Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Nemanja“
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1
Vujovic, Ognjen. „NEMANJA KAO PRVOSVEŠTENIK“. Nacionalni interes 42, Nr. 2/2022 (09.09.2022): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/ni.4222022.5.
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Čini se da je Sveti Sava načinio koncepciju o Nemanji kao prvosvešteniku srpskoga naroda. To je trebalo da podupre njegovu apsolutnu svetovnu vlast među svojim narodom u svojoj državi. Takođe, trebalo je da trasira istu takvu ulogu njegovih naslednika na prestolu. Savini spisi jesu hrišćankog, crkvenog karaktera i kao takvi imaju specifične termine, pojmove i značenje. Međutim, Nemanjina vlast je ipak svetovna kategorija čijem opravdanju i jačanju su ti spisi, pored ostalog, služili. Zato u njima treba tražiti i svetovnu, političku svrhu. Vlast je kategorija koja od kada je sveta i veka pokazuje univerzalne karakteristike. Rimski carevi su se zbog pobede hrišćanstva morali odreći božanske uloge, ali su se baš zato grčevito držali prvosvešteničke uloge. Tu težnju pokazuje i Savin Nemanja. Neposredna Božja volja je nužna da stvori Zavet između Boga i izabranog naroda, ali je zato Božja promisao dovoljna da stvori prvosveštenika.
2
Pirivatric, Srdjan. „The Greek emperor Alexios in the first vitae of St Simeon Nemanja“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 53 (2016): 161–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1653161p.
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In the wider context of references to the "Greek" i.e. Byzantine Emperors in the first saints? lives of the Nemanjic dynasty, we turn our attention here to the nature and historical background of references to the Byzantine Emperor Alexios III Angelos in the founder?s Vita of the Venerable Simeon Nemanja by St Sava (written as a prologue of the Typikon for Studenica monastery), and the reasons for the omission of any such reference from the Vita of St Simeon Nemanja written by Stefan the First Crowned, both viewed in the context of the impact of current political circumstances on the historiographical criteria applied by the two writers as they assembled these official texts of celebrative, but also of historical and commemorative nature.
3
Bodrožić, Đuro. „About the national work of Saint Sava“. Srpska politička misao 82, Nr. 4 (2023): 221–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm82-47285.
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There is no doubt that, when it comes to the spiritual rooting of Serbs, and therefore the estabilishment of a national identity, the key place belongs to Saint Sava. He is the main constant, the spiritual vertical, the central figure in the histiry of the Serbian Orthodox Church and the Serbian people. Of all church dignitaries and saints, the cult of Saint Sava always occupied a central place. He is the creator of the Serbian Orthodox Church and the first Serbian archbishop. His role in the creation of the Serbian church, state and nation made him a fundamental figure in Serbian nationa history. Sain Sava began his historic mission by going to Mount Athos. He knew how important it was that his father Stefan Nemanja, the creatoir of the Serbian state from which the Serbs count their historical time, would join him there. And so it was, Nemanja stepped down from power, became a monk and followed in his son's aootsteps to Mount Athos. Together they built the Serbian monastery on Mount Athos - Hilandar, which would become a source of Serbian literacy, education and culture. Sava compiled a biography of his father, a work that is considered the beginning of Serbian literature. And with which the creation of Nemanja's cult, but also the cult of his family - the holy lineage of Nemanjić. Even before Nemanja, Serbs represented a political factor, sreated state unions that had their own cultural basis, legendary and historical traditions, but the real historical life of the Serbian people began with Stefan Nemanja. Sain Sava knew how important the close relationship between the church ant the state is for the future of the Serbian people, he was convinced that the mission of the church requires the support of the state and that the state, if it wants to be strong and stable, needs the support of the church. But it is also tempting to determinate the scope of work for each of them, because he also knew how dangerous it is if they start falling into each other's jurisdiction. The strenght and solidity of Sava's church was showen even after the collapse of the Serbian state, when it lived in foreign countries, because it became the property of the Serbian people with whom it shared its destiny - the church was the people, the people were the curch. These are the reasons for which it can rightly be said that, in addition to being the founder of the Serbian Church, which is the orginator of Serbian culture. Sain Sava is also the founder of the Serbian nation.
4
Loma, Aleksandar. „Licno ime Nemanja - jedan novi pogled“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 45 (2008): 109–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0845109l.
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(nemacki) Angesichts von skr. neman 'Ungeheuer' aus *nej?mati 'nicht haben nicht fangen' erscheint es m?glich, den Namen des Gr?nders der altserbischen Nemanjiden - Dynastie Stephan Nemanja aus demselben Verb herzuleiten. Bildungsma?ig kann ein negiertes Part. Perf. Pass. *ne-j?-man? 'unz?hmbar' zugrunde liegen, aber auch ein Kurzname aus *Nej?ma-neg? 'ohne (Haus)pflege (geboren)', der dem Kind als Schutzname gegeben worden Ware und auf die besonderen Umst?nde seiner Geburt bezug genommen hatte. .
5
Pirivatric, Srdjan. „The chronology and the historical context of the construction of the Studenica monastery: Contribution to the study“. Zograf, Nr. 39 (2015): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1539047p.
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The paper deals with the chronology of the construction of the Studenica monastery and the historical context of Stefan Nemanja?s founding act. The study focuses on the data provided by early hagiographies of Stefan Nemanja, particularly on the information that the Serbian Grand Zupan issued a chrysobull for the monastery, as well as the reference to his title of samodrzac (autokrator). The emergence of Constantinopolitan influences during the construction of the monastery Studenica is associated with the political relations between the Byzantine Emperor Isaac II Angelos and Stefan Nemanja.
6
Popovic, Mihailo, Branka Vranesevic und Dorota Vargova. „A combined approach to the reconstruction of the “sacred landscape” of duklja and raska in the times of stefan nemanja based on historical geography, art and church history“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 60-2 (2023): 899–928. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2360899p.
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This article strives for a combined approach consisting of historical geography and art and church history in the research of Duklja and Raska in the times of Stefan Nemanja. The article?s first part addresses the circumstances of the birth of Stefan Nemanja and the question of Nemanja?s two baptisms. Moreover, data on the churches and monasteries, their patrocinia and the stecci (funeral monuments) in the area of research has been gathered and then analysed with digital tools to offer a map-based reconstruction of the ?Sacred Landscape?.
7
Miljkovic, Bojan. „Sava, Stefan Radoslav and Demetrios Chomatenos“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 52 (2015): 259–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1552259m.
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The paper analyses once again, based on written sources, the relationship between the uncle - the first Serbian archbishop, and his nephew - the second Serbian king of the Nemanjic dynasty. It also explores their relations with the Ohrid Archbishopric, i.e. its then archpastor Demetrios Chomatenos. Chronologically, the paper spans two decades between the foiled attempt at marrying Nemanja?s heirs with the Angeloi of Epiros by the middle of the second decade of the 13th century and Radoslav?s withdrawal from the historical stage by the middle of the fourth decade of the same century.
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Hekic, Benjamin. „Estirpò ancora delli suoi paesi le strighe - The one (and only) report on the persecution of witches in the Nemanjic state“. Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, Nr. 85 (2019): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif1985015h.
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In the Copioso risretto de gli anali di Rausa (1605), written by the Ragusan chronicler Jakov Lukarevic (Giacomo Luccari), we find a report on the persecution of witches in the Nemanjic State. According to Lukarevic, grand zupan Stefan Nemanja and tsar Stefan Dusan persecuted witches in their country, and moreover, tsar Dusan burned the books of magic called ?Grominjak? in Slavic language. This report can?t be confirmed by any other historical source, contemporary or later, but we think that Lukarevic didn?t invent the story. We reckon that Lucarevic based his report on the persecution of witches on certain historical events. The persecution of heretics during Nemanja?s reign could?ve been that on which Lukarevic based his story of Nemanja?s persecution of witches. In the time of Stefan Dusan the legislation sanctioned the practice of magic (though, the practitioners are predominantly termed as males); perhaps the tsar has persecuted individually some wizards or sorcerers that had broken the law. But this certainly couldn?t have been a true witch hunt, like those that Lukarevic could?ve witnessed in his time. Likewise, Grominjak in fact could?ve been the same as gromovnik, an astrological and meteorological manual used in mediaeval Serbia for divination by thunders and earthquakes; this handbook could?ve seemed to Lukarevic as a real grimoire used for summoning demons. And since numerous manuscripts of gromovniks have survived, they obviously hadn?t been systematically destroyed by the authorities. Our conclusion is, therefore, that Jakov Lukarevic knew of some real events that were influenced by his own experience and knowledge which ultimately shaped his story into one of an early modern witch hunt ?transported? into mediaeval Serbian state.
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Popovic, Danica, und Marko Popovic. „The Myhrr-exuding tomb of St Symeon of Serbia at Studenica: A fresh look“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 52 (2015): 237–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1552237p.
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The latest results of the investigation of the royal tombs at the monastery of Studenica, Serbia, have inspired a reconsideration of the place of burial of some members of the Nemanjic family. There is further evidence that the tomb and sarcophagus of the ktetor, Stefan Nemanja, formed part of the original design for the church. Based on their construction and comparative material, it is assumed that the relics of St Symeon, upon their translation to Studenica, were laid in the sarcophagus from which they exuded myrrh. The myrrh-exuding of St Symeon is looked at against the broader background of cult practice in the Byzantine world.
10
Editorial, E. „Erratum“. Vojnosanitetski pregled 76, Nr. 5 (2019): 563. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/vsp190515051e.
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In the article by Nemanja V. Majstorovic, Srdjan P. Zivkovic, Branislav R. Glisic. Dental arch monitoring by splines fitting error during orthodontic treatment using 3D digital models. Vojnosanit Pregle 2019; 76(3):233-240 (https://doi.org/10.2298/VSP161212067M), the two first authors (Nemanja V. Majstorovic and Srdjan P. Zivkovic) have equal value. The list of the authors should have read: 1Nemanja V. Majstorovic, 1Srdjan P. Zivkovic, Branislav R. Glisic. <br><br><font color="red"><b> Link to the corrected article <u><a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/VSP161212067M">10.2298/VSP161212067M</a></b></u>
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Cvetkovska-Ocokoljic, Violeta, und Tatjana Cvetkovski. „Stefan Nemanja and the national Serbian awakening“. Kultura, Nr. 140 (2013): 434–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kultura1340434c.
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Kalic, Jovanka. „Srpska drzava i Ohridska arhiepiskopija u XII veku“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 44 (2007): 197–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0744197k.
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(francuski) L??poque des Comnene (1081-1185) voit le glissement progressif du centre de l?Etat serbe, depuis l?ancienne Dioclee et les contr?es du littoral adriatique plus a l?int?rieur de l?arri?re-pays, c?est-a-dire sur le territoire de l?archev?ch? grec d?Ohrid. Celui-ci correspondait alors une vaste r?gion dont les limites avaient ?t? fix?es au d?but du XIe si?cle lorsque, sous le r?gne de Basile II (976-1025), Byzance a r?tabli son autorit? sur le territoire des Balkans. De tous les souverains serbes, le grand Joupan Vukan (fin du XIe - d?but du XIIe si?cle) est le premier a avoir alors ?tendu son autorit? sur la contr?e de Ras, autrement dit le territoire de l??v?ch? du m?me nom qui entrait dans le dioc?se Ohrid et dont les ?v?ques si?geaient alors depuis plusieurs si?cles dans l??glise Saint-Pierre-et-Paul (aujourd?hui Saint-Pierre pr?s de Novi Pazar). Dans ce travail l?auteur observe les relations entretenues par l?Etat serbe et l?Eglise grecque sur le sol de la Serbie du XIIe si?cle, lesquelles ?taient avant tout fonction des relations politiques entre ce m?me Etat et Byzance. Pour l??poque m?me du joupan Vukan nous n?avons aucune donn?e concernant l?activit? des ?v?ques de Ras. Le pr?sent texte accorde donc une attention plus particuli?re a la situation enregistr?e vers le milieu du XIIe si?cle, a savoir sous le r?gne de Stefan Nemanja, fondateur de la dynastie des Nemanjic. D??pres le syst?me de pouvoir alors en vigueur en Serbie, Stefan Nemanja s?est tout d?abord vu confier l?administration d?une partie de l?Etat serbe (1158-1159). Il s?agissait en l?occurrence des r?gions appel?es Ibar, Rasina, Toplica et Reke, c?est-a-dire les contr?es orientales du pays jouxtant directement le territoire sous l?autorit? directe de Byzance. Pour cette p?riode, les sources serbes notent tout particuli?rement l?engagement de ce prince en faveur de l??rection de monast?res (un premier place sous le vocable de saint Nicolas et un second consacre au culte de la Vierge). On sait aussi que ces deux ?tablissements ont ?t? ?riges avec le consentement de l??v?que de l?archev?ch? d?Ohrid, et ce, dans les deux cas, avant 1166, ann?e ou Stefan Nemanja a ?tendu son pouvoir sur l?ensemble du pays. Or, de nouvelles donn?es nous r?v?lent que durant toute cette ?poque (plus pr?cis?ment jusqu?en 1164) l?archev?que d?Ohrid Jean (Adrien) Comn?ne, fils du sebastocrator Isaac Comn?ne, fr?re tr?s influent de l?empereur Alexis Ier Comnene, a joue un r?le de premier plan dans les relations serbe-byzantines. En l?occurrence, il a acc?de a cette fonction en 1140 et l?a exerc?e jusqu?a sa mort, en 1164, soit pr?cis?ment durant les d?cennies ayant vu d?importants ?v?nements pour l?avenir de l?Etat serbe. Nous apprenons ainsi qu?il ?tait pr?sent a Nis durant l??t? 1163, lors de la rencontre entre Manuel Ier Comn?ne et Stefan Nemanja, a l?occasion de laquelle l?empereur a d?cerne au prince serbe un titre ?l?ve de rang imp?rial et lui a remis, a titre de bien h?r?ditaire, la r?gion de la Dubocica (a savoir la r?gion de l?actuelle ville de Leskovac). Et il apparait qu?avant m?me cette rencontre, il soutenait d?j? les entreprises de Stefan Nemanja, avant tout s?agissant de l??rection d??glises dans la r?gion de Toplica (a savoir les ?glises Saint-Nicolas et de la Sainte-Vierge d?j? nomm?es). Par ailleurs, nous apprenons que ce m?me archev?que a aussi participe, cette m?me ann?e 1163, a des discussions en mati?re de dogme avec l??v?que russe en exil Leon, lors de son s?jour, avec l?empereur Manuel Ier, a Belgrade. L?auteur note que c?est assur?ment a cette p?riode d?activit? de fondateur de Stefan Nemanja qu?appartient l??rection de l??glise Saint-Nicolas dans la Toplica qui, selon les crit?res largement admis, se range dans le groupe des ?difices monumentaux de l?architecture sacr?e byzantine de l??poque des Comn?ne, d?notant de fortes influences de l?architecture de la capitale.
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Korac, Vojislav. „Istrazivanje ostataka hrama Sv. Pantelejmona u Nisu“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 39 (2001): 103–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0239103k.
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(francuski) Les principales communications concernant les fouilles de l'?glise Saint-Pant?l??m?n ayant d?j? ?t? publi?es dans le recueil de travaux consacr? ? Stefan Nemanja, le pr?sent texte propose un rapport d?taill? des derni?res fouilles et des r?sultats obtenus. Il est compl?t?, en se fondant sur les maigres vestiges architecturaux mis au jour, d'une tentative de reconstitution id?ale de la conception spatiale de l'?glise. Son rapprochement avec les plans des autres ?glises ayant eu pour fondateur Stefan Nemanja permet de conclure que le conception de l'espace et la structure de Saint-Pant?l??m?n ?tait tr?s proche de celles de l'?glise de la Vierge ? Studenica. Ce rapport sur les fouilles effectu?es contient ?galement un catalogue de trouvailles fun?raires, parures et objets utilitaires qui, au vu de leur grande valeur, appartenaient de toute ?vidence aux couches ?lev?es de la population.
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Vucetic, Martin. „Das ritual der unterwerfung Stefan Nemanjas unter Maunel I. Komnenos (1172)“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 50-1 (2013): 493–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1350493v.
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This article investigates the ceremonial of the subjection of the Serbian zupan Stefan Nemanja to the Byzantine emperor Manuel I Komnenos (1172) and compares it with similar events of the period in question. It argues for a strong influence of western forms of conflict resolution (?deditio?) in the ceremonial.
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Pirivatric, Srdjan. „Manuel i Komnenos, „Carski san“ and „Samodrzci oblasti srpskog prestola““. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 48 (2011): 89–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1148089p.
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This research examines the question of the so-called territorial power-sharing rulers in Serbia during the reign of the Byzantine emperor Manuel I Komnenos (1143-1180) based on the interpretations and contextualisation of original data and of terms with the connotation of ruler referring to Stefan Nemanja and his relatives.
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Jankovic, Zivorad. „Domentian ’s "Peregrinations"“. Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, Nr. 80 (2014): 127–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif1480127j.
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The paper discusses an unusual trait in Domentian?s hagiographies of far more completely and accurately describing events, persons and places located outside the Serbian lands than in those lands proper. Such an occurrence is also seen in the depiction of Nemanja?s church-founding work and Sava?s activities in the country and abroad. The state border simultaneously serves as the boundary between the author?s two literary approaches.
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Markovic, Miodrag. „Neglected data about the year of construction of the church of the virgin in Studenica“. Zograf, Nr. 46 (2022): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog2246033m.
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The text deals with two mutually close, late sources that have not been used so far in considering the chronology of the construction of the katholikon of the Studenica monastery: the inscriptions on two copper engravings depicting the main church of the ?Great Lavra of St. Simeon? made in Moscow in 1758. Those inscriptions state, among other things, that Stefan Nemanja built the Church of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary in 1194/1195.
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Aleksić, Vladimir. „Das Treffen von Stefan Nemanja und Friedrich Barbarossa in Niš 1189“. Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 131, Nr. 1 (26.04.2023): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/miog.2023.131.1.21.
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Marinković, Čedomila. „Stefan Uroš II Milutin Nemanjić (1282–1321)“. Encyclopedia 2, Nr. 1 (12.01.2022): 127–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/encyclopedia2010009.
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King Stefan Uroš II Milutin Nemanjić (1282—Donje Nerodimlje, October 29, 1321) was a Serbian medieval king, the seventh ruler of the Serbian Nemanide dynasty, the son of King Stefan Uroš I (r. 1243–1276) and Queen Helen Nemanjić (see), the brother of the King Stefan Dragutin (r. 1276–1282) and the father of King Stefan Dečanski (r. 1322–1331). Together with his great grandfather Stefan Nemanja, the founder of the Nemanide dynasty, and his grandson, Emperor Stefan Uroš IV Dušan, King Milutin is considered the most powerful ruler of the Nemanide dynasty. The long and successful military breach of King Milutin, down the Vardar River Valley and deep into the Byzantine territories, represents the beginning of Serbian expansion into southeastern Europe, making it the dominant political power in the Balkan region in the 14th century. During that period, Serbian economic power grew rapidly, mostly because of the development of trading and mining. King Milutin founded Novo Brdo, an internationally important silver mining site. He started minting his own money, producing imitations of Venetian coins (grosso), which gradually diminished in value. This led to the ban of these coins by the Republic of Venice and provided King Milutin a place in Dante’s Divina Commedia. King Milutin had a specific philoktesia fervor: He built or renovated over three dozen Serbian Orthodox churches and monasteries not only in Serbia but also in Thessaloniki, Mt. Athos, Constantinople and The Holy Land. Over fifteen of his portraits can be found in the monumental painting ensembles of Serbian medieval monasteries as well as on two icons.
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Polovina, Nataša. „Srednjovekovne teme u srpskoj književnosti za decu: zaborav i sećanje kao instrumenti ideologije“. Kultura Słowian Rocznik Komisji Kultury Słowian PAU 18 (09.11.2022): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25439561ksr.22.008.16360.
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Od devedesetih godina 20. veka naovamo, u srpskoj književnosti za decu primećuje se pojačano interesovanje za istorijske ličnosti i događaje srpskog srednjeg veka. U bogatom fondu knjiga i slikovnica za decu u kojima se tematizuje srednjovekovna istorija, a čiji su autori Svetlana Velmar Janković, Slobodan Stanišić, Milovan Vitezović i drugi, posebno se izdvajaju određene – gotovo uvek iste – istorijske ličnosti (Stefan Nemanja, Sveti Sava, car Dušan), dok su neke druge potpuno zaboravljene. U radu se ove činjenice razmatraju u ideološkom kontekstu: povratak srednjovekovnoj istoriji i kulturi u književnosti za decu odvija se kroz sećanje na ,,svetlo doba” srpske istorije. Medieval Themes in Serbian Children’s Literature: Oblivion and Memory as Instruments of Ideology From the 1990s onwards, in Serbian children’s literature, there has been an increased interest in historical figures and events of the Serbian Middle Ages. In the extensive collection of books and picture books for children in which medieval history is themed, and whose authors are Svetlana Velmar Janković, Slobodan Stanišić, Milovan Vitezović and others, certain – almost always the same – historical figures (Stefan Nemanja, Saint Sava, Tsar Dusan) stand out, while some others are completely forgotten. The paper discusses these facts in an ideological context: a return to medieval history and culture in children’s literature takes place through the memory of the “bright age” of Serbian history.
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Komatina, Ivana. „Historical basis of the Miracula of Saint Symeon in Stefan the First-Crowned’s life of Symeon“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 51 (2014): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1451111k.
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The paper is devoted to the research of the so-called Catalog of Miracles in the Life of Saint Symeon by Stefan the First-Crowned. Because the miracles are divided in the Life into those in which Symeon-Nemanja is revealed as a Saint, and those in which his heir Stefan the First-Crowned conquers the enemies of the Serbian State with his help, the attention is paid on research of their historical basis and chronological frame, as well as their religious essence.
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Marjanovic-Dusanic, Smilja. „Patterns of martyrial sanctity in the royal ideology of medieval Serbia continuity and change“. Balcanica, Nr. 37 (2006): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637069m.
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Especially important for the development of the holy king concept with the Serbs appears to be the early period of Serbian sovereignty, initially in Zeta, and subsequently in Raska under Stefan Nemanja and his descendants. During the eleventh century, cults of royal martyrs arise across the Slavic world, receiving a most enthusiastic response connected with the spread of the martyrial and monastic ideals in Byzantium. The cult of St Vladimir is the earliest royal saint's cult with the Serbs, and it is rightfully set apart from the ideologically consistent whole encompassing the subsequent cults of the Nemanjic rulers. The cult of this royal saint undergoes a change in the twelfth century as regards the image of the exemplary ruler. The martyrial cults of holy kings emerge in medieval Serbia only in the fifteenth century, under the influence of completely different motives. The cults of national royal saints associate domestic dynasties with the Old Testament-based traditions of God-chosenness, which play a central role in the processes of securing political legitimation for ruling houses. At the turn of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, we can see both the national and universal relics being used for raising an awareness of chosen ness observable in expanding the sacred realm as the fatherland's prayerful shield. In that sense, all-Christian relics, especially those of Constantinopolitan provenance, become integrated into domestic traditions.
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Pavlović, Miloš. „Ktetor activities of Stephen Nemanja and their significance for 1219 Serbian Ortodox Church autocephaly“. Kultura, Nr. 164 (2019): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kultura1964075p.
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Editorial, E. „Erratum: The impact of volumetric arc radiotherapy on clinical outcomes of patients with gynaecological malignancies“. Medical review 76, Nr. 11-12 (2023): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/mpns2312352e.
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In the double issue no. 7-8/2022, on page 224, in the Original studies section, in the paper titled: THE IMPACT OF VOLUMETRIC ARC RADIOTHERAPY ON CLINICAL OUTCOMES OF PATIENTS WITH GYNAECOLOGICAL MALIGNANCIES UTICAJ PRIMENE VOLUMETRIJSKI MODULISANE LUCNE RADIOTERAPIJE NA KLINICKI ISHOD KOD PACIJENTKINJA LECENIH OD GINEKOLOSKIH KARCINOMA Milijana RAKIN, Natasa ANICIC, Olivera IVANOV, Sanja JARIC, Nemanja NOVAKOVIC and Ivan KORPIVICA UDK 618.1-006.6-036.8:615.849 https://doi.org/10.2298/MPNS2308235P The paper participants have noticed that they had made an unintentional mistake with the surname of the co-author Ivan Korpivica. We are hereby making a correction at their request, thus Ivan Korpivica should read Ivan KOPRIVICA. Editorial Board <br><br><font color="red"><b> Link to the corrected article <u><a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/MPNS2208224R">10.2298/MPNS2208224R</a></b></u>
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Granmo, A., T. Læssøe und T. Schumacher. „The genus Nemania s.l. (Xylariaceae) in Norden“. Sommerfeltia 27, Nr. 1 (01.01.1999): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/som-1999-0002.
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Abstract A taxonomic study of Nemania Gray, Entoleuca Syd. and Euepixylon Füisting (= Nemania s.l.; Xylariaceae) was carried out for the Nordic countries: Norway, Sweden, Finland and Denmark. No species of Nemania have been found in the remaining Norden: Iceland and the Faeroes. Fourteen species of Nemania s. str. were found in the area: Nemania aenea, N. aureolutea comb. n., N. atropurpurea, N. carbonacea, N. chestersii, N. colliculosa comb. n., N. con.fluens, N. diffusa, N. effusa, N. prava n. sp., N. reticulata comb. n., N. serpens, and two unknown species (Nemania spp. A and B) not formally described because of scanty material. In addition the two split-outs fromNemania, Entoleuca mammata andEuepixylon udum, are treated. A dichotomous key has been prepared and the species are reviewed alphabetically with comments on taxonomy, ecology and chorology. All species have been drawn, photographed and mapped. In addition to conventional taxonomic procedures, a selection of species from Nemania s.l., Biscogniauxia and Hypoxylon were subjected to an ITS nrDNA sequencing study. This study supported the delimitation of taxa as defined in this work, and confirms Nemani a as different from Hypoxylon and Biscogniauxia. Four EuropeanNemania taxa are still unknown in Norden: Nemania gwyneddii (Whalley, R.L. Edwards & S.M. Francis) Pouzar, N. illita (Schwein.) Pouzar, Nemania serpens (Pers.: Fr.) Gray var. macrospora (J.H. Mill.) Pouzar. The fourth taxon, Hypoxylon terricola J.H. Mill. certainly also belongs to Nemania.
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Živković, Predrag. „Peripatetička mora hara sociologijom - Nemanja Đukić: Fenomenologija brisanog prostora - šest poglavlja o identitetu, Banja Luka, Fakultet političkih nauka, 2020“. ПОЛИТЕИА 10, Nr. 19 (2020): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-27150.
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Bojovic, Bosko. „Mount Athos, Wallachian princes (Voyvodes), John Kastriotis, and the Albanian tower, a dependency of Hilandar“. Balcanica, Nr. 37 (2006): 81–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637081b.
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After the Ottoman conquest of the Balkan states, the princes of Moldavia and Wallachia, now the sultan's vassals, assumed responsibility for the Athonite monasteries. Reference in their donation charters to the founders of Hilandar Simeon Nemanja and St Sava ensured liturgical continuity, their names being added to a string of distinguished historical figures mentioned in prayers which contributed to the legitimacy and prestige of their power. The absence of such names from the charters to the Albanian Tower, or the Church of St Elias, two dependencies of Hilandar, may be explained by the fact that their founders were not that famous. Securing refuge at the time of the Ottoman invasion, John Kastriotis donated two villages to Hilandar in 1426, and in 1430 made an arrangement (adelphaton) for lifetime use of the Tower on behalf of his four sons. One of them died on Mt Athos in 1431, and John himself, now monk Joachim, died in 1437. All the evidence testifies to close and long-lived connections between Albanian feudal lords and the Serbian imperial laura.
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Pirivatric, Srdjan. „Une hypothèse sur l'origine du tsar de Bulgarie Constantin Asen 'Tich'“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 46 (2009): 313–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0946313p.
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(francuski) La question de l'origine du tsar bulgare Constantin Asen (1257-1277), plus souvent appel? dans l'historiographie moderne Constantin Tich (Tih), a ?t? depuis longtemps pos?e. Les sources susceptibles d'y r?pondre sont peu nombreuses et parfaitement r?pertori?es. A commencer par Constantin Asen lui-m?me qui, dans sa charte d?livr?e au monast?re Saint-Georges pr?s de Skopje, range 'saint Simeon Nemanja, a?eul de mon empire' au nombre des anciens kt?tors de cet ?tablissement. Pour ce qui est des auteurs byzantins, chez Georges Akropolyt?s, son contemporain, ce tsar est ? plusieurs reprises appel? Constantin fils de Tich ou simplement Constantin; un peu plus tard Georges Pachym?re le d?signe une premi?re fois comme Constantin Tich, puis, par la suite, r?guli?rement comme Constantin avec l'int?ressante pr?cision que celui-ci ?tait par sa naissance pour moitie (ex ?miseias) serbe; plus tard encore, Nic?phore Gr?goras, parle d'un puissant seigneur portant le pr?nom de Constantin et le 'nom' (ep?nymon) de Tich. En 1258/59, dans son inscription de kt?tor appos?e dans une ?glise ? Bojana, un certain s?bastocrator Kalojan fait ?tat, en sa qualit? de 'fils du fr?re du tsar' et de 'petit-fils du saint roi Stefan', de liens de parente avec le tsar r?gnant en Bulgarie, Constantin Asen, et le d?funt roi de Serbie, Stefan le Premier Couronne (Prvovencani). Enfin, dans l'historiographie byzantine, il ressort clairement du r?cit relatif a la crise de succession en Bulgarie en 1257 que Constantin n'?tait pas membre de la dynastie des Asen. Jusqu'a pr?sent, le lien de parente de Constantin Tich (Tih) avec le grand joupan de Serbie Stefan Nemanja (1166-1196), plus tard devenu moine et saint sous le nom de Simeon, a ?t? le plus souvent recherch?e ? travers une lign?e f?minine, soit une hypoth?tique fille de Nemanja inconnue des sources, qui aurait ?t? la m?re ce tsar. Cette solution pourrait cependant ne pas ?tre la seule piste envisageable. Pour cela il faut revenir ? la charte de Saint-Georges et au terme d''a?eul (de mon empire)' qui marquant la parente, peut s'appliquer dans des cas d'ascendance directe mais aussi indirecte. Constantin aurait donc pu tout aussi bien afficher a travers celui-ci une parente quelque peu plus ?loigne avec Nemanja, passant par un des fr?res, voire une tr?s hypoth?tique s?ur, de ce dernier. Ainsi, celui que nous appellerions aujourd'hui un 'grand-oncle', a pu ?tre d?sign? dans cette charte comme un 'a?eul (de mon empire)'. Qu'un tel lien de parente, m?me indirect, surtout avec saint Simeon (notamment au vu de l'essor de son culte), c'est-?-dire non seulement l'existence d'une ascendance et d'un droit de succession directs, ait pu ?tre un raison suffisante pour en appeler ? celle-ci est attest?e par l'exemple chronologiquement proche de l'inscription fun?raire du joupan Stefan Prvoslav, appos?e vers 1220, dans laquelle ce dernier est, entre autre, qualifie de 'neveu de saint Simeon Nemanja'. En ce sens, la pr?cision relev?e chez Pachym?re pourrait, elle aussi, sugg?rer, par sa formulation, que Constantin ?tait d'origine serbe par son p?re et non par sa m?re. Cet auteur s'en tenait assur?ment au principe selon lequel l'origine par le p?re ?tait sous-en-tendue, alors que l'origine par la m?re devait ?tre signal?e si n?cessaire. Les meilleurs exemples en sont les passages o? il rapporte, s'agissant du fils du roi de Hongrie Stefan IV, qu'il ?tait d''origine rom?e (r?mogen?s), par sa m?re' la fille de l'empereur Th?odore Ier, et, s'agissant du tsar de Bulgarie Th?odore Svetoslav, qu'il ?tait 'Bulgare par sa m?re, car son p?re Terter ?tait Coman'. Hormis ces remarques de nature g?n?rale, une m?me conclusion concernant l'origine du tsar de Bulgarie Constantin s'impose ?galement ? la lecture du r?cit de Pachym?re. Sa relation des troubles survenus en 1257 lors de la succession au tr?ne de Bulgarie montre qu'en l'absence de descendant male de la lign?e des Asen, les liens de parente et l'origine nationale des pr?tendants ont jou? un r?le cl? dans la r?solution de la question de la l?galit? du pouvoir et, plus g?n?rale, de la crise de succession. On y apprend que le premier candidat Myts?s (Mico), ?tait ? la fois gendre d'Ivan II Asen (1218-1241), ainsi que beau-fr?re de Th?odore II Lascaris (1254-1258) et Bulgare (Boylgaros ?n), et pouvait pr?tendre - ? ce double titre - ? exercer le pouvoir sur les Bulgares, mais que les puissants se sont ranges aux cotes de Constantin, qui ?tait pour moitie serbe (ek Serb?n ex ?miseias to genos echonta). De fait, ne pouvant se pr?valoir de quelque lien de parente avec les Asen et d'un droit quel qu'il soit ? la succession au tr?ne, Constantin a par la suite pris pour ?pouse Ir?ne, fille de Th?odore II Lascaris et ni?ce de Ivan II Asen, ce qui lui a conf?re le m?me droit au tr?ne des Asen qu'a son concurrent Myts?s (ep' is?n eiche to pros t?n toy Asan basileian dikaion t? Mytz?). Et c'est pr?cis?ment le fait que tout en ayant un p?re serbe, et une m?re, par cons?quent bulgare, c'est lui qui a ?t? d?sign? tsar gr?ce ? son prestige de puissant seigneur de Bulgarie, qui a amen? la remarque de Pachym?re. On peut difficilement imaginer que la situation inverse, ? savoir si Constantin avait eu un p?re bulgare et une m?re serbe, aurait pu avoir quelque incidence de nature politique sur le r?sultat de la crise de succession au tr?ne, au point de trouver ensuite un ?cho dans l'historiographie. Dans l'historiographie moderne il a depuis longtemps ?tait avanc? que Tich (Tih) devait ?tre une abr?viation de Tihomir, Tihoslav, Tihota ou Tihotica. Ceci nous am?ne ici ? supposer que le p?re de Constantin s'appelait en fait Tihomir. Il nous appara?t, en effet, en raison d'une similitude, voire identit?, de pr?nom que le fr?re a?n? de Nemanja, dont on pense que le pr?nom ?tait Tihomir et qui a ?t?, en son temps, grand joupan (1163/65-1166), pourrait ?tre un ?l?ment tout particuli?rement int?ressant s'agissant de la question de l'origine du tsar Constantin. Son activit? entre 1166 et 1168, apr?s que son fr?re Stefan Nemanja l'a destitu? du pouvoir, pourrait m?me ?tre rattach?e ? la Skopje byzantine. Par ailleurs, un document de l'archev?que de Ochrid Dimitrius Chomatianos, en date de 1220, fait mention d'un certain archonte de Skopje du nom de Jovan Tihomirov ou Jovan Tihomir (?toy ?I?annoy toy Teichomoiroy) - Tihomir est ici tr?s vraisemblablement un patronyme, puisqu'il est peut probable qu'il s'agisse de deux nom propres - qui, vers la fin du XIIe si?cle, r?gnait quasiment en ma?tre sur la ville. Il est donc permis de supposer l'existence d'un lien de parente entre ce Jovan et, d'une part l'ancien grand joupan Tihomir (fils) et, d'autre part, le tsar de Bulgarie Constantin (oncle ou p?re). Cette construction ne repose toutefois, pour l'essentiel, que sur une similitude de pr?noms. Partant de cette suppos?e parente entre le tsar Constantin et l'archonte de Skopje Jovan Tihomir certains chercheurs ont d?j? avance l'hypoth?se que Constantin est mont? sur le tr?ne bulgare en 1257 en tant que puissant seigneur de Skopje ou gouverneur de la r?gion de Skopje. On note cependant que d'autres chercheurs consid?rent que cette m?me ann?e 1257 a vu une br?ve domination du roi de Serbie Uros sur Skopje. Cette information, qui n'est en fait connue que d'apr?s une seule source tardive, ? savoir la charte du fils d'Uros, Milutin d?livr?e au monast?re de Chilandar en 1299/1300, a ainsi ?t? rapproch?e des ?v?nements mentionn?s dans l'Histoire de Georges Acropolit?s pour l'ann?e 1257, lorsque le roi de Serbie, en tant qu'allie du despote Michel II Ange, a pris Kicevo et d?vast? les environs de Prilep. Or, dans une charte de Milutin d?livr?e au monast?re skopiote - d?j? nomme - de Saint-Georges (Gorg) datant de cette m?me ann?e 1299/1300, le tsar bulgare Constantin figure avant le roi Uros au nombre des anciens kt?tors et donateurs du monast?re. Et il s'entend que les kt?tors sont ici tr?s certainement mentionnes selon l'ordre chronologique de la domination exerc?e sur Skopje. La charte de Constantin d?livr?e au m?me monast?re, dont la date n'est pas conserv?e, ne fait, elle non plus, nullement ?tat d'une charte ant?rieure de Uros. Et Il convient ici de prendre avec r?serve le suppose itin?raire - passant par Skopje et Polog pour atteindre Kicevo et Prilep - de l'exp?dition du roi de Serbie Uros en 1257, car des t?moignages attestent parfaitement l'existence d'un itin?raire alternatif, mais tout aussi important et utilise, allant de Prizren ? Tetovo en logeant les contreforts du massif de la Sara, de sorte qu'il ?tait possible d'atteindre Kicevo depuis les territoires du roi de Serbie sans passer par Skopje. Compte tenu de tout cela, il para?t permis d'accepter la supposition voulant que l'origine du tsar Constantin soit li?e ? Skopje et ? la r?gion de Skopje. Dans les travaux s'?tant int?ress?s ? l'origine du tsar Constantin Tich, la r?ponse ? cette question a ?galement ?t? rattach?e, sur la base de l'inscription de l'?glise de Bojana, ? celle concernant l'origine du s?bastocrator Kalojan. Il ne fait aucun doute que lui non plus n'?tait pas un Asen, car, si cela avait ?t? le cas, il aurait eu le droit de pr?tendre au tr?ne laiss? vacant ? la suite des meurtres de Michel Asen et de Kaliman, or les auteurs byzantins nous apprennent pr?cis?ment que le pouvoir n'avait pas d''h?ritier l?gal' en Bulgarie. Le t?moignage apport? par l'inscription de Bojana, selon laquelle Kalojan est un 'fils du fr?re du tsar' (? savoir le tsar Constantin) et 'petit-fils du saint roi de Serbie Stefan' (? savoir Stefan le Premier Couronn?), semblerait ?tre contradictoire. Cela n'est toutefois le cas que si nous perdons de vue le fait que la notion de parent? induite par 'fils du fr?re' (bratoucad), pouvait ?galement se rapporter ? des personnes appartenant ? diff?rentes g?n?rations. Nonobstant notre connaissance encore insuffisante des d?tails prosopographiques concernant le tsar Constantin Tich et le s?bastocrator Kalojan, ces deux Nemanjic, porteurs de titres particuli?rement ?lev?s, sont deus personnages int?ressants qui attestent parfaitement de la mobilit? horizontale et verticale au sein du monde byzantin, autrement du 'commenwealth byzantin', compris au sens le plus large.
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Đekić, Đorđe. „Thou shall not bear false witness against: Manuel Komnenos and Stefan Nemanja in the works of the 12th century Byzantine rhetoricians“. Kultura, Nr. 150 (2016): 12–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kultura1650012d.
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Гагова [Gagova], Нина [Nina]. „Св. Симеон – вечният владетел на сърбите“. Slavia Meridionalis 16 (21.10.2016): 262–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2016.015.
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St. Simeon – the eternal ruler of the SerbsThe article discusses the development of the cult of St. Simeon (Stefan Nemanja, ca. 1113–1199) in the thirteenth century as a core of the ruler’s ideology and a mirror of the political changes in Serbia. The main task is to discover when, how and why the founder of the Nemanidi dynasty became the first and eternal ruler of the Serbs, analyzing the choice of the biblical motifs and quotations in the introductions and in a number of other selected places in the main ideological texts of the period: two Hilandar Monastery charters, one written from the Grand Zhupan Stefan Nemanja himself in 1198, the other – written in 1207/8 by his son, Stefan the First-Crowned as well as three Vitae of St. Simeon, written by his sons St. Sava and St. Stefan and by the Hilandar’s hegumenos Domentian. The study applies the approach of biblical thematic clues, proposed by Ricardo Picchio, hitherto unused for these sources, and takes into consideration also some results obtained through the investigation of early Slavic Orthodox texts from the point of view of the same concept.One conclusion which was arrived at is that the same tradition of biblical exegesis concerning the concepts of the Unfailing Mercy and Continuity of the Apostleship and the motifs of Conversion/New Nations and the Blessed Generation of the Upright, is consistently used in Serbian text for the same purpose – the affirmation of one’s own saints and, through their cults, confirmation of own “institutions of salvation” (ruling dynasty, church organization, liturgical language) as proceeding directly from God. In the three Vitae of St. Simeon different inherited models and patterns are adopted, corresponding to different versions of Ideal Ruler and of legitimization in changing political circumstances in Serbia and in European South-East in the thirteenth century. The last version, long lasting in Serbian political ideology, can be found in Domentian’s Vita (1265), commissioned by the grandson of St. Simeon, Urosh I (1243–1276) to re-confirm the legitimacy of his reign and the independence of the Serbian state after the reconquest of Constantinople in 1261. In this Vita, St. Simeon is presented as the First and Eternal Ruler of the Serbs through development of apostolic connotations in his cult, based on the concept of Unfailing Mercy, with an addition of the motifs of the Conversion/New Nations and the Blessed Generation of the Upright. As a result, St. Simeon becomes the True Baptizer of the Serbs and the First Subject of the Covenant made between God and Serbs ensuring their Salvation through the Christian Rule. Św. Symeon – wieczny władca SerbówTematem artykułu jest rozwój kultu św. Symeona w XIII wieku jako jądra ideologii władzy i lustra przemian politycznych w Serbii. Głównym zadaniem jest odpowiedź na pytanie, kiedy, jak i dlaczego założyciel dynastii Nemanjiciów stał się pierwszym i wiecznym władcą Serbów. Analizie poddane zostały wybrane motywy i cytaty biblijne, zawarte we wstępach do głównych tekstów ideologicznych pochodzących z omawianego okresu – Karty Chilandarskie opublikowane przez wielkiego żupana Stefana Nemanję (św. Symeona) w 1198 roku i jego syna Stefana Pierwszego Koronowanego w 1207/1208, a także trzy Żywoty św. Symeona napisane przez jego synów: Sawę i Stefana oraz chilandarskiego mnicha Domentiana. W artykule zastosowano nieużywane dotąd w badaniu takich źródeł podejście zaproponowane przez Ricardo Picchio, a także uwzględniono wyniki badań nad wczesnymi tekstami pochodzącymi z obszaru Slavia Orthodoxa, a prezentującymi podobny punkt widzenia.Z przeprowadzonej analizy wynika, że serbskie teksty mówiące o Nieustającym Miłosierdziu, Continuum Apostolstwa, a także Konwersji/Nowym Narodzie i Błogosławionym rodzie sprawiedliwych odwołują się do tej samej tradycji biblijnej egzegezy i stosują ją w podobnym celu, a mianowicie afirmacji własnych świętych i legitymizacji – za pomocą ich kultu – własnych „instytucji zbawczych” (rządzącej dynastii, organizacji kościelnej, języka liturgii) jako danych bezpośrednio od Boga. W trzech żywotach św. Symeona zaadaptowano trzy różne modele i wzory korespondujące z różnymi modelami Idealnego Władcy i strategiami legitymizacji w zmieniających się okolicznościach politycznych w XIII wieku w Serbii oraz Europie południowo-wschodniej. Ostatni wariant, żywotny w serbskiej ideologii politycznej, można odnaleźć w żywocie napisanym przez Dometiana (1265), a zamówionym przez wnuka św. Symeona, Uroša I (1243–1276), w celu ponownego potwierdzenia zasadności jego panowania oraz niezależności państwa serbskiego po podboju Konstantynopola w 1261 roku. Św. Symeon został w nim zaprezentowany jako Pierwszy i Wieczny Władca Serbów dzięki rozwinięciu konotacji apostolskich w jego kulcie, opartym na koncepcji Nieustającego Miłosierdzia. Dodano tu także motywy Konwersji/Nowego Narodu i Błogosławionego Rodzaju Sprawiedliwych. W rezultacie św. Symeon staje się Prawdziwym Chrzcicielem Serbów i Pierwszym Wykonawcą Przymierza ustanowionego między Bogiem a Serbami dla ich zbawienia przez regułę chrześcijańską.
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Vojvodic, Dragan. „From the horizontal to the vertical genealogical image of the Nemanjic dynasty“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 44 (2007): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0744295v.
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Sometime in the XIV century, towards the end of the second or beginning of the third decade, the 'horizontal genealogical image' of the Serbian rulers gave way to a new depiction of their genealogy. We find the earliest surviving Nemanjic family tree, painted in a vertically arranged composition in the narthex of Gracanica, followed by those in Pec, Decani, Mateic and Studenica. The appearance of the new type of image presenting the Serbian dynastic genealogy was, on the one hand, due to the problems caused by the ever lengthening series of rulers' portraits. They led to the deformation of the thematic programmes and did not correspond to the dynamic spirit of 'Palaeologan renaissance' art. On the other hand, from the mid-XIII century there was a obvious intention to link the idea of a 'chosen people' and the genealogy of Christ with the Nemanjic dynasty. This process unfolded simultaneously in literature, royal charters and visual art. It was facilitated by the fact that presentations of Christ's genealogy - the Tree of Jesse - were introduced in the programmes of Serbian churches from the second half of the XIII century. A correspondence had already been established between the presentations of Christ's genealogy and the portraits of the Nemanjic family included in the broader thematic ensembles inspired by dynastic ideology, in Sopocani and, subsequently, in Moraca, Arilje and the King's Church in Studenica. Even in the description of the family tree of the Serbian dynasty itself, the notions of 'pious lineage', 'the holy root', 'the branch of good fruit', 'the blessed shoots' etc. were used in the written sources. In this way, a process gradually matured along the path towards creating a dynastic picture of the house of Nemanjic that was iconographically coordinated to the Tree of Jesse. However, the 'vertical' family tree of the Nemanjici was not a simple transposition of the 'horizontal genealogy' into the structure of the new iconographic scheme. It is possible to notice significant contextual differences between the two types of the Serbian dynastic picture, especially regarding the presentation of the rulers' wives or the rulers' daughters, or male relatives from the lateral branches. A number of questions that had earlier been of particular importance, such as the order of succession to the throne through the direct bloodline, became submerged in a multitude of new messages and slowly lost significance. The 'vertical' family tree of the Nemanjici focused far more on the proclamation of general dynastic messages. As a more developed and complex picture than the 'horizontal' genealogy, it was able to convey more carefully nuanced details about what effect dynastic history had on the awareness of the court. Apart from that, in contrast to the presentations of XIII century 'horizontal genealogies' that illustrated Nemanja and his direct successors as monks, the new type of dynastic picture quite clearly stressed the 'imperial' nature of the ruler's family. A similar change of meaning can also be noted in contemporaneous royal charters. One should view this interesting phenomenon through the prism of the increasingly tangible influences of Byzantine imperial ideology on Serbian dynastic thought. The distinct influence of Byzantine perceptions can also be recognized in the motive of the ruler's investiture being performed by God himself, depicted at the top of the Nemanjic family tree. Therefore, the new Serbian genealogical picture reflected much more clearly than its predecessor, the Byzantine teachings about power, which blended the 'dynastic principle' with dogma regarding the providential election of the ruler. In later monuments, where a composite family tree was depicted, linking the Nemanjic dynasty to the Byzantine and the Bulgarian royal families (Mateic, and perhaps even Studenica), the concept of the 'new Israel' was redefined in Serbian imperial ideology, according to the universalistic views adopted from Byzantium. Although all the essential iconographic details of dynastic genealogy in the form of the family tree were of Byzantine origin, no credible testimonies were found in scientific research that the theme itself was designed in artistic form in Byzantium. Hence, one cannot exclude the possibility that the Nemanjic family tree was an authentic, iconographic creation devised in Serbia. With the necessary caution, here, we should stress that the Serbian environment was quite singular because it had a long lasting and, moreover sacred dynasty. For that reason it was particularly absorbed in dynastic issues and the idea of 'a new chosen people'. That environment traveled the path to a 'vertical' dynastic picture slowly, following the evolutionary logic of its own culture and art.
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Nikolic, Maja, und Radivoj Radic. „The data on Serbian history of the 13th century in the chronicle of Ephraim from Ainos“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 46 (2009): 231–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0946231n.
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Ephraim from Ainos wrote a chronicle (Chronik? Istoria), in the twelve-syllable verse, which covered the history of the Old and New Rome from the 1st century A.D. to 1261, i.e. the period covering twelve centuries. While writing this chronicle, he predominantly relied on the world chronicle by John Zonaras and the historical works by Niketas Choniates and George Akropolites. In regard to Serbian 13th century history, it should be pointed out that Ephraim mentioned three pieces of information. Chronologically speaking, the two of them, the first and the third, are well known from other sources as well. The first one was the information that Eudokia, daughter of the Byzantine emperor Alexios III Angelos, had been married to Stefan, son of Nemanja, and the third one was about the well-known and well-documented event, the Serbian invasion into the European territories of the Empire of Nicaea, in the vicinity of towns Kicevo and Prilep, in 1257. The second news in order, and controversial to certain degree, spoke about the alleged occupation of the part of Serbian territories by the ruler of Epiros Theodore I Angelos during the first years of his rule. The contemporary historian George Akropolites, who was much closer to these events, did not list the Serbian territories among those conquered by the ruler of Epiros.
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Đekić, Đorđe, und Božidar Zarković. „The notion of a woman in the work of Stefan the First-Crowned“. Зборник радова Филозофског факултета у Приштини 50, Nr. 4 (2020): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp50-28735.
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The most frequently mentioned woman in the literary work of Stefan the First-Crowned is the Blessed Virgin, a God pleasing role model whose pursuit leads to the salvation of the soul. She was also a role model to his father, Stefan Nemanja. In addition, she was at the same time the most common example of a role model of mother followed by all mothers, as well as his mother Ana and his grandmother. His father's mother was mentioned but remained nameless. Of the other roles of a woman, in the centre of his attention was the wife of a husband. The context in which he mentioned her was the matrimonial law-penalties for unlawful marriage, unlawful dissolution of marriage, an adulterous woman, and forbidden marriage with sister-in-law. However, no mention was made of the obligations of parents, of a mother towards children, or of the adult children towards mothers. It must be noted that he did not talk much about a woman as a mother, though he did provide some information. It was fragmentary information about the mother-in-law, the widow, but there is no information about a woman-sister, woman-daughter, which is a striking testimony that he was not interested in these aspects of a woman. Apparently, he was only interested in a woman as a God-pleasing role model, among other things, God-pleasing mothers also in the sense of regulating marital relations.
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Kalic, Jovanka. „Grand Zupan Uros II of Rascia“. Balcanica, Nr. 47 (2016): 75–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647075k.
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Historical data on the person and policies of the ?veliki [grand] zupan? Uros II - archzupan in Byzantine sources, magnus comes in Latin texts - can be found in twelfth-century Serbian, Greek, Hungarian, German and Russian sources. The paper is divided into three sections dealing specifically with Uros II?s family relations (ancestors and descendants); chronological issues of his reign in Serbia; and his domestic and foreign policies. Uros II?s father, the Serbian zupan Uros I, had three sons and a daughter: Uros II, Desa, Belos and Helen (Jelena). Uros II succeeded his father as the ruler of Serbia. Helen married king B?la II of Hungary (1131-41) and became a very influential figure at the Hungarian court. Their brother Belos, who was known in Hungary as ban B?la and sub?sequently held the office of the palatine of Hungary, considerably contributed to the firming up of Serbian-Hungarian political ties. Based on a detailed analysis of the surviving sources, the author suggests the conclusion that Uros II was a true predecessor of Stefan Nemanja in all his policies. He was a vassal of the Byzantine emperor but he allied with Hungary in the aspiration to achieve independence. At the time of Uros II and his successors the region of Rascia (Raska, Rassa), known for the city of Ras (modern Novi Pazar) and the Bishopric of Raska with the bishop?s seat at the church of Sts Peter and Paul, was the core of the Serbian state.
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Bubalo, Djordje. „Did Diokletia Hvostanska exist? A contribution to the chronology of the life and cult of St. Peter of Koriska“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 60-2 (2023): 943–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2360943b.
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As a starting point, the paper asserts that there was no geographic region called Diokletia Hvostanska (Diokletia of Hvosno), which is mentioned in just two sources ? one from the 15th and another from the 18th century. The root of this misconception is an erroneous reading of a section in Teodosije?s Vita of St. Peter of Korisa, which recounts that the saint was born in the area of Hvosno in Diokletia. Starting from the fact that Hvosno was in Diokletia, i.e., Duklja or Diokleia, only when this historical region was ruled by King Vukan, son of the Serbian grand zupan Stefan Nemanja ? in the last decade of the 12th and the very beginning of the 13th century ? the birth of Peter of Korisa is dated to this period. Accordingly, his life and miracles would belong to the 13th century. Based on an in-depth analysis of the most important details about the death of St. Peter of Korisa and the beginnings of his cult ? the chronological distance of Teodosije?s Vita of St. Peter of Korisa from the saint?s death, the transfer of some of his relics to Constantinople, the time of writing of the earliest service dedicated to him, and the earliest layer of frescoes at the hermitage of St. Peter of Korisa ? I propose that the saint died no later than c. 1270 and that Teodosije composed his service and vita in the last decade of the 13th century. In the time separating these two events, the saint?s relics were revealed as incorruptible, and he began to be venerated.
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Maksimovic, Ljubomir. „The 'Byzantinisms' of king Stefan Radoslav“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 46 (2009): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0946139m.
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The life-style and politics of Stefan Radoslav bear the mark of activities that indicated his special attachment to the Byzantine world. These activities were prompted by a combination of ideological ambitions and political reality, but they were not in keeping with the modest achievements of Radoslav's reign. Moreover, most of these activities belong to the time when Radoslav was heir to the throne. There is no doubt that Stefan Nemanjic the Grand Zhupan and subsequently the first crowned king, had exclusive connections with the Byzantine dynasty of the Angeloi, especially with the emperor Alexios III (1195-1203). In that context, the donor's inscription in the basic ring of the dome in the Church of the Mother of God in Studenica (1208), in which his father Stefan Nemanja, is mentioned as (former) 'veleslavni gospodin vse srbske zemlje veli(ki) zupan i svat cara grckog kir Alesija', is quite indicative. This ideological construction would acquire a contour in reality by means of a political marriage with one of the female offspring of Angeloi lineage, which would represent an alternative solution to Stefan's failed marriage with Eudocia, daughter of the emperor Alexios. Instead, several years elapsed in waging war with the Latins, the Bulgarians and the State of Epiros. However, efforts to create firmer, more tangible ties with the Angeloi dynasty from Epiros were not forgotten. Therefore, the Serbian monarch brought his eldest son Radoslav into play, intending to have him act as a link with the Angeloi bloodline. As a result of all this, the final attempt to have Radoslav become the husband of a princess from the Angelos dynasty is not surprising. At the end of 1219 or the beginning of 1220, he married Anna Doukaina, the daughter of the epirotic ruler Theodore I Angelos Doukas Komnenos, which at that point represented a marriage connection of the highest possible level between two ruling houses. Stefan's insistence on Serbia acquiring a stake in the Byzantine succession could not have been expressed more clearly. Radoslav now had a solid position in that succession. On his engagement ring we read: '(This is) the engagement ring of Stefan, a descendant of the house of Doukai, and therefore, Anna, of the family of Komnenoi, receive it into your hands'. This brief text should be connected to the most important part of the inscription from the dome in Studenica. The statement of kinship with the Doukai must be interpreted as a statement of kinship with the Angeloi dynasty, that is, with Alexios III Angelos. In the said circumstances, it confirms the identification of the Byzantine emperor depicted in the Mileseva monastery, opposite to the figures of Stefan the First-Crowned and Radoslav, as Alexios III Angelos. Thus Mileseva highlights the ideological significance of the direct linkage of two members of the house of Nemanjic, both the father Stefan and his son Radoslav, to the Angeloi dynasty. The other 'Byzantinisms' of King Radoslav when he became sole ruler understandably rested upon the described foundation. The coins from his time, which, ostensibly, were produced in the Salonika mint of the Epirotic monarchs, were similar to the coins of the house of Angeloi and were marked with the surname Doukas, which also appears in the well known Greek signature on a document from the end of his reign. In historical terms, all of this becomes even more striking because during the subsequent reigns of the other sons of Stefan the First Crowned - Vladislav and Uros I - they distanced themselves entirely from this policy.
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Kolarski, Ljiljana. „Balkan insights: A grassroots approach to peace and security - Džuverović Nemanja, Stojarová Věra: Peace and Security in the Western Balkans: A Local Perspective, Routledge, London, 2023“. Srpska politička misao 80, Nr. 2 (2023): 255–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44099.
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Filipovic, Aleksandra. „L’ipotesi sulla progettazione dello spazio della chiesa Djurdjevi Stupovi“. Starinar, Nr. 59 (2009): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta0959221f.
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(italijanski) Quest?articolo tratta l?analisi del progetto della chiesa monastica dedicata a S. Giorgio (1170/71), situata nei pressi di Novi Pazar, fondazione del gran giuppano Stefan Nemanja. Il metodo dell? autore richiedeva un cambio dei canoni di lettura di quelli applicati a S. Nicola a Toplica, la fondazione precedente della stessa committenza, per poter comprendere l?organizzazione della pianta di S. Giorgio, progettazione del suo spazio interno, modellazione del suo volume e realizzazione da parte dallo stesso costruttore. Secondo l?autore l?interno della chiesa sia stato congeniato attraverso le due assialit? - longitudinale e trasversale configurando una nuova concezione dello spazio, cui contribuisce, anche notevole altezza. La pianta della chiesa presenta una superficie quadrata in cui centro ? posizionata l?aula centrale, coperta da cupola. L?aula centrale ? il luogo che ammetteva due diverse assialit? (per questo volutamente rettangolare in pianta), e aveva perseguito senso della verticalit? che ha dato movimento all?intera volumetria centrale offrendo luogo alla terza asse, quella verticale. Le simili misure di queste tre assi (13.8 m, 14.24 m, 14.3 m) hanno fatto pensare all?autore che la genesi progettuale sottostante sia una forma cubica, la cui base sono tre assi avvalorati dalle prospettive conseguenti: una parte dall?ingresso ad ovest toccando il culmine dell?abside centrale; questo asse ? tagliato ortogonalmente dal secondo che unisce i due portali laterali; il terzo asse parte dal centro geometrico d?incontro delle prospettive a terra salendo al sommo della cupola. L?analisi ha mostrato anche l?ingresso principale era il luogo delle generatrici visive: una ortogonale (l?ase longitudinale) e due oblique (che si creano lungo i fuochi dell?elisse centrale che immettevano nelle abside laterali).
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Tibpromma, Saowaluck, Lu Zhang, Samantha C. Karunarathna, Tian-Ye Du, Chayanard Phukhamsakda, Munikishore Rachakunta, Nakarin Suwannarach, Jianchu Xu, Peter E. Mortimer und Yue-Hu Wang. „Volatile Constituents of Endophytic Fungi Isolated from Aquilaria sinensis with Descriptions of Two New Species of Nemania“. Life 11, Nr. 4 (19.04.2021): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/life11040363.
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Algae, bacteria, and fungi, as well as higher plants, produce a wide variety of secondary metabolites known as natural products. Natural products are well known as remarkable sources of many therapeutic agents. The genus Nemania is a wood-decaying fungus that belongs to family Xylariaceae. Nemania is often found as an endophyte in diverse hosts and some species are known to produce useful secondary metabolites. In this study, two Nemania species were isolated as an endophytic fungus from Aquilaria sinensis. Multi-gene phylogenetic studies showed that the newly described strains of Nemania are new to science, and this is the first report of Nemania from the host Aquilaria. One of the fermented species, Nemania aquilariae (KUMCC 20-0268), resulted in five sesquiterpenoids, which were previously reported from agarwood, and their structures were identified by gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS). In addition, five different media were investigated in vitro to optimize conditions for growing the fungal biomass of Nemania aquilariae and N. yunnanensis.
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Andrejić, Živojin. „Reflections regarding lost gravestone of Serbian Princess Brnča, the daughter of King Uroš the First and Helen Comnen Courtnee of Anjou“. Bastina, Nr. 56 (2022): 335–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina32-35665.
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Princess Brnča, daughter of king Uroš the First and his second wife Helen Comnen Courtne Anjou(from his previous marriage he had a son, Stefan), whose existence was unknown to historical sources, can be only noticed on portrait in frescos of lineage of dinasty of Stefan Nemanja in monasteries of Gračanica, Dečani and Patriarchate of Peć. Although she is nowhere presented as a nun, there is presumption that she became a nun and that she was buried in the Monastery of Gradac, which is the foundation of her mother Helen Of Anjou. Hungarian sources testifiy that King Uroš The First had a son in law, whose name was unknown to history (the son of Serbian great penitentiary), and Josif Tronožac claimed that the king had two daughters. There is a fact that Brnča was married to a certain mayor Đorđe, as well as the presumption that she was born around 1253. Newly discovered signature on the gravestone found in church of St. George, belonging to deserted and vanished, monastery Kastaljani, on the slopes of Kosmaj mountin, near Mladenovac, serves as a testemony that this church was built by King Milutin in 1303, and that Brnča was buried there in 1306. This fact serves to reject completely all assumptions that are without any physical evidence that princess Brnca was a nun and that she was buried in the monastery of Gradac. Knowing this, it can be concluded that the church of St. George was built on the land that belonged to Princess Brnča and her husband, Mayor Đorđe, in the state of her brother, The king of Srem, Dragutin. The church must have stareted being built before war conflicts between brothers, kings Milutin and Dragutin, around 1303 and 1304, and the other daughter of King Uroš The First, whose name remains unknown, is buried in the monastery of Gradac with her mother, Helen of Anjou.
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Zivkovic, Tibor. „Dioclea between Rascia and Byzantium in the first half of the twelfth century“. Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, Nr. 43 (2006): 451–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0643451z.
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The conflict between Rascia and Dioclea began in the reign of King Bodin of Dioclea (1081-1099) and it was brought to an end during the rule of Stephen Nemanja, Grand Zhupan of Serbia about 1185. The historical sources, primarily the Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclea, give no indication of the causes of this conflict, nor do they explain why Byzantium found it necessary to intervene from time to time in Dioclea or Rascia. Although the family relations of the Rasican and Dioclean dynasties frequently provoked one state to interfere into the internal affairs of the other, they were certainly not the main generator of this century-long conflict. Since it was a process of long duration, it is quite likely that the main cause of the war between Rascia and Dioclea had to do with economic considerations, and the paper discusses this possibility. The rulers of Dioclea wanted to secure the raw materials for the maritime towns, primarily Cataro, which they had acquired around the middle of the eleventh century, and they sought to achieve that by conquest and the expansion of their influence in the inland regions ? in Travounia, Bosnia and Rascia. On the other hand, Serbia had become rapidly more powerful in the early twelfth century, and its rulers sought to impose their control on these maritime towns as nearest centres of commerce and production. During this contest, Byzantium interfered only when the geostrategic stability in the broader territory of the Balkan Peninsula seemed to be brought into question and when Dioclea or Rascia established closer links with the Venetians, Hungarians or Normans, thus jeopardizing its interests. Byzantium looked upon Rascia and Dioclea as its western outposts and was therefore anxious to have a reliable ruler in Rascia, so that it could control the Nis ? Branicevo ? Belgrade route to Hungary. Similarly, a dependable ruler in Doclea was a guarantor of the safety of the theme of Dyrrachion and of unimpeded communication with the remaining Byzantine possessions in the middle part of Dalmatia.
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Ju, Yu-Ming, und Jack D. Rogers. „The genus Nemania (Xylariaceae)“. Nova Hedwigia 74, Nr. 1-2 (01.02.2002): 75–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/0029-5035/2002/0074-0075.
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Pourmoghaddam, Mohammad Javad, Christopher Lambert, Hermann Voglmayr, Seyed Akbar Khodaparast, Irmgard Krisai-Greilhuber und Marc Stadler. „Note on the genus Nemania (Xylariaceae) – first records and a new species of the genus from Iran“. MycoKeys 93 (07.10.2022): 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/mycokeys.93.94148.
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In a survey of xylarialean fungi in northern Iran, some specimens attributable to the genus Nemania were collected, cultured and sequenced. Morphological evidence and phylogenetic analyses of a combined ITS, LSU, RPB2 and TUB2 gene dataset confirmed the presence of Nemania diffusa and N. serpens in Iran for the first time. Furthermore, the new species N. hyrcana, which shows similarities to N. subaenea and its putative synonym N. plumbea, but significantly differs from the latter in its DNA sequences, was encountered. All species are illustrated, described and discussed. In the phylogenetic analyses, for the first time, the overlooked ex-type ITS sequences of the neotype of the generic type, N. serpens and that of the holotype of N. prava, were added to a multi-gene matrix of Nemania. This revealed that the two accessions of N. serpens (HAST 235 and CBS 679.86), for which multigene data are available in GenBank, are misidentified, while the Iranian accession of N. serpens has an almost identical ITS sequence to the neotype, confirming its morphological species identification. The two previously accepted species of Euepixylon, E. udum and E. sphaeriostomum, are embedded within Nemania and are revealed as close relatives of N. serpens, supporting the inclusion of Euepixylon in Nemania.
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Pi, Yin Hui, Si Han Long, You Peng Wu, Li Li Liu, Yan Lin, Qing De Long, Ji Chuan Kang et al. „A taxonomic study of Nemania from China, with six new species“. MycoKeys 83 (24.08.2021): 39–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/mycokeys.83.69906.
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During an investigation of Xylariaceae from 2019 to 2020, isolates representing eight Nemania (Xylariacese) species were collected from Yunnan, Guizhou and Hainan Provinces in China. Morphological and multi-gene phylogenetic analyses, based on combined ITS, α-actin, rpb2 and β-tubulin sequences, confirmed that six of them are new to science, viz. Nemania camelliae, N. changningensis, N. cyclobalanopsina, N. feicuiensis, N. lishuicola and N. rubi; one is a new record (N. caries) for China and one is a known species (N. diffusa). Morphological descriptions and illustrations of all species are detailed. In addition, the characteristics of Nemania are summarised and prevailing contradictions in generic concepts are discussed.
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Ingólfsdóttir, Ölrún, und Eva Sveinsdóttir. „Tannlæknaótti - kvíði og -fælni meðal nema við Háskóla Íslands“. Tannlæknablaðið 38, Nr. 1 (2020): 51–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/tann.38.1.6.
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Tannlæknaótti, -kvíði og -fælni eru hugtök sem lýsa kvíðatengdri upplifun gagnvart tannlækningum. Slík upplifun getur haft alvarlegar afleiðingar fyrir tannheilsu einstaklinga, sem forðast gjarnan tannlæknaheimsóknir. Slök tannheilsa getur haft víðtæk líkamleg og andleg áhrif því tennur og tannheilsa spila stórt hlutverk þegar kemur að almennum lífsgæðum og vellíðan. Markmið rannsóknarinnar var að kanna umfang tannlæknaótta, -kvíða og -fælni meðal nema í grunnnámi við Háskóla Íslands. Aðferðir: Rafræn spurningakönnun var send á alla nemendur skráða í grunnnám við Háskóla Íslands í febrúar 2019. Þekktur alþjóðlegur spurningalisti (MDAS) var notaður til að mæla umfang tannlæknaótta, -kvíða og -fælni meðal nemanna. Niðurstöður: Af þeim 6995 nemum sem spurningalistinn var sendur til tóku 641 nemandi (9,2%) þátt, en svör frá 637 (9,1%) voru nýtt til úrvinnslu. Konur voru í miklum meirihluta svarenda, 82,7% (n=526), og flestir þátttakendur, 53,3% (n=341), voru á aldursbilinu 20-24 ára. Samkvæmt svörum þátttakenda mældust 19,2% (n=122) með miðlungs tannlæknakvíða, 18,3% (n=115) með mikinn og 26,5% (n=169) með verulegan tannlæknakvíða eða tannlæknafælni. Meirihluti þátttakenda, 88,0% (n=560), hafði sótt sér tannlæknaþjónustu síðastliðin tvö ár. Ályktun: Niðurstöðurnar benda til að tannlæknakvíði sé raunverulegt vandamál meðal nema í grunnnámi við HÍ. Ætla má að umfang vandans sé sambærilegt meðal annarra þjóðfélagshópa og geti haft áhrif á tannheilsu almennings. Mælt er með því að þeir sem þjást af tannlæknaótta, -kvíða eða -fælni leiti sér faglegrar aðstoðar til að hægt sé að koma í veg fyrir skaðleg áhrif vandans á tannheilsu og lífsgæði.
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Szefliński, Błażej. „Chronologia życia Stefana Nemanji. Próba uporządkowania“. Roczniki Historyczne 80 (01.01.2014): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/rh.2014.05.
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Pavlov-Dolijanovic, S., V. Koletic, N. Vujasinovic Stupar und N. Damjanov. „AB0600 THE EFFECTS OF HYPERBARIC OXYGEN THERAPY TO QUALITY OF LIFE AND STATE OF MICROCIRCULATION IN PATIENTS WITH SYSTEMIC SCLEROSIS - A PILOT STUDY“. Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 79, Suppl 1 (Juni 2020): 1596.2–1596. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2020-eular.2610.
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Background:Many treatments have been tried in therapy systemic sclerosis (SSc) patients but use of hyperbaric oxygen therapy (HBOT) is very limited.Objectives:To assess the effects of HBOT to quality of life and state of microcirculation in SSc patients.Methods:18 female patients aged 29-68 years (mean 57 years) with limited SSc and digital or leg ulcers were included in this work. The HBOT protocol comprised 20 sessions 5 day/weekly, 60 min, 100% oxygen at 2.2 ATA. The treated patients were evaluated at baseline and after 20 HBOT sessions. Evaluation consisted of physical examination, capillaroscopy, pulmonary function tests, biochemical analyses, socio-demographic and clinimetric questionnaires: Systemic Sclerosis Questionnaire (SySQ) and Health Assessment Disaability index Questionnaire (HAQ-DI).Results:Mean value [before: after, mean (range)] for SySQ [15.5 (4-48) vs 9.0 (3-31)], HAQ-DI [0.60 (0-2.88) vs 0.35 (0 -1.75)], erythrocyte sedimentation rate [21 (4-42) vs 12 (3-27)], forced vital capacity (96.61±14.44% vs 115.94±16.69%), diffusing lung capacity of carbon monoxide (73.61±6.63% vs 87.33±9.30%) significantly improved after HBOT sessions (p<0.001). There was no significant changes in the total number of capillaries (325 vs 338, p=0.235), mean number of enlarged capillaries (21 vs 27, p=0.182), giant capillaries (14 vs 14, p=0.235) and ramified/bushy capillaries (14 vs 13, p=0.178) before and after HOBT. All patients had digital ulcers, and 5 patients had bilateral lesions (digital and leg ulcers). Mean size of ulceration before HBOT was 12x11mm, and after therapy was 4x4mm (p<0.001). Three patients had digital gangrene. Amputation was not require for any.Conclusion:Our data confirm the efficacy of HBOT in treating SSc patients. Further studies are required to evaluate the protocol and to understand the durattion of the clinical effect.References:[1]Mirasoglu B, Bagli BS, Aktas S. Hyperbaric oxygen therapy for chronic ulcers in systemic sclerosis - case series. Int J Dermatol. 2017;56(6):636-640.[2]Gerodimos C, Stefanidou S, Kotsiou M, et al. Hyperbaric oxygen treatment of intractable ulcers in a systemic sclerosis patient.Aristotle Un Med J. 2013;(40)3:19-22.[3]Wallace DJ, Silverman S, Goldstein J, Hughes D. Use of hyperbaric oxygen in rheumatic diseases: case report and critical analysis. Lupus. 1995;4(3):172-5.Disclosure of Interests:Slavica Pavlov-Dolijanovic: None declared, Vesna Koletic: None declared, Nada Vujasinovic Stupar: None declared, Nemanja Damjanov Grant/research support from: from AbbVie, Pfizer, and Roche, Consultant of: AbbVie, Gedeon Richter, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, and Roche, Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Gedeon Richter, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, and Roche
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Nhapi, I., J. Dalu, J. Ndamba, M. A. Siebel und H. J. Gijzen. „An evaluation of duckweed-based pond systems as an alternative option for decentralised treatment and reuse of wastewater in Zimbabwe“. Water Science and Technology 48, Nr. 2 (01.07.2003): 323–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2003.0137.
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A study was carried out in Zimbabwe to evaluate the performance of duckweed ponds as an option for treating and reusing wastewater in small, decentralised communities. The study focused on nitrogen and phosphorus removal, operational problems, and duckweed application. Two full-scale trial plants at Nemanwa and Gutu-Mupandawana growth points were used. Sewage samples were collected and analysed monthly from September 2000 to August 2001 for NO3, NH4-, TKN, TP, COD, and other field measurements. The duckweed was harvested daily and fed to chickens. The Nemanwa plant had high nutrient levels due to nil outflows caused by water rationing in the area. The Gutu effluent had averages of 38.7 ± 23.1 mg/l TN and 7.5 ± 2.4 mg/l TP which are above the respective Zimbabwean standards of 10 mg/l TN and 1 mg/l TP. COD removal efficiency at Gutu was poor at 45%. The performance of Gutu and Nemanwa plants suffered from inappropriate design especially pond depth and short-circuiting. The duckweed died off in the November-January period, this being attributed to excessive levels of ammonia. It was concluded that the duckweed pond systems would offer a good alternative for managing and reusing wastewater at community level provided due regard is paid to appropriate design criteria.
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Marinković, Čedomila. „Helen Nemanjić (1250–1314)“. Encyclopedia 2, Nr. 1 (22.12.2021): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/encyclopedia2010002.
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Queen Helen Nemanjić (1250–Brnjaci near Zubin Potok, February 8, 1314) was a Serbian medieval queen and consort of King Stefan Uroš I (r. 1243–1276), the fifth ruler of the Serbian Nemanide dynasty. She was the mother of the kings Stefan Dragutin and Stefan Uroš II Milutin. Today, she is known as Helen of Anjou (Jelena Anžujska in Serbian) although her real name was most probably Heleni Angelina (Ελένη Aγγελίνα). She was the founder of the Serbian Orthodox monastery of Gradac as well as four Franciscan abbeys in Kotor, Bar, Ulcinj, and Shkodër. Together with her sons, Kings Stefan Dragutin and Stefan Uroš II Milutin she helped renovation of Benedictine abbey of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus near Shkodër on Boyana river in present-day Albania. After the death of her husband, she ruled Zeta and Travunija until 1306. She was known for her religious tolerance and charitable and educational endeavors. She was elevated to sainthood by the Serbian Orthodox Church. Along with Empress Helen, the wife of Serbian Emperor Stefan Uroš IV Dušan, Queen Helen was the most frequently painted woman of Serbian medieval art. Six of her portraits can be found in the monumental painting ensembles of the Serbian medieval monasteries of Sopoćani, Gradac, Arilje, Đurđevi Stupovi (Pillars of St. George), and Gračanica, as well as on two icons and one seal. Queen Helen is also the only female Serbian medieval ruler whose vita was included in the famous collection of the “Lives of Serbian Kings and Archbishops” by Archbishop Danilo II, a prominent church leader, warrior, and writer.
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Prodanovic, S., M. Sefik Bukilica, J. Colic, S. Seric und N. Damjanov. „THU0109 DOES HIGH BASELINE LEVEL OF MATRIX METALLPROTEINASES 3 (MMP3) INDICATE MORE MTP5 JOINT EROSIONS IN EARLY RHEUMATOID ARTHRITIS PATIENTS? (THE 2-YEAR PROSPECTIVE ULTRASONOGRAPHIC STUDY)“. Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 79, Suppl 1 (Juni 2020): 269.2–269. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2020-eular.5335.
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Background:The serum MMP3 level is considered biomarker which reflects local inflammation of joints and correlates with joint damage progression in early rheumatoid arthritis (1).Objectives:To investigate the association of high baseline MMP3 serum levels with bone erosion finding at the level of typical location for rheumatoid arthritis (RA) in patients with early, treatment “naïve” RA, who has no radiographic visible erosions, using ultrasound method (US).Methods:Sixty-three pts. (9 males and 54 females; mean age 53.4 yrs 21-81 ± 14.1) with early RA according to EULAR/ACR 2010 criteria and symptom duration of ≤12 months (mean duration of 3.8 months) had baseline serum MMP3 levels tested. Serum levels of soluble MMP3 were performed blindly, without knowledge of the US data at the basal visit only, using the recommended normal cut-off range (a level above normal was rated as positive). Patients had been DMARDs/glucocorticoid naïve, with no visible X-ray erosions at the study entry. The lateral, dorsal and posterior part of styloid, MCP2, MCP5 and MTP5 joints of both side, were analyzed for presence of bone erosion (yes/no), according to OMERACT US group definition, using high frequency linear probe by ESAOTE My Lab 70 machine at baseline visit and after 24 months.Results:The 50 pts completed follow-up. 46 pts. had basal serum MMP3 level higher than normal (MMP3 +, mean value 185.1±241.0). US bone erosions were present in 55/63 (87.3%) pts, most often in MTP5 joints, both at the study entry and after 24 months of follow up (25 pts-39.6% and 32 pts-64% respectively). At baseline visit no significant difference was found between a group of MMP3+ and MMP3- pts. regarding to US bone erosion presence at the level of all analyzed joints (styloid process: 12 MMP3+/4 MMP3- pts.; p=0.836; MCP2: 14 MMP3+/6 MMP3- pts., p=0.713; MCP5:8 MMP3+/0 MMP3- pts, p=0.06; MTP5: 26 MMP3+/11 MMP3- pts, p=0.55). After 24 months, significant difference was found between a group of MMP3+ and negative pts for MTP5 US bone erosions finding (33 MMP3+/ 6 MMP3- pts, p=0.03) only, (styloid process:21 MMP3+/5 MMP3- pts, p=0.623; MCP2: 26 MMP3+/7 MMP3- pts, p=0.851, MCP5: 14 MMP3+/2 MMP3- pts, p=0.266).Conclusion:In our group of RA patients without initial X-ray changes, the high baseline serum level of MMP3 was significantly correlated with new MTP5 bone erosions by US after 2-year of follow-up.References:TCHETVERIKOV I, LARD LR, DEGROOT Jet al: Matrix metalloproteinases-3, 8, 9 as markers of disease activity and joint damage progression in early rheumatoid arthritis.Ann Rheum Dis2003;62:1094–99.Disclosure of Interests:Slavica Prodanovic: None declared, Mirjana Sefik Bukilica: None declared, Jelena Colic: None declared, Srdjan Seric: None declared, Nemanja Damjanov Grant/research support from: from AbbVie, Pfizer, and Roche, Consultant of: AbbVie, Gedeon Richter, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, and Roche, Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Gedeon Richter, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, and Roche