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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Neither peace nor war“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Neither peace nor war"
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Pavel Dulman. „NEITHER PEACE NOR WAR“. Current Digest of the Russian Press, The 71, Nr. 046 (11.11.2019): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.56404504.
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Davis, Lance, und Stanley Engerman. „History Lessons Sanctions: Neither War nor Peace“. Journal of Economic Perspectives 17, Nr. 2 (01.05.2003): 187–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/089533003765888502.
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This paper surveys the increasing international use of sanctions over the past century. Sanctions are a form of action taken by one state or by collective action to influence another state to change its behavior, as a substitute for welfare. They generally involve restrictions on foreign trade, either of all goods or of specific commodities. Sanctions have generally been imposed by larger countries on smaller countries. Sanctions have had a mixed success rate, depending on the costs imposed on the targeted nation, their response to these costs, and the impact on the economy and public opinion in other nations.
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Chimnyi, Roman. „Neither War Nor Peace, But Disband the CCU!“ Statutes and Decisions 46, Nr. 3 (01.05.2011): 16–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rsd1061-0014460303.
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Zahavi, Hadas. „Toward a literary genre of ‘neither peace nor war’“. European Journal of Life Writing 11 (21.04.2022): AN50—AN74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/ejlw.11.38658.
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While numerous studies have attempted to define forms of communication for the experience of eye witnessing the atrocities of war, little has been written on the inverse experience: how can one bear witness to not seeing warfare? I propose that this question has a profound ethical and political importance in the present, as the elimination of war’s demolition from the European horizon is essential to understanding the political situation that contemporary authors are witnessing. Retracing recent adaptations of the constructions of peace and war in the field of international studies may serve as a point of departure for determining a literary genre of ‘neither peace nor war’ related to contemporary French life-writings of writers such as Jean Rouaud and Jean-Yves Jouannais. Without being physically present for the events of extreme violence their writing describes in a first-person narrative, this genre creates a space for a reappearance of the war through the reconstructed European horizon of the present and opens a window toward a mode of resistance to the adverse political situation of ‘neither peace nor war’.
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Banta, Benjamin R. „Grasping neither war nor peace: the folly of cosmopolitan preventive war“. Journal of Global Ethics 16, Nr. 1 (11.10.2018): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449626.2018.1502203.
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Bulyk, Maxim, und Irina Gridina. „Shades of Gray in the War in Eastern Ukraine: ‘Neither War nor Peace’ Existence Zones, ‘Neither Truth nor Lie’ Silence Zones“. Baltic Journal of European Studies 9, Nr. 3 (01.09.2019): 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0028.
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Abstract The concepts of ‘gray zone conflict’, as one of the new phenomena in the theory of international relations, are given considerable attention in modern strategic researches of analysts, in particular American ones (Hel Brands, Adam Elkus, etc.). The definition of ‘gray zone conflict’ by American political scientists coincides with the definitions of domestic scholars in outlining the hybrid war in general, and Russian Federation’s war against Ukraine in particular. At the same time, qualifying the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and the war in Eastern Ukraine as the sole concept of ‘gray zone’ shall be considered not to be entirely correct, since the scales tend to favor the definition of civil war, which is so advantageous to Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, the war in Eastern Ukraine has many shades of gray, which gives grounds to the use of the concept of ‘gray zone conflict’ on specific examples of the existence of real and imaginary gray zones (realities of existence and zones of silence) and to investigate their quantitative and qualitative characteristics, to determine the degree of the viral use of the gray zone of conflict by the state (as an object of aggression), which complicates its establishment. The possibilities/unacceptability of solving gray zone conflicts by “gray” methods are being outlined as well.
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Bloch, Avital H. „Neither Peace nor Freedom: The Cultural Cold War in Latin America“. Journal of American History 104, Nr. 1 (Juni 2017): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jax110.
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Knight, Alan. „Neither Peace nor Freedom: The Cultural Cold War in Latin America“. Hispanic American Historical Review 97, Nr. 1 (25.01.2017): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-3727707.
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Dowdney, Luke. „Neither war nor peace: children and youth in organised armed violence“. International Psychiatry 1, Nr. 2 (Oktober 2003): 8–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600006433.
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The international community has been slow to appreciate the growing problem of the participation of armed children and youths in non-political disputes, encountered in both developed and developing countries, from Haiti to Northern Ireland. While there is widespread recognition of the issue of ‘child soldiers’ (e.g. www.childsoldiers.org/) there are also many children who participate in organised armed groups that function outside traditionally defined war zones. Nowhere is this issue more acute than in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. There may be more people (and specifically children) dying from small-arms fire in Rio de Janeiro than in many armed conflicts elsewhere. Most are bound up in the relentless conflicts involving factions of drugs traffickers fighting within and between Rio's favelas, or shanty towns, and their burgeoning drugs trade.
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Kelly, Patrick William. „Neither peace nor freedom: the cultural Cold War in Latin America“. Politics, Religion & Ideology 18, Nr. 1 (02.01.2017): 126–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2017.1298313.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleDissertationen zum Thema "Neither peace nor war"
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Walker, Ben. „Neither pro-war nor pro-peace Sydney George Fisher, John and Leo Faller, and their perspectives on Civil War Pennsylvania /“. Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/3594.
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Wieninger, William A. „Nuclear deterrence : neither necessary nor sufficient for peace“. Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85030.
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This thesis carefully examines the question of the effect of nuclear weapons possession on international relations through a detailed examination of all international crises between nuclear powers, as identified by the International Crisis Behavior Project (ICB). It distinguishes itself from similar studies in four key areas. First, by including the recent dyadic nuclear crises between India and Pakistan, this study significantly expands the number of cases under consideration. Next, the India-Pakistan crises provide an opportunity for a novel comparison to the US-USSR crises of the Cold War.Third, this work is unique among studies of nuclear deterrence in its combined use of qualitative and quantitative methodology. The quantitative analysis uses ordered logit with the ICB data set on a variety of variables, discussed below, that do not lend themselves to standard regression techniques. The qualitative analysis examines whether or not nuclear weapons caused decision-makers on both sides of each crises to refrain from escalation due to fear of nuclear catastrophe. Finally, this study compares the effect of mutual nuclear weapons capability with the effects of democracy and interdependence on the level of violence in crises.
Ultimately, this thesis finds that nuclear proliferation is far less successful at preventing war among states in dyadic nuclear crises than is commonly believed. In only one of 17 crises (the Cuban Missile Crisis) is it clear that mutual possession of nuclear weapons caused leaders on both sides to eschew war. Relative to nuclear weapons possession, democracy and trade were found to be significantly more effective at limiting violence in crises and preventing war. Moreover, regimes suffering a lack of legitimacy in either the international community or among their neighbors had a significantly higher level of violence in crises.
Taken together, these findings have significant implications for public policy regarding nuclear proliferation, suggesting that the international community should work even more diligently to prevent nuclear proliferation, while working to strengthen democratic regimes, increase interstate trade, and reduce the international isolation of states such as North Korea and Iran.
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Zahavi, Hadas. „Le statut de témoignage dans l'œuvre de Jean Rouaud“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 3, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023PA030042.
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De nombreuses études ont tenté de définir les formes d’écritures relatives à l’expérience du soi face aux atrocités de la guerre. En revanche, la recherche testimoniale et littéraire ignore l’idée inverse : comment témoigner d’une guerre que l’on n’a pas vécue ? Cette question non investie jusqu’à présent soulève aujourd’hui des enjeux éthiques et politiques importants. L’occultation de la guerre menée par le monde occidental est essentielle pour la compréhension de la situation politique dont témoignent de nombreux auteurs contemporains. Au cœur de leurs récits de guerre, des écrivains contemporains tels que Jean Rouaud, Jean-Yves Jouannais, Laurent Mauvignier et François Bon livrent des témoignages sur des guerres auxquelles ils n’ont pas pris part. Ils le font à la première personne et au présent, tout en entrant dans les moindres détails des faits racontés. Ces écrivains attestent d’événements relatifs aux guerres passées comme aux conflits actuels. Ces témoignages ne s’appuient exclusivement ni sur la littérature scientifique ou professionnelle ni sur les récits partagés par des témoins directs de la guerre. Ainsi, le fait que ces auteurs n’aient pas assisté à la guerre leur permet de livrer des témoignages pionniers sur les situations actuelles de conflit comme sur les guerres historiques. Pour répondre à cette question de recherche, cette thèse analyse le statut du témoignage dans l’œuvre de Jean Rouaud, écrivain pionnier de cette tendance littéraire, et en retrace l’évolutionThe present thesis defines a new model of testimony written by contemporary authorswho were not physically present in the conflicts their writings describe in first-person narrative and the present tense. This literary corpus constitutes a watershed in the history of modern testimonial literature, which ascribes absolute authority as war witnesses to ‘the men who were there’ in the conflict zone during the war. Using first-person narratives, intimate language, and detailed writing, contemporary writers such as Jean Rouaud, Pierre Bergounioux, François Bon, Jean-Yves Jouannais, Pierre Michon, and Annie Ernaux witness events from the two world wars and from current conflict zones. They do not provide testimonies from a perspective external to war; they do not base their writings on scientific or professional literature nor rely on survivors’ ‘first-hand testimonies’. Further, in their writings, traveling to distant conflict zones is not a prerequisite to become an eyewitness to the injustices that occur there. Instead, for these writers, the intergenerational consequences of theworld wars and the involvement of France in conflicts around the world make them witnesses of those conflicts. The fact that these authors never participated directly in a war constitutes a new approach to the ‘eyewitness’ that is valuable for understanding contemporary reality. In an attempt to trace the nature of this tendency in its literary, ethical, and political aspects, the present study is devoted to a lateral reading of the corpus of Jean Rouaud, the pioneering and leading writer of this tendency
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Chambers, James. „Neither a Borrower nor a Lender Be: America Attempts to Collect its War Debts 1922-1934“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1363.
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During and immediately after World War I the United States lent over $10 billion to various countries to sustain their war efforts and to provide post-war relief. The United States's insistence that these loans be repaid led to sharp disagreements with its erstwhile allies as to the nature of these loans and whether they should actually be repaid.
This thesis examines the processes, and the policies upon which those processes were based, by which the United States attempted to compel the debtor nations to begin repaying their loans.
The central theme of the thesis was developed largely from primary sources, including Annual Reports of the Secretary of the Treasury, diplomatic message traffic, and minutes and reports of the World War Foreign Debt Commission. Secondary sources supported the development of the economic and political context in which these events occurred as well as the perspectives of the foreign governments involved.
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Niang, Soukeyna. „Conflit armé et reconfiguration des rapports de genre en Casamance (Sénégal) : la féminisation du « ni guerre ni paix » et ses limites“. Thesis, Bordeaux, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020BORD0250.
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Cette thèse s’intéresse aux reconfigurations des rapports de genre induits par le conflit armé de Casamance, plus vieille rébellion d’Afrique qui oppose depuis près de 40 ans l’État du Sénégal au Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de Casamance (MFDC) sécessionniste. Le conflit est entré depuis le début des années 2000 dans une phase de « ni guerre ni paix » dans laquelle on observe l’occupation des femmes de rôles masculins dans les sphères publiques et privées. Les résultats de cette recherche montrent en effet que la guerre a mis en difficulté les masculinités, d’où une montée en puissance des féminités. Dans la sphère publique, la gestion politique du conflit casamançais est marquée par sa dimension androcentrique ; les hommes ont montré leurs limites dans leur capacité à mettre un terme au conflit, c’est-à-dire à remplir le rôle politico-militaire dont ils ont l’apanage. Dans cette vacance, les femmes se sont mobilisées pour mettre fin à la guerre à travers la création de la Plateforme des Femmes pour la Paix en Casamance (PFPC). Dans la sphère domestique, le constat fait est celui de masculinités vulnérables et de féminités surchargées. Alors que les hommes ont été les principales victimes du conflit casamançais, certaines femmes sont devenues des cheffes de famille. Cependant, cette reconfiguration des rapports de genre par la féminisation de responsabilités longtemps monopolisées par les hommes n’a pas remis en cause les arrangements de genre à tendance patriarcales. L’augmentation de l’agir féminin ne s’est pas accompagnée d’une augmentation de leur pouvoir politique ou même de leur pouvoir domestique. Cette thèse s’applique à démontrer les dimensions paradoxales de cette surféminisation limitée car sans effet significatif et immédiat sur les normes genrées patriarcalesThis thesis examines the reconfigurations of gender relations caused by the armed conflict in Casamance, the oldest rebellion in Africa which for nearly 40 years oppose the State of Senegal to the secessionist Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de Casamance (MFDC). Since the early 2000s, the conflict has entered in a floating phase of "neither war nor peace". In this context, we see an over-presence of women in public and private spheres due to the fact that the war has challenged masculinities and consequently provoque a rise of femininities. Indeed, in public sphere, the management of the Casamance conflict is marked by its androcentric dimension; men have shown their limits in the ability to put an end to the conflict, that is to say to fulfill the politico-military role of which they have the prerogative. Faced with that, women have mobilized to end the war through the creation of the Plateforme des Femmes pour la Paix en Casamance (PFPC). In the private domestic sphere, we observe vulnerable masculinities and overloaded femininities. While men were the main victims of the Casamance conflict, women became heads of families. However, a paradox is highlighted: this new paradigm of gender relations in favor of over-feminization in Casamance has not challenge patriarchal gender arrangements. The increase of female autonomy has not been accompanied by an increase of their political power or even their domestic power. As a result, this thesis seeks to demonstrate the paradoxical dimensions of this limited surfeminization without relevant effect on patriarchal gender norms
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Broome, Helen Isobel. „'Neither curable nor incurable but actually dying' : the history of care at the Friedenheim/St. Columba's Hospital, Home of Peace for the Dying (1885-1981)“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 2011. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/208197/.
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This thesis fills a manifest gap in the history of end-of-life care in England through an exploration of the circumstances, position and importance of the Friedenheim, Home of Peace for the Dying (1885-1981), thought to be the first proto-hospice in this country. As yet virtually unexplored in published works, the nature of this hospital and the ethos of care provided there are demonstrated through evidence drawn from a multiplicity of sources, including archival records and personal testimony. By definitively establishing the chronological evolution of the institution, its locations and facilities, discrepancies in current lists and commentaries are clarified. Analysis of the nature, scope and influence of this hospital, which offered specialised care only for the terminally ill, illustrates and informs the emergence of specialised care for the dying in England. The thesis tests the accepted primacy of the institution by an examination and comparison of coeval establishments for the sick and dying. The founder, Frances Davidson, sought to provide a place for the poor to die and the space thus provided for clinical, spiritual and social care is explored. The complexities of managing this philanthropic institution and sustaining its financial viability are exposed through consideration of its administration and evolution. Analysis of patient profiles, morbidity data and referral statistics furnishes insight into the evolving nature and place of the hospital within London’s medical and philanthropic worlds. Details of the clinical, social and spiritual attention given to the patients reveal the breadth of care provided for them. Finally, the thesis discloses links with Cicely Saunders and challenges the received assumption that the Friedenheim, by now called St. Columba’s Hospital, played no part in the establishment of the so-called ‘modern’ hospice movement. The extensive and detailed results of this research confirm and justify for the first time the Friedenheim’s accepted place as the London pioneer of dedicated institutional care for dying people and place it at the inception of specialised care in England for those at the end of life.
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Black, Jonathan Andrew Alexander. „'Neither beasts nor gods but men' : constructions of masculinity and the image of the ordinary British solider or 'Tommy' in the First World War art of C.R.W. Nevinson (1889-1946), Eric Henri Kennington (1888-1960) and Charles Sargeant Jagger (1885-1934)“. Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2003. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1383230/.
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In part this thesis was inspired by a reading of Frederic Manning's novel of the First World War, Her Privates We, published in 1930. In the novel's foreword Manning suggests that the men who did by far the most fighting and dying on the side of Britain during the First World War, ordinary soldiers in the ranks, had been fundamentally misunderstood by those writing about the war after the end of hostilities. Manning asserted, using the words I quote in the title of the thesis, that the men with whom he served in the ranks during the murderous battle of the Somme were not just soulless killers nor were they cattle-like victims who went to their deaths with no conception of why they fought. He remembered his comrades as ordinary men who consistently displayed an extraordinary capacity for endurance and ingenuity amidst the most atrocious conditions. Manning's perception of the ordinary British soldier, or Tommy' prompted me to explore the relatively under-researched and poorly appreciated area of imagery of the First World War created by British official and unofficial war artists. Those who had fought valued tremendously the imagery of the British soldier from the ranks created by Nevinson, Kennington and Jagger. One of the principle objectives of this thesis will be to uncover reasons for why this was the case. In addition, art of the First World War operates in an area over which a number of disciplines overlap, such as art history, military history, anthropology, literary history and gender studies. This thesis seeks to offer, in a manner which has not been hitherto attempted, to integrate approaches from the aforementioned disciplines in an attempt to enrich understanding of how various participants reacted in the way they did to images of British combatants created by Nevinson, Kennington and Jagger. In particular, this study acknowledges the advances made in the realm of Masculinity Studies over the past decade and argues that deployment of such research can considerably enhance our appreciation of why certain images, whether they be a painting or a drawing or a piece of figurative sculpture, could be greeted with widespread approbation or equally comprehensive condemnation. The author has been pleasantly surprised by the extent of unpublished material there still exists concerning the three artists under investigation despite the fact that, during their heyday, they were collectively regarded as among Britain's brightest artistic talents. There remains far more to be said, and argued, about the imagery of soldiers produced within Britain during one of the most traumatic and destructive episodes in human history. This thesis does not, in itself, constitute a definitive study of the careers of three fascinating and important artists during and immediately after the First World War. However, it is offered in the hope that the information it contains will spur future students of the era to further investigation in what remains an extremely fertile area for thought-provoking research.
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Schultz, Heath. „But neither wood nor fire find any peace or satisfaction In any warmth, great or small, or in any resemblance between them, until the moment when the fire becomes one with the wood and imparts its own nature to it. Or: how two fragments meet and a film is made“. Thesis, University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2628.
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Leal, Ribeiro De Albuquerque Felipe. „Neither revisionism nor status quo: a comparative analysis of Brazil’s foreign policy in multilateral regimes“. Doctoral thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10451/46637.
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A key debate of today’s international relations is whether developing powers will accept, reject or modify Western-centered rules, practices and norms. As they rise, developing powers devise strategies to advance interests, influence ongoing negotiations and promote more representative institutions. In spite of this plurality, most works tend to stick definitive criteria to these players’ conducts, opting for static classifications that range from revisionism to status quo. With that in mind, I study how developing powers interact with regimes’ normative and operational foundations, or their principles, norms, rules and decision-making procedures. Focusing on Brazil, this thesis combines within-case and cross case research strategies to investigate how the concepts of concentric circles, responsibility while protecting and right to food respectively engage with the basic components of the regimes of climate change, peace and security and food security. These conceptual contributions are compared in view of three explanatory factors: regime structure, domestic assets and domestic decisionmaking procedures. Original data from in-depth interviews demonstrate that in the time frame 2011-2014 Brazil did not defend alternative views of world order and ordering or expected to harm current norms and principles. Instead, Brazil followed a nuanced approach in its multilateral engagements, expecting to promote specific changes in how regimes’ rules and decision-making procedures should function while keeping normative components in place. Rather than changes of regimes, Brazil therefore hoped for changes within regimes. The research also emphasizes that Brazil’s multilateral behavior is essentially individual and aiming to place the country as a reasonable negotiator in-between developing and developed states. I conclude presenting the concept of foreign policy inertia to explain how Brazil’s activism was possible even in a scenario of mounting economic crisis, lack of presidential diplomacy and reversal of certain domestic assets.
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Taylor, Holly Zumwalt Tyler Ronnie C. Bowman Shearer Davis. „Neither North nor South sectionalism, St. Louis politics, and the coming of the Civil War, 1846-1861 /“. 2004. http://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/2220/taylorhz042.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBücher zum Thema "Neither peace nor war"
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Group, International Crisis, Hrsg. Burundi: Neither war nor peace. Arusha [Tanzania]: International Crisis Group, 2000.
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Karabakh diary: Green and black; neither war nor peace. Antelias: Tatul Hakobyan, 2010.
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Gallucci, Robert L. Neither peace nor honor: The politics of American military policy in Viet-Nam. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988.
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Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute., Hrsg. Neither war nor not war: Army command in Europe during the time of peace operations : tasks confronting USAREUR commanders, 1994-2000. [Carlisle Barracks, PA]: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2003.
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Ternovaya, Lyudmila. War and peace in a hybrid dimension. ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1058362.
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The monograph is devoted to the analysis of the current topic of hybrid war, in which the thin red lines separating it from peaceful life can both turn into an impenetrable iron curtain, and become a bright and attractive advertisement for another country and culture, forcing you to immerse yourself in another world, and not perceive it as a rival. Neither international law, nor the tools for identifying all the figures of international relations involved in resolving issues of war and peace, nor culture can correct the mutual distortions of hybrid war and hybrid peace. And yet, it is possible to find such facts that help to remove hybrid layers and reach the true interests, goals and means of those geopolitical actors who benefit from such a complex hybrid game of war and peace.
It is intended for specialists in the field of international relations, history, culture. It will also arouse the interest of a wide range of readers.
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Berneri, Marie Louise. Neither East nor West: Selected writings, 1939-1948. London, England: Freedom Press, 1988.
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Neither ballots nor bullets: Women abolitionists and the Civil War. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1991.
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Tarkka, Jukka. Neither Stalin nor Hitler: Finland during the Second World War. Helsinki: Otava, 1991.
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Neither Stalin nor Hitler: Finland during the second world war. Helsinki: Otova, 1991.
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Lifton, Robert Jay. Home from the war: Vietnam veterans : neither victims nor executioners. New York: Basic Books, 1985.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenBuchteile zum Thema "Neither peace nor war"
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Cooper, Leo. „Neither War nor Peace“. In The Political Economy of Soviet Military Power, 216–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10433-8_11.
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Newberg, Paula R. „Neither war nor peace“. In Afghanistan – Challenges and Prospects, 28–40. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Durham modern Middle East and Islamic world series ; 43: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315161938-2.
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Seton-Watson, Hugh. „The Arabs and Their Neighbours“. In Neither War Nor Peace, 360–83. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003248521-22.
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Seton-Watson, Hugh. „Introduction“. In Neither War Nor Peace, 9–16. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003248521-1.
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Seton-Watson, Hugh. „The Intelligentsia“. In Neither War Nor Peace, 164–87. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003248521-9.
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Seton-Watson, Hugh. „Racialism“. In Neither War Nor Peace, 310–28. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003248521-19.
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Seton-Watson, Hugh. „Problems of Western Policy“. In Neither War Nor Peace, 437–66. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003248521-25.
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Seton-Watson, Hugh. „Workers and Bourgeois“. In Neither War Nor Peace, 131–63. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003248521-8.
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Seton-Watson, Hugh. „Europe“. In Neither War Nor Peace, 19–47. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003248521-3.
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Seton-Watson, Hugh. „Nationalism and Imperialism“. In Neither War Nor Peace, 261–66. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003248521-16.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKonferenzberichte zum Thema "Neither peace nor war"
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Gollob, Bernhard. „Austria and Artistic Freedom: A Troubled History?“ In Mezinárodní konference doktorských studentů oboru právní historie a římského práva. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0156-2022-9.
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Austria perceives itself as “cultural superpower”. Therefore, it seems fairly surprising that an own fundamental rights provision to protect the arts was positivised only in 1982. The socio-political situation in the perished Austrian Empire and the Weimar Constitution had a decisive impact on attempts to adopt a corresponding provision after World War One. Following the horrors of World War Two, the young Second Republic of Austria used arts and culture as tool to draw the picture of a peace-loving “Kulturnation” sui generis. In the following years a significant cleavage between the Austrian self-perception and the legal-political reality can be observed (also) in regard to Artistic Freedom. Neither Austria’s authoritarian past nor its Nazi past and related crimes had a significant impact on the legislative process.
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ESSEX, CHRISTOPHER. „FUNDAMENTAL PITFALLS OF ENGINEERING CLIMATE OR GEOENGINEERING: FORCEFULLY INTERVENING IN WHAT WE NEITHER CONTROL NOR UNDERSTAND“. In International Seminar on Nuclear War and Planetary Emergencies — 46th Session. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814623445_0012.
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Williams, Ian. „“A STATION ABOVE THAT OF ANGELS”: THE VISION OF ISLAMIC EDUCATION WITHIN PLURALISTIC SOCIETIES IN THE THOUGHT OF FETHULLAH GÜLEN - A STUDY OF CONTRASTS BETWEEN TURKEY AND THE UK“. In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/jmbu4194.
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Gülen cites ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib as saying, ‘... if a person’s intellect dominates his or her desire and ferocity, he or she rises to a station above that of angels ...’. Both historically as well as in modern contexts Muslim education is not characterised by uniformity but rather by a plurality of actors, institutions, ideas and political milieus. The two central questions are: What is required to live as a Muslim in the present world? Who is qualified to teach in this time? The debate over the nature and purpose of Islamic education is no recent phenomenon. It has been conducted for the past two centuries throughout the Islamic world: the transmission of both spiritual and empirical knowledge has always been dependent upon the support of religious, social and political authorities. Based on fieldwork in Turkey and the UK amongst schools associated with the Gülen move- ment, examination of national government policies and on readings of contemporary Muslim educationalists, this paper seeks to examine the ideals of Fethullah Gülen on contemporary Islamic and religious education. It reports critically on the contribution of these schools to social cohesion, inter-religious dialogue and common ambitions for every child and student. We should accept the fact that there is a specific way of being Muslim, which reflects the Turkish understanding and practices in those regions [which] stretch from Central Asia to the Balkans. [Ocak 1996 79] Islam, a rich and strong tradition in many diverse societies is both a living faith and in every generation has been the means of enabling Muslims to address social developments, justice, and both corporate and individual questions of identity and ethics. Drawing on the Qur’an, Hadith, Sunnah and fiqh new Islamic social movements have constantly formed fresh public spaces in which new identities and lifestyles could emerge. Some of the finest expressions of Islam have occurred in the most pluralist religio-social circumstances when intellectual dis- course, educational achievements and social harmony have flourished. Amongst contempo- rary Islamic thinkers who are professedly concerned to interpret the sources and their practice in an “Islamically correct” manner is Fethullah Gülen [b. 1938], the spiritual father of what is probably the most active Turkish-Islamic movement of the late 20th and early 21st centuries. In considering this movement however, one soon realizes that Fethullah Gülen is neither an innovator with a new and unique theology nor a revolutionary. His understanding of Islam is oriented within the conservative mainstream and his arguments are rooted in the traditional sources of Islam. They stand in a lineage represented as I shall argue through al-Ghazali, Mevlana Jalal ud-Din Rumi, Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, and in company with Muhammad Asad and Muhammad Naquib Syed Al-Attas, and Seyyed Hossein Nasr. Nonetheless, in less than thirty years his followers as Islamic activists have made significant contributions to inter-communal and national peace, inter-religious dialogue, economic development, and most certainly in the field of education out of all proportion to their numbers. Moreover, this is a de-centralised polymorphic social movement.
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Śwituszak, Paula Karina, und Alina Tomaszewska -Szewczyk. „RETOUCHES WITH HISTORY – CONSERVATION OF THE SACRED HEART OF JESUS BY ADOLF HERMAN DUSZEK AND ITS AUTHORIAL POST-WWII RESTORATION“. In RECH6 - 6th International Meeting on Retouching of Cultural Heritage. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/rech6.2021.13508.
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WWII left a great proportion of cultural heritage in Middle-Eastern Europe damaged. In the immediate aftermath of the war, there was neither necessary expertise, manpower nor resources to deal with such complex and total conservational challenges. Artists and craftsmen took to preserving and repairing the most darling objects of local heritage, leaving to us not only their original works, but also visible marks of the struggle to preserve them. Today, we are facing the task to preserve the multilinear story hidden behind those objects - their original body, wounds, and bandages, showing both the art of creation as well as the art of restoration to next generations. A great example of such a conservation effort is the story of The Sacred Heart of Jesus, painted by Adolf Herman Duszek in 1924 and restored by him after the war, in 1950. Over 70 years later, the painting required another intervention – mainly because of the bad state of preservation of the paint layer. The main challenge of this restoration was to find the balance between leaving the visible traces of the history of the object, the conservation ethics as well as the aesthetics and expectations of the recent owners. As it turns out, the impact of a private context is a significant aspect during the formation of the conservation programme. This paper discusses the need for compromises which had to be reached during the conservation of this particular painting.
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Dauster, Manfred. „Criminal Proceedings in Times of Pandemic“. In The 8th International Scientific Conference of the Faculty of Law of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/iscflul.8.2.18.
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COVID-19 caught humanity off guard at the turn of 2019/2020. Even when the Chinese government sealed off Wuhan, a city of millions, for weeks to contain the epidemic, no one in other parts of the world had any idea of what specifically was heading for the countries. The ignorant and belittling public statements and tweets of the former US president are still fresh in everyone's memory. Only when the Italian army carried the coffins with the COVID-19 victims in northern Italy, the gravesites spread in the Bergamo region, as well as the intensive care beds filled in the overcrowded hospitals, the countries of the European Union and other parts of the world realised how serious the situation threatened to become. Together with the World Health Organisation (WHO), the terms changed to pandemic. Much of the pandemic evoked reminiscences originating in the Black Death raging between 1346 and 1353 or in the Spanish flu after the First World War. Meanwhile, life went on. The administration of justice in criminal cases could not and should not come to a standstill. Emergency measures, such as those that began to emerge in February 2020, are always the hour of the executive. In their efforts to stop the spread of the virus, in Germany, governments particularly reflected on criminal proceedings. Neither criminal procedural law nor the courts and court administrations applying this procedural law were adequately prepared for the challenges. Deadlines threatened to expire, access to court buildings and halls had to be restricted to reduce the risk of infection, public hearings represented a potential source of infection for both the parties to the proceedings and the public, virtual criminal hearings via conference calls had not yet been tested in civil proceedings, but were legally possible, but not so in criminal cases. The taking of evidence in criminal cases in Germany is governed by the rules of strict evidence and is largely not at the disposal of the parties to the proceedings. Especially in criminal cases, fundamental and human rights guarantees serve to protect the accused, but also the victims and witnesses. Executive measures of pandemic containment might impact these guarantees. Here, an attempt will be made to discuss at some neuralgic points how Germany has attempted to balance the resulting contradictory interests in the conflict between pandemic control and constitutional requirements for criminal court proceedings.
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. „THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)“. In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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Dos Reis, Jorge. „Computer mimetics in visible performance: the late work of the Portuguese experimental poet Ernesto Melo e Castro“. In AHFE 2023 Hawaii Edition. AHFE International, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1004219.
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Ernesto Melo e Castro, Covilhã 1932–202, is a textile engineer and Portuguese artist, trained in Bradford. He dedicated is life to textile design and to the technical direction of textile engineering companies. At the same time, he developed research in the field of Brazilian concrete poetry and Portuguese experimental poetry; being a fundamental and very innovative author that used the computer in the last phase of its journey as an artist.His work is based on an ideographic structure where the visual composition, which uses exclusively typography, is based on the principle of the ideogram, where the general graphics of the piece provide the idea for the visual piece. Melo e Castro makes use of lyrics, lines, arrows and various symbols that depart from the conventional music agenda, approaching the notation practices of the authors of American experimental music.His later works, particularly ‘Interactive Sound Poetry’ makes use of a typeface not printed but drawn. Melo e Castro elaborates a capital letter register that mimics the homogeneity of typography. The gestural character of the lyrics shows a phonetic intensity that can be inferred from the writing itself, fixed in the score, where the rapidity of the gesture and the erasure are dominant characteristics. This score is based on a computer interactive creation around phonetics and sound, making use of a computer, keyboard and synthesizer with words amplified and where the user performs poetic sequences randomly as he presses the keys. The observer is faced with a set of words: 'freedom', 'love', 'action', 'chance' and 'peace', within a circle, functioning as reading pivots, providing combinations of graphically noted words.The user makes associations and sequences, learns as a musician learns a piece of computer music, producing conceptual chains of words and the associations will not necessarily be logical or grammatical, and can be casual and therefore produce new and unexpected meanings in the sound and conceptual plane. This piece, being neither singing nor speaking, fits within a mediation between singing and speaking, a technique systematized by Arnold Schoenberg, which constitutes one of the most important criteria in the sound character of the work, starting from a study of the basic phonetics of Portuguese.To confirm this research we are now carrying out an observation around the work ‘Negative Music’ that is not developed as in the works of John Cage in an appreciation of musical silence, although this fact seems at first sight evident. It is a piece for the eyes and not for the ears. The computer game of silence represents first of all a response to the paternal authority of Melo e Castro and a metaphor against the Salazar dictatorship in Portugal. With this in mind, it is first of all a semiotic poem of conceptual visuality; In a second analysis this poem becomes a performative interpretation. In addition to its functional aspect, Melo e Castro’s notation presents a strong graphic and typographic bent, with a notorious concern to produce an object of visual characteristics where there is a balance between its constituents.
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Ugur, Etga. „RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE“. In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.