capital was leveraged as a way to position Australia as a leader in the Antarctic arena.From ‘Gateway’ to ‘Antarctic City’While discussion of Antarctic ‘Gateway’ Cities often focuses on the economic and logistical benefit of their Antarctic connections, Hobart’s “gateway” identity, like those of its counterparts, stretches well beyond this, encompassing geological, climatic, historical, political, cultural and scientific links. Even the southerly wind, according to cartoonist Jon Kudelka, “has penguins in it” (Image 3). Hobart residents feel a high level of connection to Antarctica. In 2018, a survey of 300 randomly selected residents of Greater Hobart was conducted under the umbrella of the “Antarctic Cities” Australian Research Council Linkage Project led by Assoc. Prof. Juan Francisco Salazar (and involving all three present authors). Fourteen percent of respondents reported having been involved in an economic activity related to Antarctica, and 36% had attended a cultural event about Antarctica. Connections between the southern continent and Hobart were recognised as important: 71.9% agreed that “people in my city can influence the cultural meanings that shape our relationship to Antarctica”, while 90% agreed or strongly agreed that Hobart should play a significant role as a custodian of Antarctica’s future, and 88.4% agreed or strongly agreed that: “How we treat Antarctica is a test of our approach to ecological sustainability.” Image 3: “The Southerly” Demonstrates How Weather Connects Hobart and Antarctica. Image Credit: Jon Kudelka, Reproduced with Permission.Hobart, like the other gateways, activates these connections in its conscious place-branding. The city is particularly strong as a centre of Antarctic research: signs at the cruise-ship terminal on the waterfront claim that “There are more Antarctic scientists based in Hobart […] than at any other one place on earth, making Hobart a globally significant contributor to our understanding of Antarctica and the Southern Ocean.” Researchers are based at the Institute for Marine and Antarctic Studies (IMAS), the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO), and the Australian Antarctic Division (AAD), with several working between institutions. Many Antarctic researchers located elsewhere in the world also have a connection with the place through affiliations and collaborations, leading journalist Jo Chandler to assert that “the breadth and depth of Hobart’s knowledge of ice, water, and the life forms they nurture […] is arguably unrivalled anywhere in the world” (86).Hobart also plays a significant role in Antarctica’s governance, as the site of the secretariats for the Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources (CCAMLR) and the Agreement on the Conservation of Albatrosses and Petrels (ACAP), and as host of the Antarctic Consultative Treaty Meetings on more than one occasion (1986, 2012). The cultural domain is active, with Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery (TMAG) featuring a permanent exhibit, “Islands to Ice”, emphasising the ocean as connecting the two places; the Mawson’s Huts Replica Museum aiming (among other things) to “highlight Hobart as the gateway to the Antarctic continent for the Asia Pacific region”; and a biennial Australian Antarctic Festival drawing over twenty thousand visitors, about a sixth of them from interstate or overseas (Hingley). Antarctic links are evident in the city’s natural and built environment: the dolerite columns of Mt Wellington, the statue of the Tasmanian Antarctic explorer Louis Bernacchi on the waterfront, and the wharfs that regularly accommodate icebreakers such as the Aurora Australis and the Astrolabe. Antarctica is figured as a southern neighbour; as historian Tom Griffiths puts it, Tasmanians “grow up with Antarctica breathing down their necks” (5). As an Antarctic City, Hobart mediates access to Antarctica both physically and in the cultural imaginary.Perhaps in recognition of the diverse ways in which a region or a city might be connected to Antarctica, researchers have recently been suggesting critical approaches to the ‘gateway’ label. C. Michael Hall points to a fuzziness in the way the term is applied, noting that it has drifted from its initial definition (drawn from economic geography) as denoting an access and supply point to a hinterland that produces a certain level of economic benefits. While Hall looks to keep the term robustly defined to avoid empty “local boosterism” (272–73), Gabriela Roldan aims to move the concept “beyond its function as an entry and exit door”, arguing that, among other things, the local community should be actively engaged in the Antarctic region (57). Leane, examining the representation of Hobart as a gateway in historical travel texts, concurs that “ingress and egress” are insufficient descriptors of Tasmania’s relationship with Antarctica, suggesting that at least discursively the island is positioned as “part of an Antarctic rim, itself sharing qualities of the polar region” (45). The ARC Linkage Project described above, supported by the Hobart City Council, the State Government and the University of Tasmania, as well as other national and international partners, aims to foster the idea of the Hobart and its counterparts as ‘Antarctic cities’ whose citizens act as custodians for the South Polar region, with a genuine concern for and investment in its future.Near and Far: Local Perspectives A changing climate may once again herald a shift in the identity of the Tasmanian islands. Recognition of the central role of Antarctica in regulating the global climate has generated scientific and political re-evaluation of the region. Antarctica is not only the planet’s largest heat sink but is the engine of global water currents and wind patterns that drive weather patterns and biodiversity across the world (Convey et al. 543). For example, Tas van Ommen’s research into Antarctic glaciology shows the tangible connection between increased snowfall in coastal East Antarctica and patterns of drought southwest Western Australia (van Ommen and Morgan). Hobart has become a global centre of marine and Antarctic science, bringing investment and development to the city. As the global climate heats up, Tasmania—thanks to its low latitude and southerly weather patterns—is one of the few regions in Australia likely to remain temperate. This is already leading to migration from the mainland that is impacting house prices and rental availability (Johnston; Landers 1). The region’s future is therefore closely entangled with its proximity to the far south. Salazar writes that “we cannot continue to think of Antarctica as the end of the Earth” (67). Shifting Antarctica into focus also brings Tasmania in from the margins. As an Antarctic city, Hobart assumes a privileged positioned on the global stage. This allows the city to present itself as central to international research efforts—in contrast to domestic views of the place as a small regional capital. The city inhabits dual identities; it is both on the periphery of Australian concerns and at the centre of Antarctic activity. Tasmania, then, is not in freefall, but rather at the forefront of a push to recognise Antarctica as entangled with its neighbours to the north.AcknowledgementsThis work was supported by the Australian Research Council under LP160100210.ReferencesAntonello, Alessandro. “Finding Place in Antarctica.” Antarctica and the Humanities. Eds. Peder Roberts, Lize-Marie van der Watt, and Adrian Howkins. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. 181–204.Australian Government. 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