Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Navy (Dutch)“

At the very end of December 1780 Britain formally broke off diplomatic relations with the Dutch Republic. The war which followed – the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War of 1780–84 – abruptly ended more than a century of friendship and alliance between the two states. It also proved to be a turning point in the Republic's domestic history: the shattering defeats inflicted by the superior British navy powerfully assisted the development of the Patriot movement, which was to break the mould of Dutch politics during the 1780s.

The well-known Israeli Uzi sub-machine gun saw service with the Dutch Armed Forces between 1957 and 1997. Other than the Israel Defense Forces, the Netherlands were the first nation to adopt this weapon for their conventional military forces—and also the first to use the Uzi in combat. The Dutch Navy, Air Force, and Army all adopted the Israeli sub-machine gun, although each service selected a slightly different configuration, including variants with different stocks and modes of fire. This article presents a brief history of the Uzi in Dutch service, tracing the primary variants in service with all three branches of the armed forces and examining how this variety highlights a recurring small arms acquisition trend within the Dutch military.

In Indonesian history, Britain has never been considered a prominent player in the politics of the archipelago. From an Indonesian perspective, the British presence only lasted a brief five years (1811–1816) during short-lived interregnum regime led by Thomas Stamford Raffles (1781-1826). This began with the British seizure of Java from the Franco-Dutch administration of Marshal Daendels (1808-11) and his successor, General Janssens (May-September 1811), and ended with the formal return of the colony to the Netherlands on 19 August 1816. However, as this article demonstrates, Britain has had a long-lasting and decisive influence on modern Indonesian history, dating from the time when the archipelago entered the vortex of global conflict between Britain and Republican France in the 1790s. The presence of the British navy in Indonesian waters throughout the century and a half which followed Britain’s involvement in the War of the First Coalition (1792-97) dictated inter alia the foundation of new cities like Bandung which grew up along Daendels’ celebrated postweg (military postroad), the development of modern Javanese cartography, and even the fate of the exiled Java War leader, Prince Diponegoro. in distant Sulawesi (1830-55). This British naval presence had pluses and minuses for the Dutch. On the one hand, it was a guarantor of Dutch security from foreign seaborne invasion. On the other, it opened the possibility for British interference in the domestic politics of Holland’s vast Asian colony. As witnessed in the 20th-century, the existence of the Dutch as colonial masters in the Indonesian Archipelago was critically dependent on the naval defence screen provided by the British. When the British lost their major battleships (Prince of Wales and Repulse) to Japanese attack off the east coast of Malaya on 10 December 1941 and Singapore fell on 15 February 1942, the fate of the Dutch East Indies was sealed. Today, the vital role played by the Royal Navy in guaranteeing the archipelago’s security up to February 1942 has been replaced by that of the Honolulu-based US Seventh Fleet but the paradoxes of such protection have continued.

The Napoleonic years in Holland, 1806–1813, were a time of trouble and turmoil. The Dutch republican polity was ended when Napoleon proclaimed his younger brother Louis King of Holland in June 1806. In 1810, Holland even ceased to exist as an independent state, when it was incorporated in the French Empire. The Dutch also suffered a severe economic crisis after 1806, as a result of the Continental Blockade. Notwithstanding a series of regulations and a variety of offices charged with implementing them, the enforcement of the Blockade remained imperfect. Smuggling flourished, with Dutch North Sea fishermen, facilitated by the relatively mild stance of the British Navy, playing an important role. Police files, some recently rediscovered, demonstrate that their role was even more substantial when it came to the illegal transport of passengers and mail. Dutch North Sea fishermen, who dominated the illicit conveyance of travellers and correspondence, mainly lived near Rotterdam and the Meuse estuary. As well as goods and raw materials, they conveyed information and served as mediators in commercial networks. The proximity of these fishermen boosted the strategic advantage of local merchants and thereby contributed to the resilience of Rotterdam in this time of crisis.

The Royal Navy (RN) has in-service experience of both marinized industrial and aero derivative propulsion gas turbines since the late 1940s. Operating through a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the British, Dutch, French, and Belgian Navies the current in-service propulsion engines are marinized versions of the Rolls Royce Tyne, Olympus, and Spey aero engines. Future gas turbine engines, for the Royal Navy, are expected to be the WR21 (24.5 MW), a 5 to 8 MW engine and a 1 to 2 MW engine in support of the All Electric Ship Project. This paper will detail why the Royal Navy chose gas turbines as prime movers for warships and how Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEM) guidance has been evaluated and developed in order to extend engine life. It will examine how the fleet of engines has historically been provisioned for and how a modular engine concept has allowed less support provisioning. The paper will detail the planned utilization of advanced cycle gas turbines with their inherent higher thermal efficiency and environmental compliance and the case for all electric propulsion utilizing high speed gas turbine alternators. It will examine the need for greater reliability/availability allowing single generator operation at sea and how by using a family of 3 engines a nearly flat Specific Fuel Consumption (SFC) down to harbour loads can be achieved. [S0742-4795(00)01203-5]

The port of Cochin on the Malabar Coast of India had always been a centre of shipbuilding. After the Dutch conquest in the port in 1663, the Dutch East India Company (VOC), too, established a shipyard there. At this yard, the VOC experimented with building ocean-going ships until the management of the company decreed that these were to be built solely in the Dutch Republic itself. During the first half of the eighteenth century, the yard focused on the repair of passing Indiamen and the construction of smaller vessels for use in and between the VOC commands in Malabar, Coromandel, Bengal and Sri Lanka. For most of the vessels built during the 1720s and 1730s, detailed accounts exist, allowing for a reconstruction of the costs of the various shipbuilding materials in Malabar, as well as the relative cost of labour. From the 1750s onwards, operations at the yard again become more difficult to discern. Likely, the relative decline of the VOC’s presence in Malabar caused a reduction in operations at the yard, but the shipyard was still in existence when Cochin was captured by British forces in 1795. However, this did not mean the end of Cochin as a shipbuilding centre, as a number or Royal Navy frigates were built at Cochin during the early nineteenth century.

ABSTRACTWhile Restoration historians have traditionally assumed that there was little public interest in foreign affairs, and that English attitudes towards Europe were determined either by religious or domestic concerns, this essay argues that there was a lively and sophisticated English debate about Europe which turned on the proper identification of the universal monarch rather than religion. In the later 1660s the English political nation was deeply divided in its understanding of European politics. Enthusiastic supporters of the restored monarchy thought that the republican United Provinces sought universal dominion, while the monarchy's radical critics identified absolutist France as an aspirant to universal monarchy. French success in the early phases of the third Anglo-Dutch war, the failure of the French navy to support the English fleet at sea, and the overthrow of the Dutch republican regime in favour of William III, Prince of Orange, convinced the vast majority of the English that France represented the greater threat. Ultimately popular pressure compelled Charles II to abandon the French alliance. In addition, the popular conviction that Louis XIV had succeeded in corrupting the English court resulted in a new-found desire for popular accountability in foreign affairs, and a consequent diminution of the royal prerogative in that sphere.

The existence of protectionism policy in Malaya and Borneo had been practised by the British specifically in the oil industry during colonialism. This policy was to prevent the largest American oil corporation, from dominating the oil market in Southeast Asia. The two British oil companies, the Anglo-Saxon Company and Shell Company in the early 20th century completed their business relationship with the Dutch oil company to control the oil industry in Southeast Asia. Oil producer colonies in Southeast Asia was solely granted oil supply through British oil company to prepare the outbreak of the First World War. This marked the height of British protectionism by providing continuous oil supply to the British Navy and expanding oil exports during the First World War. Later, PETRONAS adopted protectionism and monopoly strategies to increase equity ownership of Malays in the oil and mining industry.

The paper is concerned with disputes over sovereignty and global commerce in the 1760s and 1770s. The eighteenth-century revolution in economic science has been identified with agricultural reforms, and with the definition of national economies. The economists of the time, including Turgot, Mirabeau, Dupont de Nemours, Baudeau and Adam Smith, were also intensely interested in the merchant sovereigns of the French, English and Dutch East India companies, and in the new colonial ventures of the post-Seven Years War period. Their writings on global commerce were sometimes extraordinarily detailed (about herrings, for example, or bye-laws) and often untheoretical. Turgot was for a brief period minister of the navy and of the colonies. The older Mirabeau described the “Spaniard” as “the true Mogul of America,” and the cod of the North Atlantic as “the inexhaustible Peru of the Dutch.” But the economists’ writings on global connections were the occasion for some of their most profound reflections on the political consequences of laissez-faire, on theories of sovereignty, on the difficulties of transporting information or instructions over very large distances, and on the changing relationships between power, law and commerce. The disputes over long-distance commerce provide an interesting insight, the paper suggests, into ways of thinking which were at the same time scientific and administrative, global and provincial.

Exposure to hyperoxic conditions can induce pulmonary oxygen toxicity (POT). Divers of the Special Operations Forces (SOF) use oxygen rebreather systems during dives, and therefore are frequently exposed to hyperoxic conditions. Few studies have reported on POT in this population. This study reports on long-term pulmonary function tests (PFTs) and diffusing capacity in SOF divers to test the hypothesis that these measures of pulmonary function do not change clinically significantly during their career. The Royal Netherlands Navy performs yearly medical assessments of its military divers. All PFT and diffusing capacity data of SOF divers between the years 2000 and 2020 were analyzed using generalized estimating equations. The study included 257 SOF divers (median age, 27; interquartile range, 24–32), with 1612 dive medical assessments and a maximum follow-up time of 18.8 years. Alveolar volume (VA) and the diffusing capacity of carbon monoxide (TLCO) were significantly lower at baseline in smokers. Although these parameters were within the normal range, they declined over time and were significantly associated with age and years of diving. Smoking additionally affected TLCO and the transfer coefficient for carbon monoxide (KCO). TLCO and KCO were reduced by years of diving with oxygen rebreathers, albeit over clinically insignificant ranges, but smoking increased these changes by factors of 10 and 15, respectively.

Burgomaster Hugo van Arckel had saved Schoonhoven. When this small Holland town had become part of the Dutch Republic’s battle front during the 1672-1678 war against France, it was he who had almost single-handedly prevented it from giving itself up. Unsurprisingly, Stadtholder Prince William III of Orange, supreme commander of the Army and Navy and the Republic’s most influential public official at that moment, rewarded Van Arckel handsomely by bestowing several important offices on him. Four years later the one-time hero was tried and sentenced for corruption. What had happened in the meantime? Most contributions to this special issue of Public Voices apply a neo-classical perspective to corruption: Corruption scandals are studied to shed light on underlying value conflicts. The authors try to find out how corruption is constructed, at a certain moment, and why. Yet, there are far more theory clusters dealing with corruption. We will first take a look at these theory clusters, next analyze Van Arckel’s downfall, and then see which cluster is most suitable.

Recombinant inbred lines derived from a cross between a leafhopper-susceptible bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.), Berna Dutch brown and leafhopper-resistant selection EMP 419 were examined for resistance to the leafhopper species Empoasca abae (Harris) and Empoasca kraemeri Ross and Moore in Ontario, Canada and Colombia, South America, respectively. In both Ontario and Colombia there were significant positive correlations of visual injury scores with percent reductions in seed count, seed yield and seed weights. Leafhopper injury symptoms were significantly correlated with degree of stunting in Ontario, while only leaf burn scores were correlated with stunting in Colombia. Nymph counts were significantly and positively correlated with leaf curl scores in Ontario but not in Colombia, despite significant rank correlations of leaf burn scores and leaf curl scores between these locations. In a second experiment comparing the effects of E. fabae nymph infestations on set of 23 resistant and 5 susceptible recombinant inbred lines (RILs), the latter lines were infested by significantly fewer nymphs. Possible resistance mechanisms to E. fabae and E. kraemeri are discussed. Key words: Potato leafhopper, resistance insect, antixenosis, bean (navy), tolerance

For over two centuries (from the 17th Century to the early 19th Century), the Nguyen Lords in Cochinchina spent a lot of efforts to develop the navy forces to protect the sovereignty of sea & islands. The navy forces in Cochinchina rapidly grew in terms of troop strength, means and weapons. The Nguyen Lords were greatly concerned about this and frequently urged the recruiting of new troops to expand the fleet. Through trade, the Nguyen Lords established close relationship with Western merchants. With their help in weapon trading and manufacturing, Cochinchina was successfully equipped with fire arms for both infantry and navy forces. The Nguyen Lords were also interested in ship building and troops drilling. War ships in this time significant advanced in technical and combat abilities and capabilities. Therefore, Nguyen Lords’ Navy achieved a lot of notable victories, keeping up with the illustrious tradition of our nation's sea warfare. Typical of these feats included - To sink Japanese pirate ships in 1585; - To defeat the attack of the Dutch East India Company fleets (Vereenigde OostIndische Compagnie, VOC) in 1643; - To fight back the British troops, occupying Kunlun Islands in 1705; etc. In addition to powerful professional army, Nguyen Lords also built many military patrols, to protect and exploit marine resources in the East Sea. The military sea patrols named Hoang Sa, Bac Hai, Que Huong, Dai Mao Hai Ba, Que Huong Ham, etc. were born one by one. They came from fishermen who voluntarily joined military forces in the capacity of draftee (in the sense of military duty personnel); therefore, they were usually called by the name of “military personnel" or "military fishermen". In addition to collecting gold, silver, tools, etc.... of shipwreck to bring back to Nguyen Lords, they were also ready to fight every enemy who violated national sea sovereignty. They really were "war heroes" on the sea. The task of “the military fisherman troops” could be said to be extremely heavy, not just for economic life, but always associated with military tasks, such as going out on reconnaissance, spying, watching out and reporting on pirates, fighting pirates to protect the East sea. They face a lot of dangers to defend the sea-land sovereignty for the nation’s welfare. In this light, “the military fisherman troops” existed throughout the reign of the Nguyen Lords and the later Nguyen dynasty. Recent new findings have reflected a lot of interesting facts about the activities of “the military fisherman troops” as well as their living on the sea during the time of their mission. With all their achievements, “the then military fisherman troops” built up beautiful images shining with patriotism and the spirit of sacrificing their life for the country. The Nguyen Lords set up the Shipping Department in charge of registering, supervising and dealing with boats and ships from abroad to supervise and control the security at the sea.

This study aims to dissect the battle in the Java Sea between Japan and the Allies as a lesson learned in developing Indonesia's maritime defense. The research method is a descriptive qualitative approach to historical methods and thematic phenomenology. The results of this study show the weakening of maritime culture and changes in the cultural perspective of the people and the Dutch East Indies colonial government, which resulted in a massive and fast defeat process in sea battles that determined one of them, namely in the Java Sea. This event became a lesson for Indonesia to rebuild a maritime culture towards a world maritime axis country. Maritime Culture is the foundation for strengthening Indonesia's layered maritime defense system but with the availability of a fleet that has yet to reach the current Minimum Essential Forces (MEF) target.

The equipment was designed to obtain data from sea waves. It was developed by the Organization for Applied Scientific Research at Delft in coordination with the Royal Dutch Navy. The intention of the measurements with the wave height measuring equipment was to establish a correlation between the sea motion and the movements of a ship, which is steaming in that sea. So wave measurements and measurements of the ship movements were always carried out simultaneously. To have the movement of the ship free from the position of the wave meter, a telemetering system was chosen to transmit the data from the wave meter. The receiving and recording instruments are placed on board the ship. The first measurement was made in December 1958. At that moment, the wave meter consisted of a buoy assembly in which was mounted a transmitter coupled with an accelerometer. The accelerometer measured the accelerations of the wave meter in a direction perpendicular to the water surface. The carrier of the transmitter was direct frequency modulated by the signal of the accelerometer. After this measurement it became desirable to gather more data from the sea waves. For that reason the instrumentation of the wave meter was extended with a gyro, which measures the slope of the waves. The slope is determined by the angles of the water surface with respect to the horizontal plane in two directions perpendicular to each other. The angle signals frequency-modulate two subcarriers, which in their turn amplitude-modulated the transmitter carrier . With this more complicated equipment a measurement was made in November 1959. In this paper a description is given of the instrumentation of the wave meter and the receiving and recording equipment as it is at the present with a slightly changed modulating system. As the data from the wave meter could be used to study only the wave motion apart from the ship, it seems reasonable to present this paper at this conference.

From an obscure area by the banks of an estuary, which is later named Kalimas (Golden River), Surabaya, located in the coastal area of northern Java, developed into an important port in the Mojopahit era in the 14th century. Its geographically strategic position would then encouraged the Dutch colonial government in the 19th century to make it one of the primary ports in the long chain of gathering the farm produce from the whole area in the eastern Java and exporting them to Europe. This decision had resulted in transforming the 'shape and structure' of this town to become like a ribbon spreading from the northern area (the port) to the south (the plantation and farming areas). In the 20th century, besides being a traditional port by the banks of Kalimas River for the local people, Surabaya was also built into a trading port and the second largest navy port after Batavia. Its role as a port city has become very essential in supporting the trades specifically in the eastern part of Indonesia and generally in the whole Indonesia. Abstract in Bahasa Indonesia : Dari sebuah tempat yang tidak berarti, di tepi muara sungai kecil, yang kelak bernama Kalimas, Surabaya yang terletak di pesisir Utara P. Jawa, berkembang menjadi sebuah pelabuhan penting di jaman Mojopahit pada abad ke 14. Letak geografisnya yang sangat strategis membuat pemerintah kolonial Belanda pada abad ke 19, memutuskannya sebagai pelabuhan utama dari rangkaian terakhir kegiatan pengumpulan hasil produksi pertanian di ujung Timur P. Jawa untuk eksport ke Eropa. Keputusan ini mengakibatkan 'bentuk dan struktur' kota menjadi semakin seperti pita yang membentang dari Utara (arah pelabuhan) ke Selatan (arah pedalaman penghasil pertanian dan perkebunan). Pada abad ke 20, Surabaya di bangun menjadi pelabuhan dagang dan pelabuhan angkatan laut modern terbesar kedua setelah Batavia, disamping pelabuhan rakyat yang terletak di tepi Kali Mas. Pada abad awal ke 21 bentuk dan struktur kota Surabaya sudah mulai mencapai keseimbangan. Perannya sebagai kota pelabuhan semakin penting dalam dunia perdagangan di Indonesia bagian Timur pada khususnya dan Indonesia secara keseluruhan pada umumnya. Kata kunci: surabaya, kota pelabuhan , perkembangan transportasi.

Täglich wird jedes Krankenhaus durch eine Vielzahl verschiedener Personen aufgesucht. Die Hundertschaften an Individuen bilden dabei keine homogene Einheit, sondern verfolgen vielzählige Ziele, bei gleichzeitig unterschiedlicher Ortskenntnis und Orientierungsfähigkeit. Aus Sicherheitsgründen, Leistungsanforderungen und Serviceorientierung gilt es, die ungleichen Personengruppen gezielt über eine ausdifferenzierte Inhouse-Navigation im Krankenhaus zu steuern.

This article is about the text constitution of D. 19,2,15,6, a text which has been considered as corrupt by most, if not all, legal historians discussing it. It puts forward an emendation advanced by Haloander and considers whether that can stand up to close scrutiny. After a discussion among Dutch Romanists to whom the text was put up for debate, it turns out that it cannot. The text, especially the much debated opening line (‘cum quidam nave amissa vecturam, quam pro mutua acceperat, repeteretur’), makes perfectly acceptable Latin, as was already suggested by the Austrian philologist Ernst Kalinka in 1927. The only minor emendation suggested is to correct ‘promutuo’ for ‘pro mutua’, a reading supported by D. 40,7,40,5 (and its ‘kata podas’) and the Greek summae of D. 19,2,15,6.

Sustainability can’t be like some sort of a moral sacrifice or a political dilemma or a philanthropic cause. It has to be a design challenge." Bjarke Ingels, BIG Architects From tabling the Brundtland Commission report in 1987 to The UN Sustainable development goals 2030, we have come a long way in defining and understanding ―sustainability‖. The UN SDG’s are a blueprint towards achieving sustainable growth for people and the planet. Earth’s resources are being depleted faster than ever before but technological advances in various spheres have increased our awareness and knowledge towards mitigating its adverse effects. Globally it is vital to get the support of citizens to achieve environmental, social and economic sustainability for all the stakeholders. This is a case study paper and the different aspects of a liveable city like safety, wellbeing, security and infrastructure while being considered as necessary for any city to function effectively, the focus of the paper is on water sustainability. From floods in Kerala to drought in Vidarbha and Chennai running out of potable drinking water – the climate change crisis is hinting that water sustainability by integrating the water cycle is the need of the hour. A city which has taken initiatives to make itself resilient, sustainable and livable is Rotterdam, Denmark. The Dutch model incorporates water in their city planning and involves community participation through waterfront development and community welfare activities. Present paper looks into one such attempt carried out by Navi Mumbai Municipal Corporation, which has incorporated the Dutch Model of water management by constructing holding ponds. Also significance and use of Bio-Swale is explained efficiently. A participatory approach in planning and implementation will help cities become livable and sustainable.

The raw material-centric and holistic designer attitude has become a subject of design education in recent years. This approach is expanding and has adapted itself to the full scope of advanced capitalism, including consideration of the use of raw materials, market reception, and the environmental aspects. The pedagogic roots of the new perspective, such as the DIY approach and the origins of the expressive sensory atlas, can be traced back to the Bauhaus foundation courses. Tactility is today the starting point for examining consumer behavior related to the market success of raw material developments. The pilot courses, launched in collaboration with Italian and Dutch technical and art universities, are based on the methodologies of Itten and Moholy-Nagy and examine our relationship with raw materials and their unexplored possibilities. Moholy-Nagy’s approach of seeking solutions to life’s problems not in isolation but bearing the community’s interests in mind was revived by Victor Papanek in the 1970s and has recently been renewed in Alice Rawsthorn’s expression “attitudinal design.” The raw material-centric pilot courses of the previous years have now become permanent at European art universities. This article introduces the methodological approaches to raw material-centric design, that are built on my own experiences and innovative solutions. The holistic view of these approaches combines Moholy-Nagy’s “material-form-function” unity with the motivations behind consumption and the sensory properties of materials.

A familiáris hypercholesterinaemia (FH) a koleszterin-anyagcsere veleszületett zavarával járó kórkép, amelyet jelentősen emelkedett összkoleszterinszint (TC) és low density lipoprotein koleszterinszint (LDL-C), ennek következtében a szív- és érrendszeri betegségek korai megjelenése jellemez. A magas vérnyomás előfordulási gyakorisága FH-s betegekben nem tisztázott, de jelenléte független kockázati tényezője a cardiovascularis betegség kialakulásának. Megfelelő terápiája ezért kiemelt fontosságú ebben a nagy kockázatú betegcsoportban.Célul tűztük ki 86, szakrendelésünkön először megjelent, frissen diagnosztizált, lipidcsökkentő kezelésben még nem részesülő heterozigóta FH-s beteg (27 férfi, 59 nő, átlagéletkoruk 53,6±13,4 év) esetén a lipidszintek, valamint a dokumentáció alapján a magas vérnyomás előfordulásának és kezelésének értékelését. Az FH diagnózisát a Dutch Lipid Network kritériumrendszer alkalmazásával állítottuk fel.A betegek átlagos TC-szintje 8,49±1,7 mmol/l, átlagos LDL-C-szintje 6,11±1,5 mmol/l, átlagos high density lipoprotein koleszterin (HDL-C) szintje 1,62±0,5 mmol/l, míg a lipoprotein-(a)-szint mediánja 301 mg/l volt. Mindössze 33 beteg esetén diagnosztizáltak korábban magas vérnyomást (38,4%). Béta-blokkolót 23, ACE-gátlót 13, ARB-t 12, kalciumcsatorna-blokkolót 9, HCT-t 11 beteg kapott. 11 beteg részesült monoterápiában, 10 beteg kettős, 11 beteg hármas, míg 1 beteg négyes kombinált kezelést kapott.Az eredmények alapján a magasvérnyomás-betegség ebben a betegcsoportban valószínűleg aluldiagnosztizált, a javasolt kezelés pedig sem az alkalmazott szer típusát, sem annak módját tekintve nem felelt meg az aktuális terápiás irányelveknek. A magasvérnyomás-betegség szűrése és korszerű kezelése, tekintettel az FH esetén kialakuló korai érelmeszesedésre, jóval nagyobb figyelmet érdemel ebben a kiemelt kockázatú betegcsoportban.

Olyan átfogó stílusok, mint a gótika a reneszánsz vagy a barokk voltak, napjainkban nem segítik az építész munkáját a formaalakításában, de különböző stílusok, brandek és ideológiák nagy számban választhatók. A választás létre is jön – elsősorban az azonosíthatóság és a jó eladhatóság érdekében – az építészirodák formaalkotási metódusát alapvetően meghatározva. Az így létrejövő építészeti formák nem az adott feladatból következnek, nem az adott feladathoz kapcsolódnak, hanem a meglévő formakészlet elemeinek használatával, adaptálásával jönnek létre. A kortárs művészetben nem csak az építészet küzd a forma ellehetetlenülésével, kiüresedésével. Az irodalomban ugyanúgy kérdésessé vált a forma, a stílus, és kérdésessé vált a gondolat, a mondanivaló direkt ábrázolása. Az irodalomra is figyelve, a párhuzamok segíthetnek a helyzet pontos leírásában, értelmezésében, és szélesíthetik az építészeti horizontot. Azonban nem csak a huszadik század végi, huszonegyedik század eleji építészet sajátja a formai dogmatizmus, az már a kezdet kezdetén megjelent a Modern Mozgalomban. A CIAM és Le Corbusier stiláris diktátumával szemben aktív és passzív ellenállás fejlődött ki. Több jelentős, korszerűen gondolkozó építész hangoztatta, írta le ellenvéleményét, tiltakozva a Modern Mozgalom kiáltványai ellen. A passzívan tiltakozó építészek egyszerűen távol tartották magukat a Mozgalomtól és járták a saját maguk szabta, de modern útjukat. Az aktív és passzív ellenállást tanúsító építészek vonulatát St. John Wilson a modern építészet másik hagyományaként írta le. A modern építészet másik hagyományának folytatásaként – a kortárs tervezésben – a stiláris, formai, esztétikai, gondolati, ideológiai megközelítések elutasítása lehetőséget jelenthet az építész számára egy olyan tervezés gyakorlására, ami a sokrétű építészeti feladatra tud koncentrálni, nem a formai kérdések határozzák meg a tervezést. Az építészet elemi sajátosságaira alapozva, a tervezési helyzet kiértékelése, a funkció betöltése a fundamentum. Minden más ezekből kiindulva alakul, következik, az építészetet praktikus művészetként (techné) gyakorolva. Ez a vonulata az építészetnek nem használ olyan formákat, amelyek nem a tervezési helyzetből következnek, így az épület populáris gesztusok, formák híján a legtöbb esetben nem lesz érdekes a primer érzékelés számára. Az ilyen mű befogadásához csend és elmélyülés kell. However, such overall styles as gothic, renaissance and baroque do not help contemporary architects in creating forms but different styles, brands and ideologies could be chosen freely. The choice is maid – usually for identification and marketability – defining the form creation method of the architecture offices. The forms created like this do not follow the assignment task nor are connected to the architectural or natural context, but these forms are stylistically or ideologically preconceived. The architectural form, structure which is independent from task is not only the contemporary architecture’s peculiarity. At the beginning of the architectural Modern Movement Le Corbusier and the CIAM canonized the International Style. But W. M. Dudok, the Dutch architect (and several other prominent architects) protested against a regime of pre-ordained geometrical form. In the contemporary architecture the MVRDV is diligent to create interesting architectural forms to raise their popularity, however, a few decades ago Winy Maas protested against the formalism: admonishing the architects to design buildings just with transforming the abstract statistic information into a concrete form. Daniel Libeskind said about his Jewish Museum in Berlin: “that was my intent in creating a building that tells a story. Architecture just like any art should tell a story.” And he developed a useless populist building using deconstructive ornaments. But there are a few star architects who do not care about brand building and popularity. One of them is Peter Zumthor, who wrote about the design process of Thermal Baths in Vals: “I remembered how we recently developed a project…not by forming preliminary images of the building in our minds and subsequently adapting them to the assignment, but by endeavouring to answer basic questions arising from the location of the given site, the purpose and the building materials – mountain, rock, water – which at the first had no visual content in terms of existing architecture.”

The breakthrough innovation of the Wright brothers in 1903 and subsequent developments of aerial technology created significant opportunities for the military, as a new dimension of warfare became an operational space of combat. Many legal questions arise, including the status of air machines deployed by the freshly formed independent air detachments before the outbreak of World War I. From the operational and legal viewpoint, both state practice and international law experts agreed that in order to receive a status similar to warships under the law of naval warfare, military aircraft should bear distinctive insignia, indicating their military character and nationality. This article’s aim is to present the origins and evolution of the military markings and their legal significance, as a core element of the military aircraft definition. It needs to be emphasized that only aircraft considered as military can perform acts of hostility and exercise the specific rights granted by the law of air warfare. The analysis will refer to practical challenges for maintaining the classical rule of air warfare, such as the exact location of the markings on the aircraft surfaces, low-visibility insignia (as a way to reconcile legal and operational demands) and the question of relevance of the duty to mark military aircraft in the context of unmanned air platforms. L’innovation qui a fait connaître les frères Wright en 1903 ainsi que les développements consécutifs dans la technologie aéronautique ont créé de réelles opportunités pour le secteur militaire, alors qu’une nouvelle dimension de la guerre est devenue un espace opérationnel de combat. Cette évolution fait naître de nombreuses questions juridiques, dont le statut des aéronefs déployés par les détachements aériens indépendants formés peu avant l’éclatement de la Première Guerre mondiale. D’un point de vue opérationnel et légal, la pratique étatique et les experts juridiques internationaux s’accordent sur le fait que les aéronefs militaires devraient avoir des insignes distinctifs indiquant leur caractère militaire et leur nationalité, afin qu’ils se voient attribuer un statut similaire à celui des navires de guerre en vertu du droit de la guerre navale. Cet article a pour but de présenter les origines et l’évolution du marquage militaire ainsi que sa signification juridique, en tant qu’élément essentiel de la définition d’un aéronef militaire. Soulignons le fait que seul un aéronef considéré comme militaire peut mener des actes hostiles et exercer les droits particuliers octroyés en vertu du droit de la guerre aérienne. L’analyse fait référence à des défis d’ordre pratique pour maintenir les règles classiques de la guerre aérienne, telles que l’emplacement exact des marquages sur la surface de l’aéronef, la faible visibilité des insignes (comme moyen de combiner exigences juridiques et opérationnelles) et la question de la pertinence de l’obligation de marquer un aéronef militaire dans le contexte de plateformes aériennes sans équipage. De baanbrekende innovatie van de gebroeders Wright in 1903 en de daaropvolgende ontwikkelingen van de luchtvaarttechnologie creëerden grote mogelijkheden voor de strijdkrachten, aangezien een nieuwe dimensie van oorlogvoering een operationele gevechtsruimte werd. Deze ontwikkeling leidt tot veel juridische vragen, waaronder de status van de luchtvaartuigen die door de net voor het uitbreken van de Eerste Wereldoorlog opgerichte onafhankelijke luchtdetachementen werden ingezet. Vanuit operationeel en juridisch oogpunt waren zowel de statenpraktijk als de internationale juridische experts het erover eens dat militaire luchtvaartuigen onderscheidende insignes moeten dragen die hun militaire karakter en nationaliteit aangeven, om een status te krijgen die gelijkaardig is aan die van oorlogsschepen krachtens het recht van de zeeoorlog. Dit artikel heeft tot doel de oorsprong en de ontwikkeling van de militaire markeringen en hun juridische betekenis voor te stellen als een kernelement van de definitie van militaire luchtvaartuigen. Er moet worden benadrukt dat alleen luchtvaartuigen die als militair worden beschouwd, vijandelijke handelingen kunnen verrichten en de specifieke rechten die door het recht van de luchtoorlog worden verleend, kunnen uitoefenen. De analyse verwijst naar de praktische uitdagingen voor het handhaven van de klassieke regels van de luchtoorlog, zoals de exacte locatie van de markeringen op de vliegtuigoppervlakken, insignes met lage zichtbaarheid (als een manier om juridische en operationele eisen met elkaar in overeenstemming te brengen) en de vraag of de verplichting om militaire luchtvaartuigen te markeren relevant is in de context van onbemande luchtvaartuigen. La revolucionaria innovación de los hermanos Wright en 1903 y subsiguiente evolución de la tecnología aérea dieron paso a oportunidades significativas para los ejércitos, creándose una nueva dimensión de la guerra que se convirtió en un espacio operativo de combate. Esto trajo consigo muchas cuestiones legales, incluido el estatus de los artefactos aéreos desplegados por los recién creados destacamentos aéreos independientes en los prolegómenos de la Primera Guerra Mundial. Desde el punto de vista operativo y legal, tanto los Estados a través de la práctica como los expertos en Derecho Internacional estuvieron de acuerdo en que para acogerse al mismo estatus que los buques de guerra bajo las leyes de la guerra naval, las aeronaves militares debían llevar insignias distintivas, mostrando su carácter militar y nacionalidad. El propósito del artículo es examinar el origen y evolución de estas señales militares y su importancia legal como uno de los elementos principales de la definición de aeronave militar. Debe enfatizarse que solo una aeronave considerada militar puede llevar a cabo actos de hostilidad y ejercer derechos específicos reconocidos por las leyes de la guerra aérea. El análisis aborda los retos prácticos para mantener la vigencia de la regla clásica de la guerra aérea, tal como es el lugar exacto de emplazamiento de las señales exteriores en la superficie de las aeronaves, las insignias de baja visibilidad (como una forma de conciliar las exigencias legales y operativas) y la cuestión de la relevancia del deber de señalar las aeronaves militares en el contexto de las plataformas aéreas no tripuladas. L’innovazione rivoluzionaria dei Fratelli Wright nel 1903 e i successivi sviluppi della tecnologia aerea crearono significative opportunità per i militari, poiché una nuova dimensione di guerra divenne uno spazio operativo di combattimento. Sorgono molte questioni legali, tra cui lo status delle macchine aeree dispiegate dai distaccamenti aerei indipendenti formatisi appena prima dello scoppio della Prima guerra mondiale. Dal punto di vista operativo e legale, sia la pratica degli Stati che gli esperti di diritto internazionale hanno convenuto che, per ricevere uno status simile a quello delle navi da guerra disciplinate della legge della guerra navale, gli aerei militari dovrebbero portare delle insegne distintive che indichino la loro natura militare e la loro nazionalità. L'obiettivo di questo articolo è quello di presentare le origini e l'evoluzione delle marcature militari e il loro significato legale, come elemento centrale della definizione di velivolo militare. Va sottolineato che solo gli aerei considerati militari possono compiere atti di ostilità ed esercitare i diritti specifici concessi dalla legge sulla guerra aerea. L’analisi farà riferimento alle sfide pratiche per il mantenimento delle regole classiche sulla guerra aerea, come l’esatta posizione delle marcature sulla superfice dell’aereo, le insegne a bassa visibilità (come modo per conciliare le esigenze legali ed operative) e la questione della rilevanza del dovere di marcatura dei velivoli militari nel contesto delle piattaforme aeree senza pilota. Die bahnbrechende Innovation der Gebrüder Wright im Jahr 1903 und die nachfolgenden Entwicklungen der Luftfahrttechnologie schufen bedeutende Möglichkeiten für den Militärbereich, da eine neue Dimension der Kriegsführung zu einem operativen Kampfraum wurde. Es stellen sich viele rechtliche Fragen, einschließlich jener des Status der Luft­maschinen, die von den neu gebildeten unabhängigen Luftkommandos vor dem Ausbruch des Ersten Weltkriegs eingesetzt wurden. Aus operativer und rechtlicher Sicht waren sich sowohl die staatliche Praxis als auch die internationalen Rechtsexperten einig, dass Militärflugzeuge Kennzeichen, die auf ihren militärischen Charakter und ihre Nationalität hinweisen, tragen sollten, um einen kriegsschiffähnlichen Status nach dem Recht der Seekriegsführung zu erhalten. Ziel dieses Artikels ist es, die Ursprünge und die Entwicklung der militärischen Kennzeichnungen und ihre rechtliche Bedeutung als Kernelement der Definition von Militärflugzeugen darzustellen. Es muss darauf hingewiesen werden, dass nur Flugzeuge, die als militärisch angesehen werden, feindliche Handlungen durchführen und die durch das Gesetz der Luftkriegsführung gewährten spezifischen Rechte ausüben können. Die Analyse wird sich auf praktische Herausforderungen für die Aufrechterhaltung des klassischen Gesetzes der Luftkriegsführung beziehen, wie die genaue Lage der Kennzeichen auf den Flugzeugoberflächen, Kennzeichen mit geringer Sichtbarkeit (als Mittel, rechtliche und operative Anforderungen miteinander in Einklang zu bringen) und die Frage der Relevanz der Pflicht zur Kennzeichnung militärischer Flugzeuge im Zusammenhang mit unbemannten Luftplattformen.

Soon after his accession to the English throne William’s two navies started combined operations against the common enemy France. The Nine Years War had broken out, and this was followed after a short interval by the War of the Spanish Succession. Combined naval operations by two allies were nothing uncommon in those days. Anglo- French fleets had fought the Dutch in no fewer than four fierce battles in 1672 and 1673. French and Dutch squadrons had cooperated against the English Navy in 1666, and much earlier in 1596 and 16252727 Anglo- Dutch fleets jointly attacked Spanish ports (1). In these examples cooperation never lasted long nor was it very close. Problems concerning the command structure were seldom satisfactorily solved. Allies regularly changed sides during the 17th century. The Glorious Revolution, however, can be treated as a turning point. England became involved in a generations-long struggle against France. The Dutch Republic under William III had already started to fight Louis XIV’s urge for expansion, more than 15 years earlier. Both countries almost became traditional allies. Right from the beginning in 1689 detailed arrangements were made for naval cooperation, long-standing ones as later developments showed.

In 1777, the American commissioners in Paris, Benjamin Franklin and Silas Deane, contracted with French naval captain Jacques Boux to design two frigates for the Revolutionary cause. The design was the first of a new concept of very large frigates, able to outgun anything they could not outrun. The ships were to be built at a private yard in Amsterdam. One of these vessels, laid down as L’Indien, would ultimately serve the American cause in the South Carolina State Navy under the name South Carolina. This article examines the Dutch period of the two ships built at the yard of Arie Staats in Amsterdam in 1777–1781. Despite the attention given to South Carolina in the historiography, the Dutch sources have not yet been studied. The case of L’Indien and Tijger, her sister ship, illustrates the continuing importance of private contractors to navies in the late eighteenth century.

Abstract At the end of the eighteenth century, the large-scale warfare that confronted the major European powers exceeded their financial capabilities. This, in turn, affected the operational effectiveness of their military machinery and disturbed its disciplinary order. Consequently, by the 1790s, French, British, and Dutch naval crews resorted to mutiny on an enormous scale. They were driven by fatigue, harsh conditions of service, and disagreements with higher command. Decades later, the Real Armada witnessed a series of riots, resembling those of its rival powers but linked to the struggles for independence in the Hispanic-American colonies. Nearly all historians have overlooked the Spanish case, but the motives and direct consequences of the Spanish mutinies are worthy of explanation as part of global processes driven by the Age of Revolutions. Moreover, they offer an opportunity to improve the knowledge of early modern Spanish naval society.

During the reign of Peter the Great and his successors most significant achievements in the field of public health in Russia took place. In order to train domestic doctors, especially for the army and navy, Peter I organized the training of the best representatives of Russia at the leading medical universities in Europe, and especially at the University of Leiden. He also created the first medical surgical schools in Moscow and St. Petersburg. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, close ties in the field of medicine between Russia and the Netherlands were established. A significant number of doctors, graduates of the Leiden University practiced in Russia and held very high positions in Russian medical services. This contributed to the advancement of advanced European technologies in the provision of medical services and medical education in Russia. Therefore the role of Dutch doctors in the development of Russian medicine in the Petrine era is extremely significant. Under their leadership, the first hospitals and medical schools were established, the first textbooks were developed in Russian and scientific research was conducted. The Academy of Sciences created by Peter the Great was the centre of scientific achievements of Imperial Russia.

Co-operation with preservation of autonomy. The effects of e-mail on quality of working life Co-operation with preservation of autonomy. The effects of e-mail on quality of working life This paper addresses the question whether the use of e-mail enhances or threatens quality of working life. The results of qualitative and explorative research at the Head Quarters of the Dutch Royal Navy are presented. Interviews with employees were used as a method to investigate the use of e-mail and its effect on quality of working life. The (preliminary) conclusion of this research is that the use of e-mail enhances quality of working life. The opportunities for not-work related communication through e-mail are not considered to be important and employees indicated that the use of e-mail does not enhance their workload. The informal style of communication has a moderately positive effect on quality of working life. The most important factor in the relation between the use of e-mail and quality of working life is the autonomy of employees. Employees have more opportunities to execute their tasks in the way the want. E-mail facilitates cooperation between relatively autonomous employees and this enhances the quality of work.

With the penetration of oil into world politics, all states that completed the industrial revolution and had a say in world politics focused on the points where oil was or can be extracted. Because developed countries, especially the United States of America and England, thought that they could reach the speed and power provided by modern engine technology thanks to oil. In this context, the imperial states were engaged in a relentless race in terms of both incorporation and market. In particular, the US-based Standard Oil Company and the UK-Netherlands-based Royal Dutch-Shell Company, as the race between themselves and their competitors spread to third countries, dragged the world to an irreversible fate line in terms of oil. Before the First World War, the British, who made oil investments especially in the southern regions of Iran, did not have the luxury of being left behind in this struggle after the navy converted it to petroleum-based fuel. This race, which became even more heated during and after the First World War, spread to the Middle East and turned into a race for oil region in the lands of the destroyed Ottoman Empire. With the decision of the League of Nations, Iraq, consisting of Mosul, Baghdad and Basra Provinces, left the British mandate, causing the victorious states to come face to face for the oil to be extracted from there. İn this study, aforementioned struggle will be avaluated and studied through the British archival documents and its reflections on the British press.

Indonesia, with its vast maritime territory and abundant water resources, requires substantial efforts to safeguard defense and security. The effective defense strategy of the Indonesian Navy (TNI AL) involves strategically placing naval bases throughout the entire region, demonstrating a deterrent effect to potential adversaries and affirming the presence of TNI AL in the waters of the Republic of Indonesia. The aim of this research is to analyze the implementation of the Maritime Defense Strategy in early detection of threats along the coast of Garut, West Java. This qualitative research adopts a phenomenological approach, utilizing interview, observation, and documentation methods. The findings indicate that the placement of Binpotmar personnel in Cikelet Garut under the jurisdiction of Posal Pangandaran plays a crucial role in responding to the dynamics of local maritime issues. The flexibility and responsibility of Binpotmar demonstrate vital adaptability in responding to incidents at the border. Functioning as the forefront of intelligence and executing maritime operations, the presence of Binpotmar is a strategic step to enhance self-reliance in carrying out operational tasks. The research also emphasizes the optimal utilization of Cikelet Garut's potential, including the well-maintained Dutch legacy docks, through infrastructural improvements and advanced technology. The naval facility in the area can effectively respond to maritime threats, fulfill the 5R criteria in the Southern Region of Java Island, and create a deterrent effect against adversaries. The importance of collaboration with the Garut Regency Government through forkopimda is highlighted as a crucial consideration for TNI AL. Overall, the research underscores the significance of a comprehensive and collaborative approach in maintaining maritime defense and security in the region.

The port city Liepaja had gained recognition in Europe and the world by World War I. On the coast of the Baltic Sea a resort developed, to which around 1880 a wide promenade – Kurhaus Avenue provided a functional link between the finance and trade centre in Old Liepaja. On November 8, 1890 the building conditions for Liepaja, developed according to the sample of Riga building regulations, were partly confirmed: the construction territory was divided into districts of wooden and stone buildings. In 1888 after the reconstruction of the trade canal Liepaja became the third most significant port in the Russian Empire. The railway (engineer Gavriil Semikolenov; 1879) and metal bridges (engineers Huten and Ruktesel; 1881) across the trade canal provided the link between Old Liepaja and the industrial territory in New Liepaja, where industrial companies and building of houses developed in the neighbourhood of the railway hub, but in spring 1899 the construction of a ten-kilometre long street electric railway line and power station was commenced. Since September 25 the tram movement provided a regular traffic between Naval Port (Latvian: Karosta), the residential and industrial districts in New Liepaja and the city centre in Old Liepaja. In 1907 the construction of the ambitious “Emperor Alexander’s III Military Port” and maritime fortress was completed, but already in the following year the fortress was closed. In the new military port there were based not only the navy squadrons of the Baltic Sea, but also the Pacific Ocean before sending them off in the war against Japan. The development of Liepaja continued: promenades, surrounded by Dutch linden trees, joined squares and parks in one united plantation system. On September 20, 1910 Liepaja City Council made a decision to close the New Market and start modernization of the city centre. In 1911 Liepaja obtained its symbol – the Rose Square. In the independent Republic of Latvia the implementation of the agrarian reform was started and the task to provide inhabitants with flats was set. Around 1927 in the Technical Department of Liepaja City the development of the master-plan was started: the territory of the city was divided into the industrial, commercial, residential and resort zone, which was greened. It was planned to lengthen Lord’s (Latvian: Kungu) Street with a dam, partly filling up Lake Liepaja in order to build the water-main and provide traffic with the eastern bank. The passed “Law of City Lands” and “Regulations for City Construction and Development of Construction Plans and Development Procedure” in Latvia Republic in 1928 promoted a gradual development of cities. In 1932 Liepaja received the radio transmitter. On the northern outskirts a sugar factory was built (architect Kārlis Bikše; 1933). The construction of the city centre was supplemented with the Latvian Society House (architect Kārlis Blauss and Valdis Zebauers; 1934-1935) and Army Economical Shop (architect Aleksandrs Racenis), as well as the building of a pawnshop and saving bank (architect Valdis Zebauers; 1936-1937). The hotel “Pēterpils”, which became the property of the municipality in 1936, was renamed as the “City Hotel” and it was rebuilt in 1938. In New Liepaja the Friendly Appeal Elementary school was built (architect Karlis Bikše), but in the Naval Officers Meeting House was restored and it was adapted for the needs of the Red Cross Bone Tuberculosis Sanatorium (architect Aleksandrs Klinklāvs; 1930-1939). The Soviet military power was restored in Latvia and it was included in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. During the World War II buildings in the city centre around the Rose Square and Great (Latvian: Lielā) Street were razed. When the war finished, the “Building Complex Scheme for 1946-1950” was developed for Liepaja. In August 1950 the city was announced as closed: the trade port was adapted to military needs. Neglecting the historical planning of the city, in 1952 the restoration of the city centre building was started, applying standard projects. The restoration of Liepaja City centre building carried out during the post-war period has not been studied. Research goal: analyse restoration proposals for Liepaja City centre building, destroyed during World War II, and the conception appropriate to the socialism ideology and further development of construction.

Introduction“From every kind of man obedience I expect; I’m the Emperor of Japan.” (“Miyasama,” from Gilbert and Sullivan’s musical The Mikado, 1885)This commentary is facilitated by—surprisingly resilient—oriental stereotypes of an imagined Japan (think of Oscar Wilde’s assertion, in 1889, that Japan was a European invention). During the Victorian era, in Britain, there was a craze for all things oriental, particularly ceramics and “there was a craze for all things Japanese and no middle class drawing room was without its Japanese fan or teapot.“ (V&A Victorian). These pastoral depictions of the ‘oriental life’ included the figures of men and women in oriental garb, with fans, stilt shoes, kimono-like robes, and appropriate headdresses, engaging in garden-based activities, especially tea ceremony variations (Landow). In fact, tea itself, and the idea of a ceremony of serving it, had taken up a central role, even an obsession in middle- and upper-class Victorian life. Similarly, landscapes with wild seas, rugged rocks and stunted pines, wizened monks, pagodas and temples, and particular fauna and flora (cranes and other birds flying through clouds of peonies, cherry blossoms and chrysanthemums) were very popular motifs (see Martin and Koda). Rather than authenticity, these designs heightened the Western-based romantic stereotypes associated with a stylised form of Japanese life, conducted sedately under rule of the Japanese Imperial Court. In reality, prior to the Meiji period (1868–1912), the Emperor was largely removed from everyday concerns, residing as an isolated, holy figure in Kyoto, the traditional capital of Japan. Japan was instead ruled from Edo (modern day Tokyo) led by the Shogun and his generals, according to a strict Confucian influenced code (see Keene). In Japan, as elsewhere, the presence of feudal-style governance includes policies that determine much of everyday life, including restrictions on clothing (Rall 169). The Samurai code was no different, and included a series of protocols that restricted rank, movement, behaviour, and clothing. As Vincent has noted in the case of the ‘lace tax’ in Great Britain, these restrictions were designed to punish those who seek to penetrate the upper classes through their costume (28-30). In Japan, pre-Meiji sumptuary laws, for example, restricted the use of gold, and prohibited the use of a certain shade of red by merchant classes (V&A Kimono).Therefore, in the governance of pre-globalised societies, the importance of clothing and textile is evident; as Jones and Stallybrass comment: We need to understand the antimatedness of clothes, their ability to “pick up” subjects, to mould and shape them both physically and socially—to constitute subjects through their power as material memories […] Clothing is a worn world: a world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body. (2-3, emphasis added)The significant re-imagining of Japanese cultural and national identities are explored here through the cataclysmic impact of Western ideologies on Japanese cultural traditions. There are many ways to examine how indigenous cultures respond to European, British, or American (hereafter Western) influences, particularly in times of conflict (Wilk). Western ideology arrived in Japan after a long period of isolation (during which time Japan’s only contact was with Dutch traders) through the threat of military hostility and war. It is after this outside threat was realised that Japan’s adoption of military and industrial practices begins. The re-imagining of their national identity took many forms, and the inclusion of a Western-style military costuming as a schoolboy uniform became a highly visible indicator of Japan’s mission to protect its sovereign integrity. A brief history of Japan’s rise from a collection of isolated feudal states to a unified military power, in not only the Asian Pacific region but globally, demonstrates the speed at which they adopted the Western mode of warfare. Gunboats on Japan’s ShorelinesJapan was forcefully opened to the West in the 1850s by America under threat of First Name Perry’s ‘gunboat diplomacy’ (Hillsborough 7-8). Following this, Japan underwent a rapid period of modernisation, and an upsurge in nationalism and military expansion that was driven by a desire to catch up to the European powers present in the Pacific. Noted by Ian Ferguson in Civilization: The West and the Rest, Unsure, the Japanese decided […] to copy everything […] Japanese institutions were refashioned on Western models. The army drilled like Germans; the navy sailed like Britons. An American-style system of state elementary and middle schools was also introduced. (221, emphasis added)This was nothing short of a wide-scale reorganisation of Japan’s entire social structure and governance. Under the Emperor Meiji, who wrested power from the Shogunate and reclaimed it for the Imperial head, Japan steamed into an industrial revolution, achieving in a matter of years what had taken Europe over a century.Japan quickly became a major player-elect on the world stage. However, as an island nation, Japan lacked the essentials of both coal and iron with which to fashion not only industrial machinery but also military equipment, the machinery of war. In 1875 Japan forced Korea to open itself to foreign (read: Japanese) trade. In the same treaty, Korea was recognised as a sovereign nation, separate from Qing China (Tucker 1461). The necessity for raw materials then led to the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95), a conflict between Japan and China that marked the emergence of Japan as a major world power. The Korean Peninsula had long been China’s most important client state, but its strategic location adjacent to the Japanese archipelago, and its natural resources of coal and iron, attracted Japan’s interest. Later, the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05), allowed a victorious Japan to force Russia to abandon its expansionist policy in the Far East, becoming the first Asian power in modern times to defeat a European power. The Russo-Japanese War developed out of the rivalry between Russia and Japan for dominance in Korea and Manchuria, again in the struggle for natural resources (Tucker 1534-46).Japan’s victories, together with the county’s drive for resources, meant that Japan could now determine its role within the Asia-Pacific sphere of influence. As Japan’s military, and their adoption of Westernised combat, proved effective in maintaining national integrity, other social institutions also looked to the West (Ferguson 221). In an ironic twist—while Victorian and Continental fashion was busy adopting the exotic, oriental look (Martin and Koda)—the kimono, along with other essentials of Japanese fashions, were rapidly altered (both literally and figuratively) to suit new, warlike ideology. It should be noted that kimono literally means ‘things that you wear’ and which, prior to exposure to Western fashions, signified all worn clothing (Dalby 65-119). “Wearing Things” in Westernised JapanAs Japan modernised during the late 1800s the kimono was positioned as symbolising barbaric, pre-modern, ‘oriental’ Japan. Indeed, on 17 January 1887 the Meiji Empress issued a memorandum on the subject of women’s clothing in Japan: “She [the Empress] believed that western clothes were in fact closer to the dress of women in ancient Japan than the kimonos currently worn and urged that they be adopted as the standard clothes of the reign” (Keene 404). The resemblance between Western skirts and blouses and the simple skirt and separate top that had been worn in ancient times by a people descended from the sun goddess, Amaterasu wo mikami, was used to give authority and cultural authenticity to Japan’s modernisation projects. The Imperial Court, with its newly ennobled European style aristocrats, exchanged kimono silks for Victorian finery, and samurai armour for military pomp and splendour (Figure 1).Figure 1: The Meiji Emperor, Empress and Crown Prince resplendent in European fashions on an outing to Asukayama Park. Illustration: Toyohara Chikanobu, circa 1890.It is argued here that the function of a uniform is to prepare the body for service. Maids and butlers, nurses and courtesans, doctors, policemen, and soldiers are all distinguished by their garb. Prudence Black states: “as a technology, uniforms shape and code the body so they become a unit that belongs to a collective whole” (93). The requirement to discipline bodies through clothing, particularly through uniforms, is well documented (see Craik, Peoples, and Foucault). The need to distinguish enemies from allies on the battlefield requires adherence to a set of defined protocols, as referenced in military fashion compendiums (see Molloy). While the postcolonial adoption of Western-based clothing reflects a new form of subservience (Rall, Kuechler and Miller), in Japan, the indigenous garments were clearly designed in the interests of ideological allegiance. To understand the Japanese sartorial traditions, the kimono itself must be read as providing a strong disciplinary element. The traditional garment is designed to represent an upright and unbending column—where two meters of under bindings are used to discipline the body into shape are then topped with a further four meters of a stiffened silk obi wrapped around the waist and lower chest. To dress formally in such a garment requires helpers (see Dalby). The kimono both constructs and confines the women who wear it, and presses them into their roles as dutiful, upper-class daughters (see Craik). From the 1890s through to the 1930s, when Japan again enters a period of militarism, the myth of the kimono again changes as it is integrated into the build-up towards World War II.Decades later, when Japan re-established itself as a global economic power in the 1970s and 1980s, the kimono was re-authenticated as Japan’s ‘traditional’ garment. This time it was not the myth of a people descended from solar deities that was on display, but that of samurai strength and propriety for men, alongside an exaggerated femininity for women, invoking a powerful vision of Japanese sartorial tradition. This reworking of the kimono was only possible as the garment was already contained within the framework of Confucian family duty. However, in the lead up to World War II, Japanese military advancement demanded of its people soldiers that could win European-style wars. The quickest solution was to copy the military acumen and strategies of global warfare, and the costumes of the soldiery and seamen of Europe, including Great Britain (Ferguson). It was also acknowledged that soldiers were ‘made not born’ so the Japanese educational system was re-vamped to emulate those of its military rivals (McVeigh). It was in the uptake of schoolboy uniforms that this re-imagining of Japanese imperial strength took place.The Japanese Schoolboy UniformCentral to their rapid modernisation, Japan adopted a constitutional system of education that borrowed from American and French models (Tipton 68-69). The government viewed education as a “primary means of developing a sense of nation,” and at its core, was the imperial authorities’ obsession with defining “Japan and Japaneseness” (Tipton 68-69). Numerous reforms eventually saw, after an abolition of fees, nearly 100% attendance by both boys and girls, despite a lingering mind-set that educating women was “a waste of time” (Tipton 68-69). A boys’ uniform based on the French and Prussian military uniforms of the 1860s and 1870s respectively (Kinsella 217), was adopted in 1879 (McVeigh 47). This jacket, initially with Prussian cape and cap, consists of a square body, standing mandarin style collar and a buttoned front. It was through these education reforms, as visually symbolised by the adoption of military style school uniforms, that citizen making, education, and military training became interrelated aspects of Meiji modernisation (Kinsella 217). Known as the gakuran (gaku: to study; ran: meaning both orchid, and a pun on Horanda, meaning Holland, the only Western country with trading relations in pre-Meiji Japan), these jackets were a symbol of education, indicating European knowledge, power and influence and came to reflect all things European in Meiji Japan. By adopting these jackets two objectives were realised:through the magical power of imitation, Japan would, by adopting the clothing of the West, naturally rise in military power; and boys were uniformed to become not only educated as quasi-Europeans, but as fighting soldiers and sons (suns) of the nation.The gakuran jacket was first popularised by state-run schools, however, in the century and a half that the garment has been in use it has come to symbolise young Japanese masculinity as showcased in campus films, anime, manga, computer games, and as fashion is the preeminent garment for boybands and Japanese hipsters.While the gakuran is central to the rise of global militarism in Japan (McVeigh 51-53), the jacket would go on to form the basis of the Sun Yat Sen and Mao Suits as symbols of revolutionary China (see McVeigh). Supposedly, Sun Yat Sen saw the schoolboy jacket in Japan as a utilitarian garment and adopted it with a turn down collar (Cumming et al.). For Sun Yat Sen, the gakuran was the perfect mix of civilian (school boy) and military (the garment’s Prussian heritage) allowing him to walk a middle path between the demands of both. Furthermore, the garment allowed Sun to navigate between Western style suits and old-fashioned Qing dynasty styles (Gerth 116); one was associated with the imperialism of the National Products Movement, while the other represented the corruption of the old dynasty. In this way, the gakuran was further politicised from a national (Japanese) symbol to a global one. While military uniforms have always been political garments, in the late 1800s and early 1900s, as the world was rocked by revolutions and war, civilian clothing also became a means of expressing political ideals (McVeigh 48-49). Note that Mahatma Ghandi’s clothing choices also evolved from wholly Western styles to traditional and emphasised domestic products (Gerth 116).Mao adopted this style circa 1927, further defining the style when he came to power by adding elements from the trousers, tunics, and black cotton shoes worn by peasants. The suit was further codified during the 1960s, reaching its height in the Cultural Revolution. While the gakuran has always been a scholarly black (see Figure 2), subtle differences in the colour palette differentiated the Chinese population—peasants and workers donned indigo blue Mao jackets, while the People’s Liberation Army Soldiers donned khaki green. This limited colour scheme somewhat paradoxically ensured that subtle hierarchical differences were maintained even whilst advocating egalitarian ideals (Davis 522). Both the Sun Yat Sen suit and the Mao jacket represented the rejection of bourgeois (Western) norms that objectified the female form in favour of a uniform society. Neo-Maoism and Mao fever of the early 1990s saw the Mao suit emerge again as a desirable piece of iconic/ironic youth fashion. Figure 2: An example of Gakuran uniform next to the girl’s equivalent on display at Ichikawa Gakuen School (Japan). Photo: Emerald King, 2015.There is a clear and vital link between the influence of the Prussian style Japanese schoolboy uniform on the later creation of the Mao jacket—that of the uniform as an integral piece of worn propaganda (Atkins).For Japan, the rapid deployment of new military and industrial technologies, as well as a sartorial need to present her leaders as modern (read: Western) demanded the adoption of European-style uniforms. The Imperial family had always been removed from Samurai battlefields, so the adoption of Western military costume allowed Japan’s rulers to present a uniform face to other global powers. When Japan found itself in conflict in the Asia Pacific Region, without an organised military, the first requirement was to completely reorganise their system of warfare from a feudal base and to train up national servicemen. Within an American-style compulsory education system, the European-based curriculum included training in mathematics, engineering and military history, as young Britons had for generations begun their education in Greek and Latin, with the study of Ancient Greek and Roman wars (Bantock). It is only in the classroom that ideological change on a mass scale can take place (Reference Please), a lesson not missed by later leaders such as Mao Zedong.ConclusionIn the 1880s, the Japanese leaders established their position in global politics by adopting clothing and practices from the West (Europeans, Britons, and Americans) in order to quickly re-shape their country’s educational system and military establishment. The prevailing military costume from foreign cultures not only disciplined their adopted European bodies, they enforced a new regime through dress (Rall 157-174). For boys, the gakuran symbolised the unity of education and militarism as central to Japanese masculinity. Wearing a uniform, as many authors suggest, furthers compliance (Craik, Nagasawa Kaiser and Hutton, and McVeigh). As conscription became a part of Japanese reality in World War II, the schoolboys just swapped their military-inspired school uniforms for genuine military garments.Re-imagining a Japanese schoolboy uniform from a European military costume might suit ideological purposes (Atkins), but there is more. The gakuran, as a uniform based on a close, but not fitted jacket, was the product of a process of advanced industrialisation in the garment-making industry also taking place in the 1800s:Between 1810 and 1830, technical calibrations invented by tailors working at the very highest level of the craft [in Britain] eventually made it possible for hundreds of suits to be cut up and made in advance [...] and the ready-to-wear idea was put into practice for men’s clothes […] originally for uniforms for the War of 1812. (Hollander 31) In this way, industrialisation became a means to mass production, which furthered militarisation, “the uniform is thus the clothing of the modern disciplinary society” (Black 102). There is a perfect resonance between Japan’s appetite for a modern military and their rise to an industrialised society, and their conquests in Asia Pacific supplied the necessary material resources that made such a rapid deployment possible. The Japanese schoolboy uniform was an integral part of the process of both industrialisation and militarisation, which instilled in the wearer a social role required by modern Japanese society in its rise for global power. Garments are never just clothing, but offer a “world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body” (Jones and Stallybrass 3-4).Today, both the Japanese kimono and the Japanese schoolboy uniform continue to interact with, and interrogate, global fashions as contemporary designers continue to call on the tropes of ‘military chic’ (Tonchi) and Japanese-inspired clothing (Kawamura). References Atkins, Jaqueline. Wearing Propaganda: Textiles on the Home Front in Japan, Britain, and the United States. Princeton: Yale UP, 2005.Bantock, Geoffrey Herman. Culture, Industrialisation and Education. London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1968.Black, Prudence. “The Discipline of Appearance: Military Style and Australian Flight Hostess Uniforms 1930–1964.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture. Ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 91-106.Craik, Jenifer. Uniforms Exposed: From Conformity to Transgression. 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