Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Nazca Lines Site (Peru)“

Nazca is a city and system of valleys on the southern coast of Peru. The name is derived from the Nazca culture, which flourished in the area between 100 BC and 800 AD. Nazca Lines contain over 800 straight lines, 300 geometric figures and 70 biomorphic designs. Some of the straight lines are 30 miles long, while the largest bio morphs stretch up to 1200 feet. Among the zoomorphic figures are the famous Nazca condor, hummingbird, pelican, shark, bird, fish, spider, lizard, parrot, flamingo, iguana, dog, llamas, jaguar, fox, whale and monkey. We have identified a studied figure of Nazca Pampas as a species of umbrella birds (Cephalopterus) and this geoglyph has more resemblances with the short-lobed parasol (Cephalopterus ornatus) than any other species.

The shapes drawn out by the famous Nazca lines in the Peruvian desert are at their most evident from the air—giving rise to some famously fantastic theories about their origin. The new understanding offered here is the result of a piece of straightforward brilliance on the part of our authors: get down on the ground, where the original users were, and see where your feet lead you. Using stratigraphic and taphonomic reasoning to decide which lines were contemporary, they discover an itinerary so complex they can justify calling it a labyrinth, and see it as serving ceremonial progressions.

Surface features that possess no useful stratigraphy and are not, by their own nature, informative about their age, are notoriously hard to date. A study of associations now defines with good confidence the dates of the surface arrangements of stones and of cleared areas that make up some of the celebrated Nazca lines, Peru.

Nasca culture and, particularly, Nasca ceramic iconography are held to evolve directly and smoothly out of antecedent Paracas. Yet the data reviewed in this article indicate that Paracas remains in the Río Grande de Nazca drainage, the heartland of Nasca culture on the south coast of Peru, are limited in nature, a fact that makes it difficult to derive Nasca from Paracas in Nazca. In contrast, there are rich and abundant Paracas remains in the Ica, Pisco, and Chincha valleys, at the Paracas type site itself, and along the Bahía de la Independencia. I look to the Ica Valley for the origins of the Nasca style.

AbstractThe evolution and resulting morphology of a contourite drift system in the SE Pacific oceanic basin is investigated in detail using seismic imaging and an age-calibrated borehole section. The Nazca Drift System covers an area of 204 500 km2 and stands above the abyssal basins of Peru and Chile. The drift is spread along the Nazca Ridge in water depths between 2090 and 5330 m. The Nazca Drift System was drilled at Ocean Drilling Program Site 1237. This deep-water drift overlies faulted oceanic crust and onlaps associated volcanic highs. Its thickness ranges from 104 to 375 m. The seismic sheet facies observed are associated with bottom current processes. The main lithologies are pelagic carbonates reflecting the distal position relative to South America and water depth above the carbonate compensation depth during Oligocene time. The Nazca Drift System developed under the influence of bottom currents sourced from the Circumpolar Deep Water and Pacific Central Water, and is the largest yet identified abyssal drift system of the Pacific Ocean, ranking third in all abyssal contourite drift systems globally. Subduction since late Miocene time and the excess of sediments and water associated with the Nazca Drift System may have contributed to the Andean orogeny and associated metallogenesis. The Nazca Drift System records the evolution in interactions between deep-sea currents and the eastward motion of the Nazca Plate through erosive surfaces and sediment remobilization.

We estimate several scenarios for source models of megathrust earthquakes likely to occur on the Nazca-South American plates interface in southern Peru. To do so, we use a methodology for estimating the slip distribution of megathrust earthquakes based on an interseismic coupling (ISC) distribution model in subduction margins and on information about historical earthquakes. The slip model obtained from geodetic data represents large-scale features of asperities within the megathrust that are appropriate for simulating long-period waves and tsunami modelling. To simulate broadband frequency strong ground motions, we add small scale heterogeneities to the geodetic slip by using spatially correlated random noise distributions. Using these slip models and assuming several hypocenter locations, we calculate a set of strong ground motions for southern Peru and incorporate site effects obtained from microtremors array surveys in Tacna, the southernmost city in Peru.

Warfare was a prevalent phenomenon throughout the Andes during the Late Intermediate period (LIP; AD 1000–1450). A salient research topic within broader investigations of conflict is how populations cope with chronic warfare. This article utilizes statistical and GIS-based analyses of architectural features and settlement patterns to reconstruct defensive coping mechanisms among groups living in 15 fortified settlements in the Nazca region of Peru. This research evaluates how populations deployed artificial defenses (fortifications), natural defensibility, and settlement placement to best protect themselves and critical resources from enemy incursions. Intersite variation in fortification was primarily driven by population size: the smallest and most vulnerable settlements were the most heavily fortified and occupied the least accessible areas. Variation in fortification investment within each site was driven by differences in the accessibility of approaches leading to the residential sector of a site. Settlement patterns were largely driven by natural defensibility, large viewsheds, and proximity to economic resources. This research demonstrates that LIP populations made optimal trade-offs between competing defensive variables, revealing highly patterned regional defensive strategies. Broader spatial, settlement, and architectural data indicate that warfare in the region was chronic and internecine.

Ever since the discovery made back in 1926 at the site of Pacheco of the Nazca Valley, on the south coast of Peru, it is known that an important aspect of the ritual celebrations staged by the Wari state consisted on the deliberate smashing of large-sized and finely painted ceramic vessels that afterwards were buried in the ground. Subsequent research has shown that this tradition was initiated by the Wari and the earliest known purposely shattered vessels are found in the Ayacucho Valley, heartland of the Wari state. As Wari expanded, similar celebrations were performed elsewhere in the recently annexed regions, as the finding of analogous ceramic deposits indicate. One such deposit has been found in the Acari Valley of the south coast of Peru. The finding from Acari is described here, and it is argued that the act of shattering the vessels marked the culmination of a complex ritual celebration probably performed to spread Wari religion and Wari deities, as well as to befriend the locals, which ultimately helped to legitimize Wari’s intrusive presence in the region.

The article covers a new scientific branch — the science of geoglyphics, which studies space-eye view (1,000 and over km from the surface of the earth) of ancient inscriptions, images, symbols and traces of ancient settlements. The author provides a brief description of the history ofgeoglyph studies, geoglyph types, interpretations of a geoglyph, and makes seven conclusions concerning the signification ofgeoglyphs for research into the history of different ethnic groups. The author defines a geoglyph as at least a 4-metre all-angle image or inscription on the surface of the Earth. Throughout the 20th century it was the Nazca Lines in Peru were the only scientifically acclaimed geogplyphs. However, there seems to be noplace on the planet that could not boast a geoglyph of its own. Despite the fact that for a long time Russian researchers have abstained from studying geoglyphs, at present Russian science has produced interesting reports, for example byAleksei Loktev. However, pessimistic views are also voiced, for example, Oleg Utkin claims that the topic receives undeservedly little attention. Men of art also resort to creating geoglyphs of nonexistent objects such as, for example, the fictitious land ofAtlaropa (also referred to as Panropa). Private collections of the geoglyphs of the past century are being created as well.

We describe a new species of poison frog from Amazonian Peru. Dendrobates uakarii, sp. nov. is distinguished by the presence of paired parallel dorsolateral lines: one yellow oblique lateral and one red dorsolateral (on each flank), with one vertebral line, similar in color to the dorsolateral lines. Phylogenetic analysis show that D. uakarii, sp. nov. and closely related taxa (D. ventrimaculatus sp. aff. Shreve from Porto Walter, Brazil and another from Amazonas, Brazil) form the sister group to D. fantasticus Boulenger. This new species can be distinguished from its sister taxa on the basis of 19 unique mitochondrial gene nucleotide site substitutions. Comparisons between closely related species show a slight difference in call repetition rate and mean frequency.

The present article considers evidence for ancestor veneration and feasting in the North Highlands (Department of Ancash), Peru between A. D. 500-900. The study draws upon ethnohistorical, iconographic, and archaeological comparisons to better understand different lines of data from the ancient Recuay community of Chinchawas (3,850 masl), including public and mortuary architecture, ceramics, faunal remains, and stone sculpture. Two major programs of religious activity can be discerned: one situated within local Recuay traditions (Kayán and Chinchawasi phases, A. D. 500-800), followed by a suite of intrusive patterns associated with Wari expansion (Warmi phase, after A. D. 800). The study argues that, by A. D. 500, special public ceremonies combined ancestor worship and feasting as part of community politics at the site. Chinchawasi practices included subterranean tombs, special architectural enclosures with monolithic sculptures, and evidence for large-scale consumption. Warmi practices appear smaller in scale, focusing on aboveground mausolea, different stone sculptural forms and iconography, and increasing evidence for interregional interaction. The diachronic patterns reflect: 1) flexible sociopolitical arrangements at Chinchawas that accommodated group and entrepreneurial interests, and 2) local sociocultural transformations associated with Wari expansion (ca. A. D. 750).

AbstractIn this paper we test the hypothesis that an intensification of maize production preceded the development of a regional Moche political economy in the Moche Valley of north coastal Peru during the Early Intermediate period (400 B.C.—A.D. 600). To do so we analyze stable isotopic signatures of 48 bone apatite and 17 tooth enamel samples from human remains recovered from the site of Cerro Oreja, a large urban and ceremonial center in the Moche Valley. These remains date to the Guañape, Salinar, or Gallinazo phases and provide a diachronic picture of subsistence before the appearance of the Southern Moche state. The most notable patterns identified in the study include a lack of significant change in δ13Capatitevalues from the Guañape to Satinar phases, followed by a significant enrichment in δ13Capatitevalues from the Salinar to Gallinazo phases. Several lines of evidence, including archaeological context, dental data, and comparative carbon stable isotope data from experimental animal studies and studies of archaeological human remains support the interpretation that the observed13C enrichment in stable isotope values in the Gallinazo phase primarily reflects maize intensification. The stable isotope data from Cerro Oreja thus suggest that a shift in subsistence toward a highly productive and storable crop may have served as an important precursor to state development during the Early Intermediate period in the Moche Valley.

Abstract Background The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on people living with HIV (PWH) are unknown. Beyond SARS-CoV-2 co-infection, the pandemic may have devastating consequences for HIV care delivery. Understanding these is crucial as reduced antiretroviral therapy (ART) availability alone could lead to ≥500,000 AIDS-related deaths in 2020–2021. With Latin America now a focal point in the pandemic, we sought to describe the impact of COVID-19 on HIV care at Latin American clinical sites. Methods Caribbean, Central and South America network for HIV epidemiology (CCASAnet) and additional Brazilian HIV care sites in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, and Peru were included. An electronic survey of COVID-19 effects on HIV clinic operations was administered in Spanish or English via phone and email, April 28-June 2, 2020. We also compared national COVID-19 case, mortality, and policy data from public sources. Results Brazil’s and Mexico’s epidemics appear most pronounced, with >10,000 confirmed COVID-19-related deaths (Figure 1); countries implemented “social distancing” policies at different times after initial cases, with Haiti earliest and Mexico latest (Figure 2). Nearly all 13 sites reported decreased hours and providers for HIV care. Twelve of 13 reported increased use of telehealth, suspension/postponements of routine HIV appointments, and/or suspension of HIV research. Eleven of 13 reported initiation of new COVID-19 research but suspension of community HIV testing, and nearly half provided additional ART supplies. Nearly 70% reported impacts on HIV viral load testing and nearly 40% reported personal protective equipment stock-outs (Table). All 13 sites experienced changes in resources/services in tandem with national policies; there was wide variation, however, in the number of economic and health supports implemented thus far (e.g., quarantines, tax deferrals, interest rate reductions, etc.), from 172 COVID-19-related policies in Brazil to only 30 in Mexico. Table Site Assessment of Impacts of the COVID-19 Pandemic on HIV services in Latin America at CCASAnet and Coorte Sites, N=13 Figure 1. Cumulative mortality due to COVID-19 in countries within which CCASAnet and Coorte sites are located Figure 1 footnote: Source for mortality counts: the WHO COVID-19 Dashboard, available at: https://covid19.who.int/ All data were up-to-date as of, and were accessed on, June 17th, 2020 Figure 2. Cumulative cases of COVID-19 in countries within which CCASAnet and Coorte sites are located and dates (relative to the day on which the first positive case of COVID-19 was detected) of general social distancing, public health emergency, or mass quarantine policy introduction (vertical dashed lines), 2020 Figure 2 footnote: Source for case counts: the WHO COVID-19 Dashboard, available at: https://covid19.who.int/ Source for health policy implementation: the United Nations Economic Council for Latin America & the Caribbean, available at: https://cepalstat-prod.cepal.org/forms/covid-countrysheet/index.html All data were up-to-date as of, and were accessed on, June 17th, 2020 Conclusion The COVID-19 pandemic has already had a substantial effect on daily operations of HIV clinics in Latin America. The downstream effects of these impacts on HIV outcomes in Latin America will need to be further studied. Disclosures All Authors: No reported disclosures

Abstract Introduction Peripheral T-Cell Lymphoma represents a clinically and biologically heterogeneous group of Non-Hodgkin's lymphomas. One uncommon subtype is extranodal nasal natural killer (NK)/T-cell lymphoma (ENKL) type which occur worldwide, with a strong geographic predilection for Asian, Central and South American populations from Mexico, Peru, Argentina and Brazil, constituting 5% to 15% of lymphomas in these countries1. The clinical course is aggressive, and the prognosis is poor mainly due to the expression of P-glycoprotein, which actively exports several anticancer agents outside the lymphoma cells2,3. However, in recent years, novel therapeutic approaches improved the response to therapy and survival2. Based on this recent progress, nowadays this subtype is categorized as a lymphoma with intermediate prognosis, but the overall treatment results are not satisfactory4. This report represents the first Mexican case of relapsed ENKL refractory to multiple lines of treatment with successful response to radiotherapy, followed by pralatrexate as monotherapy. Case The patient is male, 30 years old with history of nasal congestion for 1 year, refractory to treatment. Who presented with B symptoms, nasal voice and mild malar edema. Imaging by PET showed SUV max of 13.8 in ethmoid, maxillar and sphenoid sinuses with mucosal thickening and septum fracture. Biopsy confirmed ENKL and immunochemistry was positive for CD3, CD20 and CD55. The initial treatment was made with 3 cycles of CHOEP, followed by 2 cycles of MTX + vorinostat + folinic acid; consolidation therapy with radiotherapy 25 sessions with 50 Gy and 4 cycles of VIPD. Control PET showed tumor reduction of 78% and 3 months later was negative, biopsy was also negative. Three months later presented headache and walking abnormalities. PET showed CNS tumor. Radiotherapy was initiated with whole brain plus sequential focal radiation boost in 20 sessions with 20 Gy; consolidation therapy with 2 cycles of 6 weeks with pralatrexate at 30 mg/m2. The diffusion weighted whole body imaging showed no signs of tumoral activity at any site. Discussion The nose and paranasal area including the upper aerodigestive tract are the most commonly affected sites of origin for ENKL, followed by skin and gastrointestinal tract1. In this case initially the patient presented nasal and paranasal disease. The most important issue considering the treatment of ENKL is the expression of P-glycoprotein, which mediates multi-drug resistance. Therefore, CHOP or other anthracycline based chemotherapy usually are not effective for ENKL3. For localized disease, radiotherapy together with chemotherapy is the standard approach. In disseminated ENKL, systemic chemotherapy remains the mainstay of treatment2. However, in recent years, novel agents have been identified for the treatment of ENKL. Chemotherapeutic agents not affected by P-glycoprotein, such as methotrexate4. This is why treatment with pralatrexate was initiated in this patient, representing the first experience in Mexico using pralatrexate on a patient with ENKL. The patient previously was heavily treated and with very poor prognosis due to CNS involvement, additional to the scarce therapeutic options and difficult access to health care system in Mexico. The patient showed favorable and rapid response to therapy. Currently the patient is in remission and waiting for bone marrow transplant. Pralatrexate appears to be a promising agent for consolidation therapy or as bridge therapy for those patients that will undergo on bone marrow transplant. Suzuki R. Pathogenesis and treatment of extranodal natural killer/T-cell lymphoma. Semin Hematol 2014; 51: 42-51Tse E, Kwong YL. How I treat NK/T-cell lymphomas. Blood 201320; 121: 4997-5005Egashira M, Kawamata N, Sugimoto K, Oshimi K. P-glycoprotein expression on normal and abnormally expanded natural killer cells and inhibition of P-glycoprotein function by cyclosporine A and its analogue, PSC833. Blood 1999; 93: 599-606Jaccard A, Gachard N, Marin B, et al; GELA and GOELAMS Intergroup. Efficacy of L-asparaginase with methotrexate and dexamethasone (AspaMetDex regimen) in patients with refractory or relapsing extranodal NK/T-cell lymphoma, a phase 2 study. Blood 2011; 117: 1834-1839 Disclosures Enrique: Alexion: Speakers Bureau; Janssen: Speakers Bureau; Amgen: Speakers Bureau; Celgene: Speakers Bureau; Mundipharma: Other: Subsidies for the costs of travel to the ASH annual meeting; Bristol-Myers Squibb: Speakers Bureau.

Summary The 26 May 2019 MW 8.0 Peru intraslab earthquake ruptured the subducting Nazca plate where the dip angle of the slab increases sharply and the strike angle rotates clockwise from the epicentre to north. To obtain a detailed seismic source model of the 2019 Peru earthquake, including not only the rupture evolution but also the spatiotemporal distribution of focal mechanisms, we performed comprehensive seismic waveform analyses using both a newly developed flexible finite-fault teleseismic waveform inversion method and a back-projection method. The source model revealed a complex rupture process involving a back-propagating rupture. The initial rupture propagated downdip from the hypocentre, then unilaterally northward along the strike of the slab. Following a large slip occurring ∼50–100 km north of the hypocentre, the rupture propagated bilaterally both further northward and back southward. The spatial distribution of focal mechanisms shows that the direction of T-axis azimuth gradually rotated clockwise from the epicentre northward, corresponding to the clockwise rotation of the strike of the subducting Nazca plate, and the large-slip area corresponds to the high-curvature area of the slab iso-depth lines. Our results show that the complex rupture process, including the focal-mechanism transition, of the Peru earthquake was related to the slab geometry of the subducting Nazca plate.

This article seeks to investigate the motivation for the cranial modification observed on remains recovered from the 2nd century BCE-3rd century CE site in Peru known as the Paracas Necropolis. This article argues that the explanations normally offered by anthropologists for cranial modification, such as that it is representative of sex and status, are not applicable to the Paracas Necropolis and instead, an alternative explanation is put forward which states that each of the different forms of cranial modification seen at the Paracas Necropolis is symbolic of a different kin group that existed at the site. The association of certain forms of cranial modification performed at the Paracas Necropolis with other possible symbols of kinship, such as body paint and certain textile styles, along with evidence of a Nazca presence at the necropolis will be used to support this explanation. The evidence that the Paracas Necropolis was reserved for priestly burials will be used to make evaluations of how equal the access to different occupations at the site was for both sexes and for the various kin groups.

AbstractTwo main types of subduction are recognized around the world: accretionary and erosive. The northern Peruvian margin is a well‐known example of a margin subjected to subduction erosion, but to date the along‐margin variability and temporal changes in subduction process and forearc basin evolution have not been characterized in detail. Interpretation of regional seismic lines and integration of oil‐industry wells and seafloor data captures the erosive nature of subduction underneath the forearc with only a minor accretionary component to the north. Episodes of uplift driven by plate coupling were followed by normal faulting/extensional collapse due to plate decoupling. This mechanism explains the dominance of normal faulting across the forearc until the Oligocene with a slight reactivation within the Miocene. The subduction history is complex and includes a reduction in plate convergence rate related to forearc crustal shortening, represented by large‐scale structures including the Peru fault (reactivated) and the Illescas fault‐propagation anticlines of the Northwest Peru transpressional system. This crustal deformation started in the Miocene. Integration with magnetic anomaly data indicates that activity of the present‐day transpressional system driven by tectonic escape of the Nazca Sliver toward the northeast, may explain the seismicity gap in southern Ecuador and northern Peru. An evolutionary model of the northern Peruvian margin shows how subduction zone geodynamics left its erosive fingerprint in the forearc basin configuration.

Investigations at the site of Huacas de Moche—also referred to as Huacas del Sol and de la Luna—on the north coast of Peru show a continuous occupational sequence from around AD 100 to 1500. The longest occupation corresponds to the Moche culture from around AD 100 to 850. Based on available archaeological evidence, this article examines the impact of an El Niño-like event in AD 600 on the history of Huacas de Moche. Widely held hypotheses assumed that this kind of climatic event caused the abandonment of the site; however, such explanations do not fit the current data. After almost three decades of research, archaeological evidence indicates that after the El Niño-like phenomenon of AD 600, the Old Temple of Huaca de la Luna was closed down, and the New Temple was built toward the east of the previous one, on the same slope of Cerro Blanco. Furthermore, on the opposite side of the site, the building called Huaca del Sol experienced its last and greatest architectural expansion, becoming a large-scale palace. These new lines of evidence lead us to reassess the effect that the El Niño-like phenomenon of AD 600 had on the development of the Moche culture at the site.

Southern Peru is home to one of the richest sites with rock art in South America—Toro Muerto. A unique aspect of the iconography of the petroglyphs of the site is the figures of dancing humans, the so-called danzantes, which are additionally frequently associated with geometric motifs, mostly variants of zigzag lines. Drawing upon intriguing data recorded during Reichel-Dolmatoff's research in Colombia related to the meaning of analogous motifs in Tukano art, as well as broader exploration of the sonic sphere in South American cultures and the thesis that Amazonian animism was a more archaic ontology over a broader area of South America, this paper suggests that the geometric patterns at Toro Muerto, with which the figures of danzantes are juxtaposed, may have been representations of songs. An extension of this hypothesis is the suggestion that some of the more complex compositions consisting of danzantes and linear geometric motifs were graphic metaphors of transfer to the other world.

A paleoradiographic survey of funerary bundles (fardos) from a Late Intermediate Period (1000 A.D.–1472 A.D.) cemetery in Sector 3 of the site of Pachacamac, Peru, demonstrated that 15 out of 61 individuals had had their head removed when the body was in an advanced state of skeletonization/mummification. Detailed analysis of the field report, the fardos themselves, and X-rays and computed tomography scans of the fardos suggested that nine of these individuals were potential candidates for head removal in antiquity. Of those nine, six appeared to be clear examples of this practice. The analysis of multiple lines of evidence suggests that the use of this cemetery was complex, as part of a dynamic mortuary program that involved exposing the body for varying lengths of time and repeated excavations for new interments when earlier burials were encountered. We conclude that these heads were removed from funerary bundles when graves were being dug for subsequent burials and the specific identity of the bundled individual had been lost. When considered within the abundant archaeological record of decapitation in the Pre-Hispanic Andes, as well as ethnohistoric accounts, this pattern is consistent with reported retrieval of heads as material manifestations of ancestors. However, when placed within the broader context of contemporary sites from the Central and Southern Coast, it is clear that specific cultural motivations may have varied through space and time. L’étude paléoradiographique de paquets funéraires (fardos) provenant d’un cimetière de la période intermédi-aire tardive (1000 A.D.– 1472 A.D.) dans le secteur 3 du site de Pachacamac, Pérou, a démontré que 15 des 61 in-dividus avaient subi une ablation de la tête lorsque que le corps était dans un état avancé de squelettisation/momification. L’analyse détaillée du rapport de fouille, des fardos eux- mêmes, ainsi que les résultats des radiographies et des tomodensitogrammes des fardos suggèrent que neuf de ces individus figuraient comme des candidats potentiels à la décollation sur la période considérée. Sur ces neuf individus, six d’entre eux semblent être des exemples clairs de cette pratique. L’analyse de plusieurs sources de données suggère que l’utilisation de ce cimetière était complexe et s’inscrivait dans le cadre d’un système mortuaire dynamique qui impliquait l’expo-sition du corps pour des durées variées ainsi que l’exhumation d’anciennes tombes pour procéder à de nouveaux ensevelissements. Nous concluons que ces têtes ont été soustraites des paquets funéraires lors du creusement de nouvelles tombes lorsque l’identité spécifique de l’individu anciennement inhumé avait été perdue. Si l’on tient compte de l’abondante documentation archéologique sur la décapitation dans les Andes pré- Hispaniques, ainsi que les récits ethnohistoriques, ce schéma est cohérent avec la récupération des têtes en tant que manifestations matérielles des ancêtres. Cependant, en se plaçant dans le contexte plus large des sites contemporains de la côte centrale et méridionale, il n’est pas à écarter que les motivations culturelles spécifiques aient pu varier dans l’espace et dans le temps. Mots clés: Pérou; sépulture sans tête; archéologie mortuaire; préhispanique Un estudio paleoradiográfico de fardos funerarios del Período Intermedio Tardío (1000 d.C.–1472 d.C.) del cementerio en el Sector 3 del sitio de Pachacamac, Perú, demostró que 15 individuos de un total de 61 personas les habían extraído la cabeza cuando el cuerpo se encontraba en un estado avanzado de esqueletización/momificación. Análisis detallado del informe de campo, los fardos mismos, como también las radiografías y las tomografías computarizadas de los fardos sugirieron que nueve de estos individuos eran potenciales candidatos para la remoción de cabezas en la antigüedad. De esos nueve, seis parecen ser claros ejemplos de esta práctica. El análisis de múltiples líneas de evidencia sugiere que el uso de este cementerio fue complejo, como parte de un programa mortuorio dinámico que implicó la exposición del cuerpo durante períodos de tiempo variables y excavaciones repetidas para nuevas inhumaciones cuando se encontraron entierros anteriores. Concluimos que estas cabezas fueron retiradas de los fardos funerarios cuando se cavaban las tumbas para entierros posteriores y se había perdido la identidad específica del individuo envuelto. Cuando se considera dentro del abundante registro arqueológico de decapitaciones en los Andes Pre-hispanos, así como los relatos etnohistóricos, este patrón es consistente con la recuperación de cabezas reportada como manifestación material de los antepasados. Sin embargo, cuando se les sitúa dentro del contexto más amplio de los sitios contemporáneos de la costa central y sur, queda claro que las motivaciones culturales específicas pueden haber variado a través del espacio y el tiempo. Palabras claves: Perú; Pachacamac; entierro sin cabeza; arqueología mortuoria; Prehispánico

This article is concerned with dance as an embodied form of collective remembering in the Andean department of Ayacucho in Peru. Andean dance and fiesta are inextricably linked with notions of identity, cultural heritage and history. Rather than being simply aesthetic —steps to music or a series of movements — dance is readable as being a deeper embodiment of the broader struggles and concerns of a people. As anthropologist Zoila Mendoza writes, in post-colonial countries such as those in Africa and Latin America, dance is and was a means “through which people contested, domesticated and reworked signs of domination in their society” (39). Andean dance has long been a space of contestation and resistance (Abercrombie; Bigenho; Isbell; Mendoza; Stern). It also functions as a repository, a dynamic archive which holds and tells the collective narrative of a cultural time and space. As Jane Cowan observes “dance is much more than knowing the steps; it involves both social knowledge and social power” (xii). In cultures where the written word has not played a central role in the construction and transmission of knowledge, dance is a particularly rich resource for understanding. “Embodied practice, along with and bound up with other cultural practices, offers a way of knowing” (Taylor 3). This is certainly true in the Andes of Peru where dance, music and fiesta are central to social, cultural, economic and political life. This article combines the areas of cultural memory with aspects of dance anthropology in a bid to reveal what is often unspoken and discover new ways of accessing and understanding non-verbal forms of memory through the embodied medium of dance. In societies where dance is integral to daily life the dance becomes an important resource for a deeper understanding of social and cultural memory. However, this characteristic of the dance has been largely overlooked in the field of memory studies. Paul Connerton writes, “… that there is an aspect of social memory which has been greatly ignored but is absolutely essential: bodily social memory” (382). I am interested in the role of dance as a site memory because as a dancer I am acutely aware of embodied memory and of the importance of dance as a narrative mode, not only for the dancer but also for the spectator. This article explores the case study of rural carnival performed in the city of Huamanga, in the Andean department of Ayacucho and includes interviews I conducted with rural campesinos (this literally translates as people from the country, however, it is a complex term imbedded with notions of class and race) between June 2009 and March 2010. Through examining the transformative effect of what I call the chorography of place, I argue that rural campesinos embody the memory of place, dancing that place into being in the urban setting as a means of remembering and maintaining connection to their homeland and salvaging cultural heritage.The department of Ayacucho is located in the South-Central Andes of Peru. The majority of the population are Quechua-speaking campesinos many of whom live in extreme poverty. Nestled in a cradle of mountains at 2,700 meters above sea level is the capital city of the same name. However, residents prefer the pre-revolutionary name of Huamanga. This is largely due to the fact that the word Ayacucho is a combination of two Quechua words Aya and Kucho which translate as Corner of the Dead. Given the recent history of the department it is not surprising that residents refer to their city as Huamanga instead of Ayacucho. Since 1980 the department of Ayacucho has become known as the birthplace of Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) and the ensuing 20 years of political violence between Sendero and counter insurgency forces. In 2000, the interim government convened the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC – CVR Spanish). In 2003, the TRC released its report which found that over 69,000 people were killed or disappeared during the conflict and hundreds of thousands more were forced to leave their homes (CVR). Those most affected by the violence and human rights abuses were predominantly from the rural population of the central-southern Andes (CVR). Following the release of the TRC Report the department of Ayacucho has become a centre for memory studies investigations and commemorative ceremonies. Whilst there are many traditional arts and creative expressions which commemorate or depict some aspect of the violence, dance is not used it this way. Rather, I contend that the dance is being salvaged as a means of remembering and connecting to place. Migration Brings ChangeAs a direct result of the political violence, the city of Huamanga experienced a large influx of people from the surrounding rural areas, who moved to the city in search of relative safety. Rapid forced migration from the country to the city made integration very difficult due to the sheer volume of displaced populations (Coronel 2). As a result of the internal conflict approximately 450 rural communities in the southern-central Andes were either abandoned or destroyed; 300 of these were in the department of Ayacucho. As a result, Huamanga experienced an enormous influx of rural migrants. In fact, according to the United Nations International Human Rights Instruments, 30 per cent of all people displaced by the violence moved to Ayacucho (par. 39). As campesinos moved to the city in search of safety they formed new neighbourhoods on the outskirts of the city. Although many are now settled in Huamanga, holding professional positions, working in restaurants, running stalls, or owning shops, most maintain strong links to their community of origin. The ways in which individuals sustain connection to their homelands are many and varied. However, dance and fiesta play a central role in maintaining connection.During the years of violence, Sendero Luminoso actively prohibited the celebration of traditional ceremonies and festivals which they considered to be “archaic superstition” (Garcia 40). Reprisals for defying Sendero Luminoso directives were brutal; as a result many rural inhabitants restricted their ritual practices for fear of the tuta puriqkuna or literally, night walkers (Ritter 27). This caused a sharp decline in ritual custom during the conflict (27).As a result, many Ayacuchano campesinos feel they have been robbed of their cultural heritage and identity. There is now a conscious effort to rescatar y recorder or to salvage and remember what was been taken from them, or, in the words of Ruben Romani, a dance teacher from Huanta, “to salvage what was killed during the difficult years.”Los Carnavales Ayacuchanos Whilst carnival is celebrated in many parts of the world, the mention of carnival often evokes images of scantily clad Brazilians dancing to the samba rhythms in the streets of Rio de Janeiro, or visions of elaborate floats and extravagant costumes. None of these are to be found in Huamanga. Rather, the carnival dances celebrated by campesinos in Huamanga are not celebrations of ‘the now’ or for the benefit of tourists, but rather they are embodiments of the memory of a lost place. During carnival, that lost or left homeland is danced into being in the urban setting as a means of maintaining a connection to the homeland and of salvaging cultural heritage.In the Andes, carnival coincides with the first harvest and is associated with fertility and giving thanks. It is considered a time of joy and to be a great leveller. In Huamanga carnival is one of the most anticipated fiestas of the year. As I was told many times “carnival is for everyone” and “we all participate.” From the old to the very young, the rich and poor, men and women all participate in carnival."We all participate." Carnavales Rurales (rural carnival) is celebrated each Sunday during the three weeks leading up to the official time of carnival before Lent. Campesinos from the same rural communities, join together to form comparsas, or groups. Those who participate identify as campesinos; even though many participants have lived in the city for more than 20 years. Some of the younger participants were born in the city. Whilst some campesinos, displaced by the violence, are now returning to their communities, many more have chosen to remain in Huamanga. One such person is Rómulo Canales Bautista. Rómulo dances with the comparsa Claveles de Vinchos.Rómulo Bautista dancing the carnival of VinchosOriginally from Vinchos, Rómulo moved to Huamanga in search of safety when he was a boy after his father was killed. Like many who participate in rural carnival, Rómulo has lived in Huamanga for a many years and for the most part he lives a very urban existence. He completed his studies at the university and works as a professional with no plans to return permanently to Vinchos. However, Rómulo considers himself to be campesino, stating “I am campesino. I identify myself as I am.” Rómulo laughed as he explained “I was not born dancing.” Since moving to Huamanga, Rómulo learned the carnival dance of Vinchos as a means of feeling a connection to his place of origin. He now participates in rural carnival each year and is the captain of his comparsa. For Rómulo, carnival is his cultural inheritance and that which connects him to his homeland. Living and working in the urban setting whilst maintaining strong links to their homelands through the embodied expressions of fiesta, migrants like Rómulo negotiate and move between an urbanised mestizo identity and a rural campesino identity. However, for rural migrants living in Huamanga, it is campesino identity which holds greater importance during carnival. This is because carnival allows participants to feel a visceral connection to both land and ancestry. As Gerardo Muñoz, a sixty-seven year old migrant from Chilcas explained “We want to make our culture live again, it is our patrimony, it is what our grandfathers have left us of their wisdom and how it used to be. This is what we cultivate through our carnival.”The Plaza TransformedComparsa from Huanta enter the PlazaEach Sunday during the three weeks leading up to the official time of carnival the central Plaza is transformed by the dance, music and song of up to seventy comparsas participating in Carnavales Rurales. Rural Carnival has a transformative effect not only on participants but also on the wider urban population. At this time campesinos, who are generally marginalised, discounted or actively discriminated against, briefly hold a place of power and respect. For a few hours each Sunday they are treated as masters of an ancient art. It is no easy task to conjure the dynamic sensory world of dance in words. As Deidre Sklar questions, “how is the ineffable to be made available in words? How shall I draw out the effects of dancing? Imperfectly, and slowly, bit by bit, building fragments of sensation and association so that its pieces lock in with your sensory memories like a jigsaw puzzle” (17).Recalling the DanceAs comparsas arrive in the Plaza there is creative chaos and the atmosphere hums with excitement as more and more comparsas gather for the pasecalle or parade. At the corner of the plaza, the deafening crack of fire works, accompanied by the sounds of music and the blasting of whistles announce the impending arrival of another comparsa. They are Los Hijos de Chilcas from Chilcas in La Mar in the north-east of the department. They proudly dance and sing their way into the Plaza – bodies strong, their movements powerful yet fluid. Their heads are lifted to greet the crowd, their chests wide and open, eyes bright with pride. Led by the capitán, the dancers form two long lines in pairs the men at the front, followed by the women. All the men carry warakas, long whips of plaited leather which they crack in the air as they dance. These are ancient weapons which are later used in a ritual battle. They dance in a swinging stepping motion that swerves and snakes, winds and weaves along the road. At various intervals the two lines open out, doubling back on themselves creating two semicircles. The men wear frontales, pieces of material which hang down the front of the legs, attached with long brightly coloured ribbons. The dancers make high stepping motions, kicking the frontales up in the air as they go; as if moving through high grasses. The ribbons swish and fly around the men and they are clouded in a blur of colour and movement. The women follow carrying warakitas, which are shorter and much finer. They hold their whips in two hands, stretched wide in front of their bodies or sweeping from side to side above their heads. They wear large brightly coloured skirts known as polleras made from heavy material which swish and swoosh as they dance from side to side – step, touch together, bounce; step, touch together, bounce. The women follow the serpent pattern of the men. Behind the women are the musicians playing guitars, quenas and tinyas. The musicians are followed by five older men dressed in pants and suit coats carrying ponchos draped over the right shoulder. They represent the traditional community authorities known as Varayuq and karguyuq. The oldest of the men is carrying the symbols of leadership – the staff and the whip.The Choreography of PlaceFor the members of Los Hijos de Chilcas the dance represents the topography of their homeland. The steps and choreography are created and informed by the dancers’ relationship to the land from which they come. La Mar is a very mountainous region where, as one dancer explained, it is impossible to walk a straight line up or down the terrain. One must therefore weave a winding path so as not to slip and fall. As the dancers snake and weave, curl and wind they literally dance their “place” of origin into being. With each swaying movement of their body, with each turn and with every footfall on the earth, dancers lay the mountainous terrain of La Mar along the paved roads of the Plaza. The flying ribbons of the frontales evoke the long grasses of the hillsides. “The steps are danced in the form of a zigzag which represents the changeable and curvilinear paths that join the towns, as well as creating the figure eight which represents the eight anexos of the district” (Carnaval Tradicional). Los Hijos de ChilcasThe weaving patterns and the figure eights of the dance create a choreography of place, which reflects and evoke the land. This choreography of place is built upon with each step of the dance many of which emulate the native fauna. One of the dancers explained whilst demonstrating a hopping step “this is the step of a little bird” common to La Mar. With his body bent forward from the waist, left hand behind his back and elbow out to the side like a wing, stepping forward on the left leg and sweeping the right leg in half circle motion, he indeed resembled a little bird hopping along the ground. Other animals such as the luwichu or deer are also represented through movement and costume.Katrina Teaiwa notes that the peoples of the South Pacific dance to embody “not space but place”. This is true also for campesinos from Chilcas living in the urban setting, who invoke their place of origin and the time of the ancestors as they dance their carnival. The notion of place is not merely terrain. It includes the nature elements, the ancestors and those who also those who have passed away. The province of La Mar was one of the most severely affected areas during the years of internal armed conflict especially during 1983-1984. More than 1,400 deaths and disappearances were reported to the TRC for this period alone (CVR). Hundreds of people were forced to leave their homes and in many communities it became impossible to celebrate fiestas. Through the choreography of place dancers transform the urban streets and dance the very land of their origin into being, claiming the urban streets as their own. The importance of this act can not be overstated for campesinos who have lost family members and were forced to leave their communities during the years of violence. As Deborah Poole has noted dance is “…the active Andean voice …” (99). As comparsa members teach their children the carnival dance of their parents and grandparents they maintain ancestral connections and pass on the stories and embodied memories of their homes. Much of the literature on carnival views it as a release valve which allows a temporary freedom but which ultimately functions to reinforce established structures. This is no longer the case in Huamanga. The transformative effect of rural carnival goes beyond the moment of the dance. Through dancing the choreography of place campesinos salvage and restore that which was taken from them; the effects of which are felt by both the dancer and spectator.ConclusionThe closer examination of dance as embodied memory reveals those memory practices which may not necessarily voice the violence directly, but which are enacted, funded and embodied and thus, important to the people most affected by the years of conflict and violence. In conclusion, the dance of rural carnival functions as embodied memory which is danced into being through collective participation; through many bodies working together. Dancers who participate in rural carnival have absorbed the land sensorially and embodied it. Through dancing the land they give it form and bring embodied memory into being, imbuing the paved roads of the plaza with the mountainous terrain of their home land. For those born in the city, they come to know their ancestral land through the Andean voice of dance. The dance of carnival functions in a unique way making it possible for participants recall their homelands through a physical memory and to dance their place into being wherever they are. This corporeal memory goes beyond the normal understanding of memory as being of the mind for as Connerton notes “images of the past are remembered by way of ritual performances that are ‘stored’ in a bodily memory” (89). ReferencesAbercrombie, Thomas A. “La fiesta de carnaval postcolonial en Oruro: Clase, etnicidad y nacionalismo en la danza folklórica.” Revista Andina 10.2 (1992): 279-352.Carnaval Tradicional del Distrito de Chilcas – La Mar, Comparsas de La Asociación Social – Cultural “Los Hijos de Chilcas y Anexos”, pamphlet handed to the judges of the Atipinakuy, 2010.CVR. Informe Final. Lima: Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación, 2003. 1 March 2008 < http://www.cverdad.org.pe >.Bigenho, Michelle. “Sensing Locality in Yura: Rituals of Carnival and of the Bolivian State.” American Ethnologist 26.4 (1999): 95-80.Connerton, Paul. How Societies Remember. Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1989.Coronel Aguirre, José, M. Cabrera Romero, G. Machaca Calle, and R. Ochatoma Paravivino. “Análisis de acciones del carnaval ayacuchano – 1986.” Carnaval en Ayacucho, CEDIFA, Investigaciones No. 1, 1986.Cowan, Jane. Dance and the Body Politic in Northern Greece. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1990.Garcia, Maria Elena. Making Indigenous Citizens: Identities, Education and Multicultural Development in Peru. California: Stanford University Press, 2005.Isbelle, Billie Jean. To Defend Ourselves: Ecology and Ritual in an Andean Village. Illinois: Waveland Press, 1985.Mendoza, Zoila S. Shaping Society through Dance: Mestizo Ritual Performance in the Peruvian Andes. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000.Poole, Deborah. “Andean Ritual Dance.” TDR 34.2 (Summer 1990): 98-126.Ritter, Jonathan. “Siren Songs: Ritual and Revolution in the Peruvian Andes.” British Journal of Ethnomusicology 11.1 (2002): 9-42.Sklar, Deidre. “‘All the Dances Have a Meaning to That Apparition”: Felt Knowledge and the Danzantes of Tortugas, New Mexico.” Dance Research Journal 31.2 (Autumn 1999): 14-33.Stern, Steve J. Peru’s Indian Peoples and the Challenge of Spanish Conquest: Huamanga to 1640. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982.Taylor, Diana. The Archive and the Repertoire: Performing Cultural Memory in the Americas. Durham: Duke University Press, 2003.Teaiwa, Katerina. "Challenges to Dance! Choreographing History in Oceania." Paper for Greg Denning Memorial Lecture, Melbourne University, Melbourne, 14 Oct. 2010.United Nations International Human Rights Instruments. Core Document Forming Part of the Reports of States Parties: Peru. 27 June 1995. HRI/CORE/1/Add.43/Rev.1. 12 May 2012 < http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3ae6ae1f8.html >.

PREFACEThe articles of this supplement resulted from the 5 th International Congress of the Brazilian Geophysical Society held in São Paulo city, Brazil, at the Convention Center of the Transamérica Hotel, from 28 th September to 2 nd of October 1997. The participants of the Round Table Discussions on “Mean Sea Level Changes Along the Brazilian Coast” were Dr. Denizar Blitzkow, Polytechnic School of the University of São Paulo, (POLI-USP), Prof. Dr. Waldenir Veronese Furtado, Institute of Oceanography (IO-USP), Dr. Joseph Harari (IO-USP), Dr. Roberto Teixeira from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), and the invited coordinator Prof. Dr. Afrânio Rubens de Mesquita (IO-USP). Soon after the first presentation of the IBGE representative, on the efforts of his Institute regarding sea level matters, it became clear that, apart from a M.Sc. Thesis of Mesquita (1968) and the contributions of Johannenssen (1967), Mesquita et al. (1986) and Mesquita et al. (1994), little was known by the participants, about the history of the primordial sea level measurements along the Brazilian coast, one of the objectives of the meeting. So, following the strong recommendations of the Table participants, a short review on the early Brazilian sea level measurements was planned for a much needed general historical account on the topic. For this purpose, several researchers such as The Commander Frederico Corner Bentes, Directorate of Hydrography and Navigation (DHN) of the Brazilian Navy, Ms. Maria Helena Severo (DHN) and Eng. Jose Antonio dos Santos, National Institute of Ports and Rivers (INPH), long involved with the national sea level measurements were asked to present their views. Promptly, they all provided useful information on the ports and present difficulties with the Brazilian Law relative to the “Terrenos de Marinha” (Sea/Land Limits). Admiral Max Justo Guedes of the General Documentation Service (SDG) of the Brazilian Navy gave an account of the first “Roteiros”– Safe ways to approach the cities (ports) of that time by the sea –, written by the Portuguese navigators in the XVI Century, on the newly found land of “Terra de Santa Cruz”, Brazil’s first given name. Admiral Dr. Alberto Dos Santos Franco (IO-USP/DHN) gave information on the first works on sea level analysis published by the National Observatory (ON) Scientists, Belford Vieira (1928) and Lemos (1928). In a visit to ON, which belongs to the National Council of Scientific and Technological Research (CNPq) and after a thorough discussion on sea level matters in Brazil, Dr. Luiz Muniz Barreto showed the Library Museum, where the Tide Predictor machine, purchased from England, in the beginning of the XX century, is well kept and preserved. Afterwards, Dr. Mauro de Andrade Sousa of ON, sent a photography (Fig. 1) of the Kelvin machine (the same Kelvin of the Absolute Temperature), a tide predictor firstly used in the Country by ON to produce Tide Tables. From 1964 until now, the astronomical prediction of Tides (Tide Tables) for most of the Brazilian ports is produced using computer software and published by the DHN. Before the 5 th International Congress of Geophysics, the Global Observing Sea Level System (GLOSS), a program of the Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission (IOC) of UNESCO, had already offered a Training Course on sea level matters, in 1993 at IO-USP (IOC. 1999) and, six years later, a Training Workshop was also given at IO-USP in 1999 (IOC. 2000). Several participants of the Portuguese and Spanish speaking countries of the Americas and Africa (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mozambique, Uruguay, Peru, São Tome and Principe and Venezuela) were invited to take part in the Course and Workshop, under the auspices of the IOC. During the Training Course of 1993, Dr. David Pugh, Director of GLOSS, proposed to publish a Newsletter for sea level matters as a FORUM of the involved countries. The Newsletter, after the approval of the IOC Chairman at the time, Dr. Albert Tolkachev, ended up as the Afro America GLOSS News (AAGN). The newsletter had its first Edition published by IO-USP and was paper-printed up to its 4 th Edition. After that, under the registration Number ISSN: 1983-0319, from the CNPq and the new forum of GLOSS, which the Afro-American Spanish and Portuguese speaking countries already had, started to be disseminated only electronically. Currently on its 15 th Edition, the News Letter can be accessed on: www.mares.io.usp.br, Icon Afro America GLOSS News (AAGN),the electronic address of the “Laboratory of Tides and Oceanic Temporal Processes” (MAPTOLAB) of IO-USP, where other contributions on Brazilian sea level, besides the ones given in this Supplement, can also be found. The acronym GLOSS identifies the IOC program, which aims to produce an overall global long-term sea level data set from permanent measuring stations, distributed in ocean islands and all over the continental borders about 500 Km on average apart from each other, covering evenly both Earth hemispheres. The program follows the lines of the Permanent Service for the Mean Sea Level (PSMSL), a Service established in 1933 by the International Association for the Physical Sciences of the Ocean (IAPSO), which, however, has a much stronger and denser sea level data contribution from countries of the Northern Hemisphere. The Service receives and organizes sea level data sent by all countries with maritime borders, members of the United Nations (UN) and freely distributes the data to interested people, on the site http://www.pol.ac.uk/psmsl. The Permanent Station of Cananeia, Brazil, which has the GLOSS number 194 together with several other permanent stations (San Francisco, USA, Brest, France and many others), belongs to a chosen group of stations (Brazil has 9 GLOSS Stations) prepared to produce real time sea level, accompanied by gravity, GPS and meteorological high quality data measurements, aiming to contribute for a strictly reliable “in situ” data knowledge regarding the Global Earth sea level variability. Following the recommendations of the Round Table for a search of the first historical events, it was found that sea level measurements started in the Brazilian coast in 1781. The year when the Portuguese astronomer Sanches Dorta came to the Southern oceans, interested in studying the attraction between masses, applied to the oceanic tides a fundamental global law discovered by Isaak Newton in the seventeenth century. Nearly a hundred years later the Law was confirmed by Henry Cavendish. Another nearly hundred years passed and a few years after the transfer of the Portuguese Crown from Europe to Brazil, in 1808, the Port of Rio de Janeiro was occupied, in 1831, for the first systematic sea level measurements ever performed on the Brazilian coast. The one year recorded tidal signal, showing a clear semidiurnal tide is kept nowadays in the Library of the Directory of Hydrography and Navigation (DHN) of the Brazilian Navy. After the proclamation of the Brazilian Republic in 1889, systematic sea level measurements at several ports along the coast were organized and established by the Port Authorities precursors of INPH. Sea level analyses based on these measurements were made by Belford Vieira (op. cit.) and Lemos (op. cit.) of the aforementioned National Observatory (ON), and the Institute of the National Council of Research and Technology (CNPq), which gave the knowledge of tides and tidal analysis a valuable boost at that time. For some reason, the measurements of 1831 were included into the Brazilian Federal law No. 9760 of 1946, to serve as the National Reference (NR) for determining the sea/land limits of the “Terrenos de Marinha”, and inadvertently took it as if it were a fixed and permanent level along the years, which is known today to be untrue. Not only for this reason, but also for the fact that the datum, the reference level (RL) in the Port of Rio de Janeiro, to which the measurements of 1831 were referred to, was lost, making the 1946 Law inapplicable nowadays. The recommendations of the Round Table participants seemed to have been providential for the action which was taken, in order to solve these unexpected events. A method for recovering the 1831 limits of high waters, referred by Law 9760, was produced recently and is shown in this supplement. It is also shown the first attempt to identify, on the coast of São Paulo State, from the bathymetry of the marine charts produced by DHN, several details of the bottom of the shelf area. The Paleo Rivers and terraces covered by the most recent de-glaciation period, which started about 20,000 years ago, were computationally uncovered from the charts, showing several paleo entrances of rivers and other sediment features of the shelf around “Ilha Bela”, an island off the coast of S˜ao Sebastião. Another tidal analysis contribution, following the first studies of ON scientists, but now using computer facilities and the Fast Fourier Transform for tidal analysis, developed by Franco and Rock (1971), is also shown in this Supplement. Estimates of Constituents amplitudes as M2 and S2 seem to be decreasing along the years. In two ports of the coast this was effective, as a consequence of tidal energy being transferred from the astronomical Tide Generator Potential (PGM), created basically by the Sun and the Moon, to nonlinear components generated by tidal currents in a process of continuously modifying the beaches, estuarine borders and the shelf area. A study on the generation of nonlinear tidal components, also envisaged by Franco (2009) in his book on tides, seems to be the answer to some basic questions of this field of knowledge. Harari & Camargo (1994) worked along the same lines covering the entire South Eastern Shelf. As for Long Term Sea Level Trends, the sea level series produced by the National Institute of Research for Ports and Rivers (INPH), with the 10 years series obtained by the Geodetic Survey of USA, in various Brazilian ports, together with the sea level series of Cananeia of IO-USP, allowed the first estimation of Brazil’s long term trend, as about 30 cm/cty. A study comparing this value with the global value of sea level variation obtained from the PSMSL data series, shows that among the positively and negatively trended global tidal series, the Brazilian series are well above the mean global trend value of about 18 cm/cty. This result was communicated to IAPSO in the 1987 meeting in Honolulu, Hawaii, USA. In another attempt to decipher the long term sea level contents of these series, the correlation values, as a measure of collinearity and proximity values, as well as the distance of the yearly mean data values of sea level to the calculated regression line, are shown to be invariant with rotation of the Cartesian axes in this Supplement. Not following the recommendations of the Round Table but for the completeness of this Preface, these values, estimated from the Permanent Service for the Mean Sea Level data, with the Brazilian series included, allowed the definition of a function F, which, being also invariant with axis rotation, seems to measure the sort of characteristic state of variability of each sea level series. The plot of F values against the corresponding trend values of the 60 to 100 year-long PSMSL series is shown in Figure 2. This plot shows positive values of F reaching the 18 cm/cty, in good agreement with the recent International Panel for Climate Changes (IPCC) estimated global value. However, the negative side of the Figure also shows other values of F giving other information, which is enigmatic and is discussed in Mesquita (2004). For the comprehensiveness of this Preface and continuation of the subjects, although not exactly following the discussions of the Round Table, other related topics were developed since the 5th Symposium in 1997, for the extreme sea level events. They were estimated for the port of Cananeia, indicating average values of 2.80 m above mean sea level, which appears to be representative of the entire Brazilian coast and probable to occur within the next hundred years, as shown by Franco et al. (2007). Again for completeness, the topic on the steric and halosteric sea levels has also been talked about a lot after the 1997 reunion. Prospects of further studies on the topic rely on proposed oceanographic annual section measurements on the Southeastern coast, “The Capricorn Section,” aimed at estimating the variability and the long term steric and halosteric sea levels contributions, as expressed in Mesquita (2009). These data and the time series measurements (sea level, GPS, meteorology and gravity), already taken at Cananeia and Ubatuba research Stations, both near the Tropic of Capricorn, should allow to locally estimate the values of almost all basic components of the sea level over the Brazilian Southeastern area and perhaps also of the whole South Atlantic, allowing for quantitative studies on their composition, long term variability and their climatic influence.