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1
Vodovnik, Ziga, und Andrej Grubacic. „“Yes, we camp!”: Democracy in the Age Occupy“. Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, Nr. 3 (31.07.2015): 537–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.537-557(2015).
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This article explores the global mass assembly movement, focusing on its redefinitions of democracy and political membership, where one of the most interesting and promising aspects is reaffirmation of spatiality. In a way, the so-called Occupy Movement imagined new concepts of democracy and political membership worked out on a more manageable scale, that is to say, within local communities. We build on the recent scholarly attention given to the notion of nonstate spaces, which we chose to call exilic spaces because they are populated by communities that voluntarily or involuntarily attempt escape from both state regulation and capitalist accumulation.
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Bertuzzi, Niccolò. „Political Generations and the Italian Environmental Movement(s): Innovative Youth Activism and the Permanence of Collective Actors“. American Behavioral Scientist 63, Nr. 11 (08.03.2019): 1556–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831735.
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During recent years, Italian social movements have experienced a period of crisis, in part due to diffuse antipolitical feelings and latent social conflict. However, environmental issues and especially territorial mobilizations remain relevant, due to the appearance of new contentious actors and to the permanence of long-standing organizations and important local grassroots campaigns. Based on 19 semistructured interviews with activists belonging to informal groups and formal associations, this article discusses the role of age and generations within the variegated Italian environmental archipelago, in which organizational and collective aspects prove to currently have a relevant role. Indeed, age does not represent an important fracture, representing a partial anomaly if confronted with the other case studies discussed in this special issue. The only diversities between cohorts are related to the forms of action preferred and (eventually) adopted, while the common perception of job precariousness among young activists is not translated into a single frame and common path of resistance. More than a Millennials’ identity, it is rather appropriate to speak of various and divergent political generations: individuals belonging to different cohorts share some ideologies and visions of the world, especially related to territorial belongings or to specific ways of looking at environmental issues. Also for this reason, a final comparison between contemporary young activists and those of previous generations is proposed to address the generation(s) in movement(s) in a dynamic perspective.
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Gow, James S., und Kathleen M. Grow. „Self-Esteem and Spiritual Vision“. Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 19, Nr. 1 (2007): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2007191/23.
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To fully engage virtue ethics, this essay examines movements in moral education which have led North America's youth simultaneously to the edge of illiteracy of mind and spirit. The self-esteem movement encompasses values clarification, political correctness, and New Age aspects, A mathematical analogy provides a reference point for the necessity of moving from emphasis on theorem-like ideals toward incorporating a sense of moral and spiritual vision. Both cognitively and affectively, this is based in lived relational experience. The inherent opportunities of mystery and choice are key properties in addressing self-centeredness as distinguished from moral and spiritual vision. Humanists and religious believers differ in their recognition of a transcendent God. The essay concludes that to self-select one's own criteria for self-giving may, ironically, render the authentic practice of virtue ethics categorically impossible.
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Pandya, Samta. „‘Social’ Face of the Brahmakumaris in India“. Fieldwork in Religion 8, Nr. 1 (29.10.2013): 50–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.v8i1.50.
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Based on fieldwork, this article analyses the Brahmakumaris movement in India in terms of its contemporary perspectives and praxis nuances. The focus is that its contemporary stance is a mix of millenarianism, simultaneous accommodation-assimilation and subtle exclusivity. Commencing with a brief overview of the charisma, genesis and cultural geographies, the contemporary perspectives and visions on society, stratification, ethics and transformation have been discussed. These include the re-interpretations reflecting in ontology and epistemology, through the Raja Yoga propositions; in cosmology and historicity, through the world tree concept; and, an eventual instrumentalism and “New Age-ification” in praxis. Woven intermittently is the critique of the epistemological hybrid. The “social” angle in praxis nuances comes through aspects of volition, prescriptivism and doctrinarism, and the institutionalized endeavours. The political economy of practice through dimensions of memory and oblivion which determine the operational style has been deliberated. The new thematic and methodological insights gained from fieldwork have been discussed.
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Belin, Luciane Leopoldo. „CONSERVADORISMO COMO DIRETRIZ: O QUE O CONTEÚDO E O LÉXICO DO ENCARTE «NOSSAS CONVICÇÕES» DIZEM SOBRE O JORNAL ‘GAZETA DO POVO’“. INDEX COMUNICACION 10, Nr. 2 (01.06.2020): 169–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33732/ixc/10/02conser.
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This article analyses 28 articles of a manifesto that launched a new phase for the Brazilian newspaper Gazeta do Povo, and officially presented its political opinion on various social, moral, religious and political issues. Mannheim's concept and its applications in the current Brazilian reality, as well as a brief discussion about the transformations of journalism in the digital age, this article uses a methodology divided in two parts —content analysis combined with lexical analysis— to understand what are the characteristics of contemporary conservative thinking present in the material in question. The presence of a critical discourse to the positions of progressive movements such as feminist and LGBTI+, the recurrence of arguments against the right to abortion and the defense of maintaining the concept of the traditional family are some of the results found in the analysis, which also identified the presence of a concern with aspects related to entrepreneurship. In the analyzed content, the idea of «family» appears as a central element and religion, recurrent aspect within the considered content, is associated with the State much more than the rights and autonomy of women.
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Medeiros, Azize Maria Yared de. „Conspiração aquariana revisitada: correlações com as filosofias de Henri Bergson e William James“. PHENOMENOLOGICAL STUDIES - Revista da Abordagem Gestáltica 14, Nr. 1 (2008): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.18065/rag.2008v14n1.10.
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Analysis of the book The Aquarian Conspiracy by Marilyn Ferguson, which focuses on the origins of a New Age within western societies. Ferguson reviews aspects of the social movements that questioned the rational scientific paradigm leading to the birth of a consciousness revolution. After describing the confusion and crisis of belief and knowledge that occurs in post-modern societies, it is shown that Fergusons arguments points out that a rebirth of a new spirituality (based in the search for mystical experiences) is motivated by the idea that true knowledge comes from within the individual. There is a strong correlation between Fergusons assertion and the philosophical studies of Bergson and James in two primary ways: Intuition as a form of knowledge overcomes the limits of rationality and leads to the essence of what is being known, and faith is the result of the will to confirm what we have already anticipated as being real. Our conclusion presents the emergence of a real conspiracy as the foundation of a global spirituality capable of sustaining life on this planet promoted and supported by individuals.
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BOGATYREV, ARSENIY. „THE KING WHO RISES AND REPENTS (TWO HYPOSTASES OF JAN III SOBIESKI IN THE REPORTS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT)“. Культурный код, Nr. 4 (2020): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.36945/2658-3852-2020-4-35-50.
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The Age of Louis XIV is characterized by the pomp and splendor of court ceremonial, which had the goal, among other things, to exalt the figure of the sovereign. But in different traditions, not everything was so clear. This paper examines two seemingly mutually exclusive characteristics of the king of the Polish- Lithuanian Commonwealth, Jan III Sobieski. In the Russian translation of records from the reports of the Moscow permanent embassy in Warsaw, the image of the monarch is combined with the exploits of the crusaders. The passage clarifies some aspects of the political propaganda of the epoch of Jan III, makes it possible to better imagine the folding of his image as a knight of the new crusades against the Muslim Turks. The reference to the crusaders also fills in some gaps in the awareness of some Russians-intellectuals, representatives of high society, about the history of the Crusader movement. Another case studied in the article is not the heroic side of the king, a penitent sinner who begs for forgiveness for a crime of the legendary past. Here a phrase is analyzed, which in the Russian translation of the novel by the popular Polish writer Andrzej Sapkowski "Narrenturm" was rendered as "pal krestom na pol". This is not the first appearance of the expression in Russian - we notice something similar in the notes of the Russian resident in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The author of the article tries to reveal the "semantic levels" of an unusual phrase, to discover the relationship between the utterance and the cultural and political situation in Rzeczpospolita of the XVII century.
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Kirosova, Natalia V. „REVISITING THE ISSUE OF WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN NATIONAL-STATE BUILDING THE KOMI AUTONOMY IN 1920–1930s“. Historical Search 1, Nr. 3 (21.12.2020): 30–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2020-1-3-30-37.
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The study of the gender aspect in the personnel policy of the RCP (b) – ACP (b) during the period of the Soviet power establishment is one of the most interesting historical issues. The article discusses the experience of involving women in the political life of the Komi Autonomous Region – the Komi ASSR in the first years of statehood formation. On the example of creating women’s organizations in the party-state apparatus and their participation in delegate meetings, the first experience of women’s socialization into the “new life” is summarized. The article presents as well the results of analyzing the social-demographic and social-professional information about women-participants of Komi regional party conferences held during the specified period. The study was carried out using such sources as questionnaires and registration lists of women-delegates containing personal data on their age, nationality, party experience, social position, education level. Documents and materials of sixteen party conferences were processed – from January 1922 to January 1940. Based on the study of social characteristics of activists of the women’s movement it is established that mainly representatives of the indigenous nationality took part in the work of the supreme governing body, of whom a significant part belonged to the peasant community. In the composition of the women’s delegate corps of the 1920s there were more women who had secondary education, while at the regional conference held in the 1930s, mainly delegates with primary level of education were present. Personal data obtained from the archival sources give the opportunity to form a generalized social portrait of women, occupying the managerial positions in the party-state authorities. Most of them were communists of indigenous nationality, employees by their social status; they had a secondary or higher education and had the teaching background. The author analyzes their movement through the ranks which changed the social status of the women’s movement activists. However, despite the comprehensive women’s involvement in the socio-political life of the Komi region, in the community of the supreme party-state leadership there was a considerable gender asymmetry.
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Shahinyan, Arsen K. „New Research in the Military History of the Late Rome and early Byzantium. A review of : Mekhamadiev, E. A. (2019). A Military Organization of the Later Roman Empire in 253–353 AD: From Emperor Gallienus’ Reforms to the Age of the Tetrarchy (253–305). St. Petersburg: Peterburgskoe Vostokovedenie Publishers. 406 p.“ Античная древность и средние века 48 (2020): 408–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.024.
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This paper states that the monograph published E. A. Mekhamadiev, a researcher from St. Petersburg, is a fundamental study of the Later Roman military organization, with especial attention to the epigraphic and papyrological accounts. The use of these sources allows the author to reconstruct the history of specific military units, their spatial movements, participation in various military campaigns and wars, and changes in their ranks. Important is that Mekhamadiev examined the internal (organizational) structure of all regional armies of the Roman empire from 253 to 305 and not restricted himself to specific and narrow aspects of history of a particular province or country. The author of the book under present review has analysed the data related to both the eastern and the western imperial provinces, discovered close interrelations of the western and eastern provinces, and indicated permanent movements of the military units from the west to east and in the opposite direction depending on the geopolitical and home political situation.
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Kravchenko, Iryna. „DEVELOPMENT OF THE ARCHITECTURE OF NON-FORMAL EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS IN 1917-1940 ON THE TERRITORY OF UKRAINE“. Current problems of architecture and urban planning, Nr. 60 (26.04.2021): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.32347/2077-3455.2021.60.105-116.
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The study of the periodization of the development of architecture of non-formal education institutions (hereinafter NFEI) combines the following aspects: pedagogical aspect (is the decisive one, according to the author), social, political, scientific and technical aspects that are inherent in the era. The author investigates the developmental periods of architecture of non-formal education institutions. The time limits studied in the article from 1917 to 1940 belong to the second stage of development of NFEIs and their architecture - the period of development and formation. Many scholars and educators note that in Ukraine the existence of non-formal education covers the following areas: extracurricular education; postgraduate education and adult education; civil education; school and student self-government; educational initiatives aimed at developing additional skills and abilities; universities of the third age that provide educational services to the elderly. Given the modern interpretation and combination into a single concept - "lifelong learning" - all forms of education, this article examines the formation of the architecture of additional education institutions for all ages, i.e. analyzes the conditions that led to the creation of appropriate architectural forms, and the main, according to the author, examples and characteristics. This stage of development of NFEIs and their architectural and typological links is the period after the First World War and the beginning of the Soviet Union era. The nature of functioning remains mainly compensatory and educational. During this period, a unique world-renowned system of extracurricular activities is developed. Educational institutions and institutions of additional education in public houses and public schools continue to function. Various professional associations were born in the Soviet Union, and clubs, houses, and palaces of culture began to be built for them. In addition, during this period in Ukraine, religious institutions are gradually losing their influence, and educational functions are transferred to other institutions: libraries, houses and palaces of culture and so on. The beginning of the youth movement, stations of young nature lovers are created. The organization of seasonal (summer) children's camps takes new pedagogical and ideological forms. At this stage, specialized institutions started to form that carried out extracurricular educational work in one specific direction: stations for young naturalists, young technicians, children's railways, children's theaters and cinemas, libraries, sports and music schools - specialized non-formal education institutions. Institutions of a wide profile continued to function and had an appropriate number of offices and workshops - clubs of various types.
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Soteri, Andri, und Paul Heelas. „The New Age Movement“. British Journal of Sociology 48, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1997): 705. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591609.
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Loukakis, Angelos, Johannes Kiess, Maria Kousis und Christian Lahusen. „Born to Die Online? A Cross-National Analysis of the Rise and Decline of Alternative Action Organizations in Europe“. American Behavioral Scientist 62, Nr. 6 (19.04.2018): 837–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218768851.
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Alternative collective initiatives often emerge during hard times, supporting citizens and helping them meet their increasing needs through nonmainstream economic activities. To this end, citizens organize formal and informal alternative action organizations (AAOs). Recent studies have shown that the economic crisis was a trigger for the founding of a wide variety of new AAOs, especially in the countries most affected, such as Greece and Spain. One aspect of AAOs untouched so far, however, is their life span. This article investigates factors that impact on AAOs’ ability to stay active online, using fresh data on their organizational profiles from their organizational websites. It offers a comparative, systematic analysis of the age structure and the activity rate of AAOs in nine European countries (Greece, Germany, Italy, France, Spain, the United Kingdom, Poland, Switzerland, and Sweden), for the 2007-2016 period. Following the classic resource mobilization theory, we conclude that the lifeline of these organizations, as that of social movement organizations, even when their forms are innovative and alternative, depends on adequate resources.
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Jonas, Uffe. „Kvinde-Evangeliet: Om Grundtvigs mandebilleder og kvindesyner“. Grundtvig-Studier 58, Nr. 1 (01.01.2007): 168–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v58i1.16515.
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Kvinde-Evangeliet: Om Grundtvigs mandebilleder og kvindesyner[The Women ’s Gospel: On Grundtvig ’s images of men and women]By Uffe JonasGrundtvig’s ideals of maleness and femaleness stand in complex relationship. He has generally been perceived as a classic patriarch, pater familias, father of both nation and church, of which he was a chosen prophet. This prophetic-patriarchal pillar makes up what might reasonably be called the masculine column of his work. Yet at the same time his domestic roles engaged him with the feminine side of life and supplied him with a fund of personal and intimate experience.From this he drew much of his life-philosophy, which is sensitive, sensible and erotic through and through. Not only was he a great and faithful lover of women, but his images of manliness are permeated by feminine ideals such as dialogue, wisdom, poetry, compassion, tenderness, human equality. With a strongly masculine pathos, he tends to favour feminine values and virtues as heralding the future in a modem world - seen not only in a social and political perspective but also, and to a larger extent, in the philosophical or spiritual perspectives from which his surprisingly positive views on womanhood originate.He was a European thinker and a universalist whose primitive-Christian viewpoint gave him a well developed sense of both the strengths and the delusions of modernity and, not least, of a new more liberal perception of womanhood - to which he himself was a significant contributor. He operated within a clearly established hierarchy of values, in which the love of his people was only one among the components of an ever increasing tonality of personal human and divine connections.Patriotism and the movement for national revival were certainly at the core of his political activities, but stood neither first nor highest in his spiritual scale of values, where concepts of the humane and the Christian were more highly cherished. Indeed, his national, popular and political concerns, which gave rise to the Grundtvigian movement, are only meaningful if seen in the superior philosophical, humane, and spiritual perspectives within which he himself conceived them.National revivalism was in itself an international phenomenon, and Grundtvig was a European philosopher and Christian universalist both before and after he became the Danish national standard bearer.Essential aspects of his thinking were overlooked, misperceived or even actively repressed in that national-popular foreshortening of perspectives entailed in the establishment of Grundtvigianism as a historical and political force. Lost in this process were Grundtvig’s highly personal and advanced philosophical, theological and even cosmological views on womankind, which instead led a kind of shadow existence at a semi-articulated level within the “late patriarchal system” of early Grundtvigianism - never completely out of the picture, but rather worked on the anecdotal level, on solemn and celebratory occasions, where they have served as an important historical and poetical inspiration through generations whilst at the same time not causing too much immediate trouble at the more intricate levels of social and sexual checks and balances.Thus in Grundtvig’s thinking all human progress and enlightenment, in fact the entire development of humanity itself, stands under the living, breeding and life-bringing sign of a warmhearted womanhood. As poet, philosopher and theologian, and through his (relative to any contemporary perspective) unusually high estimation of “the hjertelige [heart-led] gender” Grundtvig has devised a great corpus of symbolisations in which the feminine virtues are most highly valued, even to the extent of a complementary and equal valuation of the sexes. From it, succeeding generations - and women not least - have been able to draw human and political advantages and inspiration which is still far from exhausted. Indeed, appreciation of it is only now dawning on our own, perhaps sexually better balanced and spiritually better prepared age. Yet, notwithstanding many scattered sketches and a few more penetrating scholarly enquiries, this all-permeating sexual and critical aspect of Grundtvig’s thinking has never been the subject of a sufficiently comprehensive treatment.
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Kyle, R. „The Political Ideas of the New Age Movement“. Journal of Church and State 37, Nr. 4 (01.09.1995): 831–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/37.4.831.
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Holloway, Julian. „Institutional geographies of the New Age movement“. Geoforum 31, Nr. 4 (November 2000): 553–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0016-7185(00)00023-3.
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SHIMAZONO, Susumu. „“New Age Movement” or “New Spirituality Movements and Culture”?“ Social Compass 46, Nr. 2 (Juni 1999): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003776899046002002.
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Kretalovs, Deniss. „BASIC ASPECTS OF THE POLITICAL IDEOLOGY OF THE RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT „NEW GENERATION”“. Via Latgalica, Nr. 2 (31.12.2009): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2009.2.1605.
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The subject of the article – the religious organization “New Generation” – is discussed as a new religious movement, and in the aspect of sociology of religion is to be typologically interpreted as a Christian neo-charismatic evangelical movement having formed as a result of cleavage. Attention is focused on the ways of political collaboration of the movement “New Generation” and the fundamental aspects of its political ideology. The choice of the study subject is grounded on the lengthy and active activity of the group in the territory of Latvia, its topicality, popularity and dynamic growth in the material as well as in the social and political aspects. It is proved by several indicators of social attention and identification – the number of publications in press, intensity of thematic discussions and forums on the Internet, publicity measures, TV broadcasts, political and public activities. The aim of the paper is to identify the main aspects of the political ideology of the religious organization “New Generation” by analyzing the available sources. In order to clear up these aspects, it is necessary to view the courses of activity of the religious organization and its activities in the spheres of civil, public and political participation. As the reference objects, mass media materials have been used as well as periodicals featuring the discourse of the organization (interviews with the organization leaders). As the primary source, the book New World Order by Alexey Ledyaev, the founder and main leader of „New Generation”, has been used in which he voices the main postulates of his revelation as well as the political guidelines for the future development of the system of administration of the world and of Latvia. The book of A. Ledyaev is to be judged as the quintessence of the political ideology of „New Generation” following which the social life in the congregation of this movement has been formed and ensured and which determines the degree of political participation and content of the movement adherents. The following hypothesis is brought forward in the study – the elements and aspects forming the political ideology and the system of world-outlook and values of the religious movement “New Generation” clearly indicate a representation of the ideology of the Christian reconstructionism and its adaptation to the context and political situation of Latvia. Factors like the social agents involved in the formation of communication networks, the rhetoric of expression used in the construction of the space for discourse, the content of ideas reflected in the narratives applied in the context of the organization, models of development planning of the strategic policy and political slogans allow identification of “New Generation” as a religious movement oriented to Christian fundamentalism, which construct its political ideology using the political technologies and action models of the rightist Christians. The political ideology realized by the organization contains features of Christian reconstructionism – political programmes and strategies. On this score, „New Generation” belongs to those Christian fundamentalist organizations that practise a radical and clearly targeted policy.
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Oza, Preeti. „BUDDHISM IN MODERN INDIA: ASSERTION OF IDENTITY AND AUTHORITY FOR DALITS (SOCIAL CHANGES AND CULTURAL HISTORY)“. GAP BODHI TARU - A GLOBAL JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES 2, Nr. 3 (08.12.2019): 46–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.47968/gapbodhi.230010.
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In the Lotus Sutra (the first Sutra introduced into China and Vietnam from India), the Buddha is described as the most respected and loved creature who walked on two feet. This was precisely the reason why Dalits in India have started the Navayana Buddhism or the Neo- Buddhist movement which is a very socially and politically engaged form of Buddhism. For Dalits, whose material circumstances were very different from the ainstream upper castes, the motivation always remained: to learn about suffering and to reach its end, in each person‘s life and in society. Many of them have turned to Dhamma in response to the Buddha‘s central message about suffering and the end of suffering. Previously lower-caste Hindus, the Indian Buddhists in Nagpur converted under the olitical influence of Babasaheb Ambedkar, the author of India‘s constitution, to denounce caste oppression. They became Buddhist for political and spiritual reasons, and today, the implications of their actions continue to unfold in many ways. Their belief in the four seals of Buddhism – All compounded things are impermanent, All emotions are the pain, All things have no inherent existence and Nirvana is beyond concepts, have made them renounce the atrocities and injustice of Hindu savarnas which were carried on since last many centuries. It is well known that Buddha began his investigation into the mysteries of life by his acute awareness of the painful aspects of his immediate experiences. His encounter with the disease, old age, death, and its sorrowful effects were instrumental in developing a whole philosophy based on the fact of suffering (duḥkha).In his book The Buddha and His Dhamma, Dr. Ambedkar has proposed his concept of Navaya Buddhism which was not very similar to the mainstream traditional Buddhism. His idea was more to discard the practices of karma, rebirth in an afterlife, or related rituals and to use religion in terms of class struggle and social equality. He adopts science, activism, and social reform as a form of Engaged Buddhism. Many critics have identified this phenomenon as a synthesis of the ideas of modern Karl Marx into the structure of ideas by the ancient Buddha. ―Whenever the ethical or moral value of activities or conditions is questioned, the value of religion is involved; and all deep-stirring experiences invariably compel a reconsideration of the most fundamental ideas, whether they are explicitly religious or not.‖ (Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics). This paper tries to discuss the role of Buddhism in Modern Indian social problematic reference to context.
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Markovich, Slobodan. „Patterns of national identity development among the Balkan orthodox Christians during the nineteenth century“. Balcanica, Nr. 44 (2013): 209–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1344209m.
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The paper analyses the development of national identities among Balkan Orthodox Christians from the 1780s to 1914. It points to pre-modern political subsystems in which many Balkan Orthodox peasants lived in the Ottoman Empire at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The Serbian and Greek uprisings/revolutions are analyzed in the context of the intellectual climate of the Enlightenment. Various modes of penetration of the ideas of the Age of Revolution are analyzed as well as the ways in which new concepts influenced proto-national identities of Serbs and Romans/Greeks. The author accepts Hobsbawm?s concept of proto-national identities and identifies their ethno-religious identity as the main element of Balkan Christian Orthodox proto-nations. The role of the Orthodox Church in the formation of ethno-religious proto-national identity and in its development into national identity during the nineteenth century is analyzed in the cases of Serbs, Romans/ Greeks, Vlachs/Romanians and Bulgarians. Three of the four Balkan national movements fully developed their respective national identities through their own ethnic states, and the fourth (Bulgarian) developed partially through its ethnic state. All four analyzed identities reached the stage of mass nationalism by the time of the Balkan Wars. By the beginning of the twentieth century, only Macedonian Slavs kept their proto-national ethno-religious identity to a substantial degree. Various analyzed patterns indicate that nascent national identities coexisted with fluid and shifting protonational identities within the same religious background. Occasional supremacy of social over ethnic identities has also been identified. Ethnification of the Orthodox Church, in the period 1831-1872, is viewed as very important for the development of national movements of Balkan Orthodox Christians. A new three-stage model of national identity development among Balkan Orthodox Christians has been proposed. It is based on specific aspects in the development of these nations, including: the insufficient development of capitalist society, the emergence of ethnic states before nationalism developed in three out of four analyzed cases, and an inappropriate social structure with a bureaucratic class serving the same role as the middle class had in more developed European nationalisms. The three phases posed three different questions to Balkan Christian Orthodox national activists. Phase 1: Who are we?; Phase 2: What to do with our non-liberated compatriots; and Phase 3: Has the mission of national unification been fulfilled?
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Bratsis, Peter. „Political Corruption in the Age of Transnational Capitalism“. Historical Materialism 22, Nr. 1 (06.05.2014): 105–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341334.
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Abstract The emergence of the ever-growing anti-corruption movement from the early ’90s onwards has proven itself to be of considerable importance in how we understand and explain global inequalities as well as in redefining corruption as a lack of transparency. This paper examines the timing and content of this international anti-corruption movement. It argues that, following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the deepening of an increasingly transnational capitalism, anti-corruption discourse has arisen as a new version of the ‘white man’s burden’, a justification for intervention into the domestic politics of less powerful states as well as an explanation for their relative poverty. Concurrently, the anti-corruption movement has functioned to push states into increasing their autonomy with respect to local interests and fractions of capital in order to become more subservient and hospitable to transnational capital as a whole.
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Ruggiero, Vincenzo. „New Social Movements and the ‘Centri Sociali’ in Milan“. Sociological Review 48, Nr. 2 (Mai 2000): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.00210.
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This paper discusses the social movement known in Italy as the movement of the centri sociali. The empirical material presented relies heavily on the centri sociali operating in Milan. Such material offers the opportunity to revisit issues related to social movement theories. In part one, a brief overview of these theories is sketched, and concepts suggested by both resource mobilisation theorists and new social movements theorists are presented. Attempts to unify the two approaches are also briefly reviewed. In part two, the origin of the centri sociali is traced. Some of the motives and practices inspiring the movement are described as a legacy, though re-elaborated and re-contextualised, of the particularly troubled, if compelling, Italian 1970s. The methodology used for the empirical work undertaken is then presented. Finally, the discussion moves back to social movement theories, against which the movement of the centri sociali is analysed. Here, the utility of some aspects of both resource mobilisation and new social movement theories will be underlined, thus adding a modest, tentative, contribution to previous attempts to elaborate a synthesis between the two approaches.
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Barnard, Alex V. „‘Waving the banana’ at capitalism: Political theater and social movement strategy among New York’s ‘freegan’ dumpster divers“. Ethnography 12, Nr. 4 (25.11.2011): 419–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1466138110392453.
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This article presents an ethnographic study of ‘freegans’, individuals who use behaviors like dumpster diving for discarded food and voluntary unemployment to protest against environmental degradation and capitalism. While freegans often present their ideology as a totalizing lifestyle which impacts all aspects of their lives, in practice, freegans emphasize what would seem to be the most repellant aspect of their movement: eating wasted food. New Social Movement (NSM) theory would suggest that behaviors like dumpster diving are intended to assert difference and an alternative identity, rather than make more traditional social movement claims. Through the lens of social dramaturgy, I engage with New Social Movement theory by arguing that unconventional tactics like dumpster diving can also have strategic components, serving to project a favorable image of movement organizations, recruit new participants, and achieve a positive portrayal in the mainstream media.
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Anechiarico, Frank. „The New Public Management at Middle Age: Critiques of the Performance Movement“. Public Administration Review 67, Nr. 4 (Juli 2007): 783–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6210.2007.00761.x.
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Hackett, R. „Worldviews in Transition: An Investigation into the New Age Movement in South Africa“. Religion 30, Nr. 3 (Juli 2000): 304–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/reli.2000.0258.
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Tunali, Tijen. „Humour as political aesthetics in street protests during the political Ice Age“. European Journal of Humour Research 8, Nr. 2 (18.07.2020): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2020.8.2.tunali.
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This article analyses humour as a part of carnival aesthetics in urban social movements. It regards humour’s place in street protests as an aesthetic experience that brings forth an interplay of joy, imagination and freedom. Drawing from social movement theory regarding collective identity and collectivism, aesthetic theory and Mikhail Bakhtin’s theory of carnivalesque, this paper examines the link between humour and carnival aesthetics in recent social movements. It argues that carnival laughter initiates a process of symbiosis that opens relationships with others and allows recognition of democratic diversity, aesthetic sensibility and political dignity—essential for the reconstruction of a new space that is resistant to the politically imposed world crisis. It asks: could humour be one of the social catalysts we need during the authoritarian turn in a political Ice Age instigated by conservative populism? Drawing on examples from the Gezi Movement in Turkey in 2013, the article demonstrates how humour is not just a tool to consolidate solidarities but a definitive aesthetic experience that, in the context of the street protests, becomes the antidote to hegemonic-sense-making mechanisms and the greyness of our collective thinking.
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Schlosberg, David. „Communicative Action in Practice: Intersubjectivity and New Social Movements“. Political Studies 43, Nr. 2 (Juni 1995): 291–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1995.tb01713.x.
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Critical theory has two distinct aims: the analysis and critique of particular existing oppressions, and the more emancipatory or reconstructive method or goal needed to move beyond current conditions. But often critical theory is too preoccupied with the first moment to consider the second. This essay examines the evolution of the notion of communicative action and a number of current debates surrounding especially Habermas's theory. It then examines two existing social change movements which incorporate aspects of communicative action into their everyday practices–the Alternative Dispute Resolution movement and the Direct Action movement–and illustrates how certain theoretical dilemmas are actually played out. The argument is that the practices of communicative action can help illuminate academic debates. Critical practice is not only an expression of critical theory, but can be used as an ongoing reflective guide for that theory.
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Rogan, Frances, und Shelley Budgeon. „The Personal is Political: Assessing Feminist Fundamentals in the Digital Age“. Social Sciences 7, Nr. 8 (09.08.2018): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7080132.
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The ‘personal is political’ has long been recognised as the definitive slogan of second-wave feminism but can it still inform our understanding of the contemporary practice of feminism? Questioning the importance of this claim now invites us to critically reflect upon the trajectory Western feminism has followed in light of the efforts made by the Women’s Liberation movement to politicise formerly unquestioned aspects of social relations. In this paper, the significance of this feminist slogan will be assessed by locating it within two broadly defined historical periods. Firstly we identify the critical work performed by the ideas expressed in the slogan in the early years of the 1970s and then assess their continued relevance within the context of the early 21st century. Drawing upon the empirical analysis of young women’s experience of and relationship to feminism via their engagement with social media in Britain, this research critically assesses digital spaces as places where young women explore their personal experiences. We aim to understand how this may constitute a contemporary form of feminist practice consistent with the claim that ‘the personal is political’.
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Rothstein, Jeffrey S. „No One Size Fits All: Worker Organization, Policy, and Movement in a New Economic Age“. Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 49, Nr. 2 (19.02.2020): 157–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306120902418n.
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Hann, C. „A new double movement? Anthropological perspectives on property in the age of neoliberalism“. Socio-Economic Review 5, Nr. 2 (01.03.2006): 287–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwl027.
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Botvar, Pål Ketil. „Alternative Religion – A New Political Cleavage?: An Analysis of Norwegian Survey Data on New Forms of Spirituality“. Politics and Religion 2, Nr. 3 (07.10.2009): 378–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048309990228.
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AbstractThe article addresses the relationship between religion and politics, and combines theories on religious change with theories on political cleavages. Empirical evidence is presented from a Norwegian survey of new forms of religiosity and political attitudes. Woodhead and Heelas (2004) have posited the hypothesis that a silent revolution is taking place where (traditional) religion is giving way to what they call “spirituality of life.” This article questioned the assumption that the individualistic and consumer-oriented New Age movement of the 1980s and 1990s has developed into a new religious movement that is concerned with life quality and social questions. According to the literature on political cleavages, certain demands have to be fulfilled before a social divide or a conflict develops into a full political cleavage. With respect to alternative religion, the empirical analysis reveals that the main obstacle is related to the lack of a collective ideological platform.
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Polletta, Francesca. „SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN AN AGE OF PARTICIPATION*“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 21, Nr. 4 (01.12.2016): 485–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-21-4-485.
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How have social movements fared in an era marked by new enthusiasm for citizen participation? I identify several features of today's participatory landscape that make it different from earlier ones, including its scale and scope, its reliance on the Internet, and its relation to state power that is dispersed among multiple actors. Then I trace the mixed consequences of these features for social movement groups.
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Ackerman, Susan E. „Falun Dafa and the New Age Movement in Malaysia: Signs of Health, Symbols of Salvation“. Social Compass 52, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2005): 495–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768605058186.
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Winter, Franz. „A “Greek God” in a Japanese New Religion: On Hermes in Kōfuku-no-Kagaku“. Numen 60, Nr. 4 (2013): 420–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341275.
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Abstract The article deals with the presence of the “Greek god” Hermes in the Japanese new religious movement Kōfuku-no-Kagaku, which was founded in 1986. The various references are interpreted in light of the history and development of the movement and with regard to its setting in present-day Japanese religious culture. In addition to the importance of several aspects of the reception of the Euro-American New Age tradition and the prophecies of Nostradamus, the fact that the figure of Hermes is presented as the hero of several manga and anime productions of Kōfuku-no-Kagaku is also taken into consideration. This leads to the theoretical question of the importance of the new media of representation of religious content and the effect this approach has on the development of the various groups.
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Wałdoch, Marcin. „Dociekliwi jako nowy ruch społeczny: aspekty polityczne realizacji prawa dostępu do informacji publicznej w Polsce“. Politeja 16, Nr. 4(61) (31.12.2019): 379–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.61.21.
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The Inquisitives as a New Social Movement: Political Aspects of Exercising the Right for the Access to Information in Poland
In this paper, the author analyzes the new social movement labeled „The Inquisitives”. It apparently has its roots in political thought and in philosophy of „the right to know”. Poland adopted the Act on Access to Public Information (2001) to give citizens the formal right to inquire about the public affairs. The information society strives for information about political issues, and about political-public affairs. The author of this paper has stated two hypothesis that (1) a new social movement – the Inquisitives has been occurring in Poland and (2) access to public information has been used for political struggle. The author aims to explore aims, genesis, background, roles, functions, and political values of The Inquisitives within categories such as political scandals, corruption, interest groups, power concentration.
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Rougier, Marine, Dominique Muller, François Ric, Theodore Alexopoulos, Cédric Batailler, Annique Smeding und Benoite Aubé. „A new look at sensorimotor aspects in approach/avoidance tendencies: The role of visual whole-body movement information“. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 76 (Mai 2018): 42–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2017.12.004.
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Sussman, Leonard R. „The MacBride Movement: Old ‘New Order’ leads to the new“. Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 50, Nr. 2-3 (Oktober 1992): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929205000202.
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‘The MacBride Movement’ was the culmination of the campaign by the Non- aligned Movement to secure a better share of the global communications flows, while improving coverage by the dominant Western news media of Third World information and political objectives. The Soviet bloc, for its own Cold War objectives, joined the Nonaligned's bid for some ‘new world information and communication order’. With the MacBride Commission's report in 1980, following the relatively moderate Mass Communication Declaration at Unesco in 1978, the Nonaligned Movement's drive for NWICO reached its peak. This was the result, I maintain, mainly of 1) the changed global geopolitics, demonstrated spectacularly in 1989–91, and 2) the opportunities for diversity of information flows provided by the new communications technologies. They had already demonstrated they could generate and sustain political revolutions in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The paper traces the ‘Hegelian dialectic’ of events preceding and during the rise of the MacBride Movement: the ‘old order’ (Thesis, or Western dominance) from 1946 to 1976, the old ‘new order’ (Antithesis, or Nonaligned-Soviet challenge) from 1976 to 1989, and the new ‘New Order’ (Synthesis, or coming age of ISDN) from 1989. ISDN, integrated systems of digital networks – the networking of networks, worldwide – provides 'small’ communications capabilities (telephone, fax, copier, computer, radio particularly FM) tied to the long-distance lines (satellites, fiber optics, computer links). The cost of linkage will drop dramatically as each new facility is mass-distributed, and as competition – especially system competing against system – reduces the cost to the citizen. There are, indeed, dangers in mass linkage. The Orwell warning is appropriate. But this paper argues that competition and government regulation (replacing censorship in many places) will prevent the monopolization by commercial interests, as diverse communication machines in the hands of citizens will prevent government monopolies. As a consequence, there were mainly winners in the decade-long debates in Unesco over NWICO. The developing countries are beginning to receive aid in building communication infrastructures, Western coverage of their news is improving, and developing-world citizens will increasingly have access to the domestic as well as international information flows. The West, meanwhile, has ended the bitter debates over NWICO, and the perceived threat of new forms of media censorship from governments or intergovernmental organizations.
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Santos, José Carlos Messias. „“PEER PIRACY”: aspectos centrais da produção por pares e da pirataria e suas contribuições nas transições do capitalismo contemporâneo“. P2P E INOVAÇÃO 1, Nr. 1 (28.10.2014): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21721/p2p.2014v1n1.p77-90.
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ResumoNão há dúvidas de que a pirataria digital contemporânea é produzida coletivamente por “peers”, no entanto, o título deste artigo não diz respeito apenas às características da pirataria em si – embora elas devam ser retomadas em algum ponto. A escolha de “Peer Piracy” como título denota uma intenção de tratar dos atributos particulares dessas duas formas de apropriação cultural à luz da filosofia política, especialmente os trabalhos de Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze, Antonio Negri e Michael Hardt. Entendendo que essas são práticas opostas, ou pelo menos contraditórias entre si, do ponto de vista econômico/legal (e talvez ético), esse artigo não pretende juntá-las ou realizar um estudo sobre seu entrelaçamento histórico e político. Pelo contrário, busca-se apontar como essas práticas marcam uma fase de transição do capitalismo global, e, acredita-se, estariam contribuindo, em suas singularidades e oposições, para construção de uma nova constituição econômica, política, social e cultural do presente.Abstract Amidst the many political themes surrounding our contemporary age, one that draws more attention concerns the philosophical and legal discussion about property, especially (but not restricted to) intellectual property and copyright. Actually, it would be no exaggeration to say that the notion of private property as a whole is changing and that this transformations leads also to socio-economical, political and cultural consequences. In Digital Culture – one of the main poles of this scenario in dispute – the hacker and peer-to-peer (P2P) movements can be highlighted as two preponderant elements in the conceptual and quite physical taken of property. Nevertheless, it is necessary to inform that this paper does not intend to advocate in favor of this or that cause, but to show how this is a contemporary situation that must be an object of study in academia. In this sense, the Occupy movements, open software, collaborative economies and hacker groups (such as Anonymous) can be used as examples of the penetration of this thematic in our days. However, they must not be considered isolated cases of insurgency against the capitalist system and its means of production, but as manifestations of a structural change, a status quo modification, in the actual idea of property and its usage. Regarding hacker culture, the reference to our investigation will be a set of works commonly related with the so called cognitive capitalism and its respective influences, largely the French political philosophy. In the case of peer production, beyond the already mentioned bibliography, some authors such as Bauwens et al. were chosen in an attempt to establish a more integrative counterpoint to this cultural and consumption logics. Contemporary digital piracy is obviously peer-based yet the title of this short essay does not regard the characteristics of piracy in itself – although they will be addressed at some point. The choice for “peer piracy” as the title marks our intention to speak about the particular attributes of these two kinds of cultural appropriation. Understanding that these are opposed or at least contradictory practices in an economical/legal point of view, this paper intends not to mingle them together or study how they would be intertwined historically or politically. On the contrary, we seek to indicate how each one of them, in their own singularities, may be used to build a new economical, political and social constitution of the present. Thus, as a way to situate the debate inside this theoretical background, first it is necessary a short summary about what this essay understands for cognitive capitalism and how this conceptual operative fits in the socio-economical transitions of the last 30/40 years.
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TOMICZEK, Martyna. „Diaspora diplomacy –about a new dimension of diplomacy,the example of a New Emigrationnon-governmental organisation“. Journal of Education Culture and Society 2, Nr. 2 (14.01.2020): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20112.105.123.
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In recent years, the migration movement, which tends to be oriented towards Great Britain, reached its climax at the moment when Poland became afully-fledged memberof the European Union. years following Poland’s accession have witnessed an enormous outbreak of Polish exodus – leaving their own country they were trying to find anew placeabroad. Among the plurality of motives, we could point to such as: hope for abetter life and improving personal material situation, amore interesting life in amultinational society and becoming a“world man”, necessity and curiosity. Results were also much more complica-ted than anyone could ever imagine. The causes and effects of the Polish exodus constituted an inescapable subject of analysis and research. The Polish migration movement can be considered in many aspects. This unique phe-nomenon has its economic, political, social and psychosocial dimensions – each of them is worth profound analysis. Within each of the previously mentioned dimensions arese-archer would find singularly important and specific phenomena regarding the migration movement – phenomena which are at the very core of the lives of migrants’ succeeding generations. Undoubtedly, one of the dimensions of the New Polish Emigration analysis could be referred to public diplomacy strategy. This thesis will be the main framework of this paper.
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Kratochvíl, Petr. „Geopolitics of Catholic Pilgrimage: On the Double Materiality of (Religious) Politics in the Virtual Age“. Religions 12, Nr. 6 (16.06.2021): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12060443.
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This article explores geopolitical aspects of Catholic pilgrimage in Europe. By exploring the representations of pilgrimage on Catholic social media, it shows that the increasing influence of the virtual is accompanied by a particular reassertion of the material aspects of pilgrimage. Two types of Catholic pilgrimage emerge, each with a particular spatial and political orientation. The first type of pilgrimage is predominantly politically conservative, but also spatially static, focusing on objects, be they human bodies or sacred sites. The second type is politically progressive, but also spatially dynamic, stressing pilgrimage as movement or a journey. The classic Turnerian conceptualization of a pilgrimage as a three-phase kinetic ritual thus falls apart, with liminality appropriated by the progressive type and aggregation almost entirely taken over by the conservative, apparitional pilgrimage. As a result, pilgrimage has once again become a geopolitical reflection of the broader ideological contestation both within Christianity and beyond.
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von Bülow, Marisa. „THE SURVIVAL OF LEADERS AND ORGANIZATIONS IN THE DIGITAL AGE: LESSONS FROM THE CHILEAN STUDENT MOVEMENT*“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 23, Nr. 1 (01.03.2018): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-23-1-45.
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This article analyzes the impacts of the process of appropriation of social media on social movement organizations and leaders. It focuses on the case of the Chilean student movement and the cycle of protests that began in 2011. The analysis is based on a multimethods approach, bringing together content analysis of qualitative interviews and focus groups, and three years of network data on Twitter users. It shows that the appropriation of Twitter not only reproduced but actually reinforced preexisting asymmetries among actors. However, during the period studied, organizations put in motion control strategies to try to overcome these asymmetries and to use them to their advantage. Paradoxically, some of these led to greater asymmetries instead of greater equalization. Social movement theories on organizational forms and internal democracy demonstrate the continuous relevance of the “paradoxes of participation,” as social movements include new digital technologies in their traditional repertoires.
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Krason, Steven M. „Old and New Tyrannies Borne of Lust“. Catholic Social Science Review 24 (2019): 247–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr2019243.
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This was one of SCSS President Stephen M. Krason’s “Neither Left nor Right, but Catholic” columns that appear monthly in Crisis and The Wanderer. In it, he discusses how the current oppressive actions directed against those who oppose or dissent on religious grounds to various aspects of the sexual revolution—such as the agenda of the homosexualist movement—are in line with the oppressive actions directed against those who opposed blatant sexual immorality by politically powerful figures at earlier historical times, such as King Henry VIII in England. Effectively, sexual immorality has at times in history paved the way for political tyranny and reshaped nations.
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Hidayat, Rakhmat. „Democratic Citizenship of Teacher Movement in Indonesia Post-Soeharto: Between Democratic Citizenship and Civic Engagement“. Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 6, Nr. 3 (28.09.2018): 479. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v6i3.236.
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After May 1998, Indonesia began the transition from centralization to the era of autonomy. During 32 years, Soeharto’s New Order regime (1966-1998) demonstrated authoritarian regime in many sectors, like politics, economics, social, especially in education. The political freedom of the Reform era has opened up an opportunity for the revival of social movements in Indonesia. Reform has enabled more open political structure, including a friendlier political atmosphere for the teacher movement. The purpose of this research is to explain how teacher movement in Indonesia made transformation from authoritarian which close movement to liberal with open movement. In New Order regime with authoritarian performance, Persatuan Guru Republik Indonesia (Teacher Union in Indonesia) is as the single actor. The paper discussed three main aspects: (1) the explanation of the emerging of teacher movements in the process of democratic citizenship (2) the dynamics of teacher movement in developing teacher capacity in era of decentralization of Indonesia (3) the relations of teacher movement between the civil societies in era of decentralization. The teacher movement influences Indonesia’s democratization process. Teacher movement has contributed substantially in increasing participation and democracy in Indonesia, building the legal and institutional infrastructure for democracy, and providing voice and educational advocacy in supporting the reform.
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Wenzel, Michal. „Solidarity and Akcja Wyborcza ‘Solidarnosc'. An Attempt At Reviving the Legend“. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, Nr. 2 (01.06.1998): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00007-5.
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The paper is an attempt to analyse Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS), the biggest political coalition in Poland, in the context of the historical development of the Solidarity movement. In particular, two aspects are considered: the value system of the “old” and “new” Solidarity, and the relative importance of the trade union and political goals and modes of activity. The basic hypothesis advanced in the paper is, that the AWS is an attempt to institutionalise trade union control over the political party in the name of clearly defined values. Thus, compared with the “first Solidarity”, the movement has become both more exclusive and more focused in its goals. Values and interests converge in defining its new identity. The paper distinguishes three stages in the existence of the movement (1980–81, 1988–89, and 1996–98) and investigates all three of them. The stress, however, is put on the last of the three.
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Fey, James. „Book Review: A Review of The New Math: A Political History“. Journal for Research in Mathematics Education 47, Nr. 4 (Juli 2016): 420–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/jresematheduc.47.4.0420.
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For mathematics educators of a certain age or those with particular expertise in the history of mathematics education, the appearance of a book that purports to describe, analyze, and explain the “new math” movement of the 1950s and 1960s quite reasonably prompts the question: What else could possibly be said about that iconic era? Others with less experience in or historical knowledge of the field might pass on the book because they are only vaguely aware of the new math as a longago and thoroughly discredited effort to reform school mathematics curricula and teaching. However, I think mathematics educators in both groups–knowledgeable veterans and newcomers to the field–will find Christopher J. Phillips's retelling of the new math story a fascinating read that is filled with timeless insights into the academic and political dynamics of school mathematics and, more broadly, American education.
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Johnston, Hank, und Shoon Lio. „Collective Behavor and Social Movements in the Postmodern Age: Looking Backward to Look Forward“. Sociological Perspectives 41, Nr. 3 (September 1998): 453–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389559.
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This article specifies several ways in which the collective behavior portion of Collective Behavior/Social Movement (CBSM) studies may be revitalized in the near future. The revitalization will occur because repertoires of extra-institutional challenge emerging in the postmodern age seem to fall outside the way social movements have been theorized in the last twenty-five years. Today's postmodern trends—increasing consumerism and affluence, individualism, demographic complexity, ideological diversity, global migration, and constant innovation in communications technology—have proliferated new social identities and deconstructed social identities imposed by the Other. As a result, postmodernity's complexities are multiplying the number of small, diverse, and diffuse groupings defining themselves in challenging ways outside the corridors of politics. Indeed these groupings may in the years to come recast what some see as a social movement society into a CBSM Society of diverse challenges to the institutional order.
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Narayan, John. „British Black Power: The anti-imperialism of political blackness and the problem of nativist socialism“. Sociological Review 67, Nr. 5 (16.04.2019): 945–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119845550.
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The history of the US Black Power movement and its constituent groups such as the Black Panther Party has recently gone through a process of historical reappraisal, which challenges the characterization of Black Power as the violent, misogynist and negative counterpart to the Civil Rights movement. Indeed, scholars have furthered interest in the global aspects of the movement, highlighting how Black Power was adopted in contexts as diverse as India, Israel and Polynesia. This article highlights that Britain also possessed its own distinctive form of Black Power movement, which whilst inspired and informed by its US counterpart, was also rooted in anti-colonial politics, New Commonwealth immigration and the onset of decolonization. Existing sociological narratives usually locate the prominence and visibility of British Black Power and its activism, which lasted through the 1960s to the early 1970s, within the broad history of UK race relations and the movement from anti-racism to multiculturalism. However, this characterization neglects how such Black activism conjoined explanations of domestic racism with issues of imperialism and global inequality. Through recovering this history, the article seeks to bring to the fore a forgotten part of British history and also examines how the history of British Black Power offers valuable lessons about how the politics of anti-racism and anti-imperialism should be united in the 21st century.
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Roper, L. H. „New Albion: Anatomy of an English Colonisation Failure, 1632–1659“. Itinerario 32, Nr. 1 (März 2008): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300001698.
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Where do episodes of colonising failure fit into the historiography of European expansion? Almost by definition, this field, especially those aspects of it concerned with colonial social formation, privileges the study of those colonies which became established. Nor does an enquiry into failure have much to offer to those who have adopted the increasingly popular “Atlantic” perspective on European overseas activity. The students in this school of thought stress the importance of the commercial and social links between European-American settlements, as well as with Africa and Europe. These were forged through the unprecedented movement of people and commodities generated by early modern overseas activity, especially across the Atlantic Ocean. These connections and the corresponding mingling of peoples from four continents constitute the key elements in the development of “modernity” and the creation of a manifestly new world.
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May, Vanessa, und Stewart Muir. „Everyday Belonging and Ageing: Place and Generational Change“. Sociological Research Online 20, Nr. 1 (Februar 2015): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3555.
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In this paper, we discuss findings from a study on intergenerational relationalities in order to examine some aspects of how people over 50 years of age experience belonging in their everyday lives. Belonging emerged not as a single unitary ‘thing’, but a complex intersecting of relational, cultural and sensory experiences. We explore how people, place, time and cultural context intertwined in people's sense of belonging to place. Although much previous research on belonging has largely focused on geographical movement, we found that temporal movement, at an individual level in the form of ageing and at a collective level in terms of generational change, proved to be an important layer of our participants’ experiences of belonging and not belonging. Furthermore, we argue that people often come to understand and speak of temporal shifts in belonging in embodied terms, based on their sensory engagement with the world. The paper concludes by considering the consequences of this additional aspect of the experience of belonging for the study of belonging as a social and personal process, and how our findings contribute to debates around ‘ageing well’.
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Schneiderman, David. „Investment Rules and the New Constitutionalism“. Law & Social Inquiry 25, Nr. 03 (2000): 757–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2000.tb00160.x.
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The new model for economic and political renovation mandates the entrenchment, beyond the reach of majoritarian control, of rules for the free movement of transnational capital. This “new constitutionalism” removes key aspects of economic life from the influence of domestic politics within nation states. A manifestation of this new orthodoxy is the network of bilateral investment treaties designed to ensure foreign investors security from “discrimination” and “expropriation,” and conferring standing on investors to sue in the event that their investment interests are impaired. This paper examines the agency of the state in promoting this self-binding regime of investment rules and its potential impact on domestic constitutional regimes. Of particular concern here are constitutional arrangements that protect property, such as that recently enacted in the Republic of South Africa, that deviate from the norms expressed in the transnational investment-rules regime.
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Robé, Chris, und Todd Wolfson. „Reflections on the inheritances of Indymedia in the age of surveillance and social media“. Media, Culture & Society 42, Nr. 6 (10.06.2020): 1024–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443720926056.
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Despite certain structural limitations, Indymedia provided three vital functions for movement-based media coverage: (1) it established a secure website that shielded its users’ identities when navigating it or producing content, (2) its platform united sympathetic reporting on local and global struggles that fueled an imaginary of worldwide struggle, and (3) it established behind-the-scenes momentum in engaging new participants in independent media that continues to this day.