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1
Bokhari, Imtiaz H. "Pakistan and West Asia." American Journal of Islam and Society 3, no. 1 (1986): 141–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v3i1.2761.
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State to state relations between Pakistan and Southwest Asian states dateback to the birth of Pakistan in 1947, but the ideological bonds are much older.In 1946, it was late king (then prince) Faisal who chaperoned the PakistanMovement delegation headed by Mr. Isphahani that visited the United Nationsand got sympathetic ears to its pleas? Again, the Saudi king was thefirst head of state to felicitate Mohammad Ali Jinnah after learning of theViceroy’s decision to grant independence to Pakistan and India. Equally warmand sincere support came from Iran.Pakistan and West Asia: Evolution of RelationsImmediately on achieving independence, Pakistan displayed notable enthusiasmin advocating the cause of Islam and Islamic states but soon learntto be more patient. Pakistan’s call for Islamic unity was seen by the Arabsas a move to stifle nascent Arab nationalism at the instigation of the West.These developments corresponded to the early 50s when Pakistan, under intensethreat from India, signed the Mutual Defense Aid pact with the UnitedStates and became a suspect in the eyes of the Arabs who thought of Pakistanas an instrument of the West. Pakistan's joining of the Baghdad Pact in 1954along with Iraq was also interpreted by the Arab nationalist leaders as a neocolonialmove to divide the Arab world. Saudis even called it a stab in theheart of the Arab and Muslim states. In 1956, Indian Prime Minister JawaharLal Nehru’s warm welcome in Saudi Arabia followed by the Suez Crisis putPakistan’s relations with those important Islamic states at their lowest level.During that period the Arabs viewed the region mostly in the Arab and non-Arab context ...
2
Heuman, Johannes. "The Challenge of Minority Nationalism." French Historical Studies 43, no. 3 (2020): 483–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-8278500.
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Abstract This article investigates how the French antiracist movement and its main organizations dealt with Zionism and the Middle East conflict from the liberation of France until the early 1970s. Their generally positive view of Israel and their concern for Arab interests at the end of the 1940s demonstrate these republican organizations' desire to recognize ethnic identities. During the 1950s an ideological split between left-wing antiracism and Zionism began to develop, and by the end of the 1960s a number of new antiracist associations questioned the very foundation of the Jewish state. Overall, the study argues that antiracist organizations' stances on and statements about Zionism and the Middle East conflict influenced Jewish-Arab relations during the postwar period and played an important role for both Jews and Arabs. Cet article examine comment le mouvement antiraciste français et ses principales organisations ont abordé le sionisme et le conflit au Moyen-Orient depuis la Libération jusqu'au début des années 1970. Leur opinion surtout positive d'Israël ainsi qu'un souci pour les intérêts arabes à la fin des années 1940 montrent un certain désir par ces organisations républicaines de reconnaître les identités ethniques. Pendant les années 1950, une fracture idéologique entre l'antiracisme de gauche et le sionisme commence à se développer, et dès la fin des années 1960 un activisme plus poussé a amené de nouvelles associations antiracistes à remettre en question les fondements mêmes de l'Etat juif. Dans l'ensemble, l'étude montre que les organisations antiracistes ont été impliquées dans l'élaboration des relations judéo-arabes après la guerre à travers leurs positions et déclarations sur le sionisme et le Moyen-Orient, des questions qui jouent un rôle important pour les Juifs et les Arabes.
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Adamczyk, Anita, and Fuad Jomma. "Arab Nationalism in Syria." Polish Political Science Yearbook 52, no. 1 (2022): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202251.
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Syria is one of many countries in the Middle East diverse in terms of religion, nationality, and ethnicity. Internal divisions emerged when Syria reclaimed independence in 1946, but the differences inside Syrian society have become a taboo. One of the reasons for that was Arab nationalism, which claimed that they were all Arabs. The Syrian authorities managed to maintain the appearance of national homogeneity owing to these claims. This article aims to show the uniqueness of Arab nationalism, which is not characteristic of one country but of numerous states sharing a common past, language, and their citizens belonging to the family of the Arab nation. As a case study for Syria, this article analyses the basic concepts relevant to the subject (nationalism, the nation from the perspective of Islam, and Arab thought), the roots of pan-Arabism in Syria and its presence in the public and legal space. It also attempts to demonstrate that Arab nationalism helped the Syrian authorities (represented by the Alawite minority) blur national, ethnic, and religious differences and thus preserve the unity of society and state.
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Baumgarten, Helga. "The Three Faces/Phases of Palestinian Nationalism, 1948––2005." Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 4 (2005): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2005.34.4.25.
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This article takes a comparative look at the three main manifestations of Palestinian nationalism since 1948: the Movement of Arab Nationalists, embodying its pan-Arab phase; Fatah, its specifically Palestinian form; and Hamas, its religious (Islamic) variant. Tracing the origins of the three movements reveals that each arose as a consequence of its immediate predecessor's perceived failure to achieve Palestinian goals. The differing ideologies and strategies of each group are explored, and the points of similarity and contrast highlighted. The place of armed struggle in each is given particular emphasis. Despite the considerable differences between the three movements, arising at approximately twenty-year intervals, each has followed a similar trajectory, beginning with maximalist goals and progressively scaling them back, explicitly or implicitly, under the impact of Israel's overwhelming power.
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Parsons, Laila. "Soldiering for Arab Nationalism: Fawzi al-Qawuqji in Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 4 (2007): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.4.33.
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Fawzi al-Qawuqji was a soldier and Arab nationalist who fought European colonialism all over the Middle East between World War I and 1948. He served as an officer in the 4th Brigade of the Ottoman Army, fighting the British advance north through Palestine; led the al-Hama sector of the Syrian Revolt against the French in 1925––1927; was one of the rebel leaders in the Arab revolt against the British in Palestine in 1936; participated in the Rashid ‘‘Ali al-Kaylani coup against the British-controlled government in Iraq in 1941; and served as field commander of the Arab Liberation Army in the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. This essay, part of a larger study of Qawuqji’’s life and career, is based on his published memoirs as well as his private papers, stored in boxes at the back of a closet in the Beirut apartment where he lived after his retirement until his death in 1976.
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Bashkin, Orit. "The Barbarism from Within—Discourses about Fascism amongst Iraqi and Iraqi-Jewish Communists, 1942-1955." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 400–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a7.
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This article looks at the changing significations of the word “fascist” within communist discourses in Iraq and in Israel. I do so in order to illustrate how fascism, a concept signifying a political theory conceptualized and practiced in Italy, Germany, and Spain, became a boarder frame of reference to many leftist intellectuals in the Middle East. The articles shows that communist discourses formulated in Iraq during the years 1941-1945 evoked the word “fascist” not only in order to discredit Germany and Italy but also, and more importantly, as a way of critiquing Iraq’s radical pan-Arab nationalists and Iraq’s conservative elites who proclaimed their loyalty to pan-Arabism as well. In other words, the article studies the ways in which Iraqi communist intellectuals, most notably the leader of the Iraqi Communist Party, Fahd, shifted the antifascist global battle to the Iraqi field and used the prodemocratic agenda of the Allies to criticize the absence of social justice and human rights in Iraq, and the Iraqi leadership’s submissive posture toward Britain. As it became clear to Iraqi communists that World War II was nearing its end, and that Iraq would be an important part of the American-British front, criticism of the Iraqi Premier Nūrī al-Saʿīd and his policies grew sharper, and such policies were increasingly identified as “fascist”. Within this context, Fahd equated chauvinist rightwing Iraqi nationalism in its anti-Jewish and anti- Kurdish manifestations with fascism and Nazi racism. I then look at the ways in which Iraqi Jewish communists internalized the party’s localized antifascist agenda. I argue that Iraqi Jewish communists identified rightwing Iraqi nationalism (especially the agenda espoused by a radical pan-Arab Party called al-Istiqlāl) as symptomatic of a fascist ideology. Finally, I demonstrate how Iraqi Jewish communists who migrated to Israel in the years 1950-1951 continued using the word “fascist” in their campaigns against rightwing Jewish nationalism and how this antifascist discourse influenced prominent Palestinian intellectuals
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Sanagan, Mark. "Teacher, Preacher, Soldier, Martyr." Welt des Islams 53, no. 3-4 (2013): 315–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685152-5334p0002.
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When Shaykh ʿIzz al-Dīn al-Qassām died in a gunfight with the Palestine Police Force in November 1935, the Government of the British Mandate for Palestine was ill prepared for the public outpouring of popular support and inspiration the imām from Haifa’s death would give to Arab Palestinian political aspirations. Al-Qassām soon became a powerful symbol in the nationalist fight against the British colonial power and subsequently the State of Israel. Al-Qassām remains a potent figure in Arab nationalist, Palestinian nationalist, and modern “Islamist” circles. The purpose of this paper is thus twofold: first, to provide an overview of the current state of the historiography on al-Qassām; and second, to add to that historiography with a recontextualized narrative of al-Qassām’s life and death. This latter part of the paper aims to fill some of the gaps with additional sources and place the findings alongside contemporary historical scholarship on political identity and nationalist movements in Palestine and the wider Mashriq. This article contends that the claims made on al-Qassām by contemporary Palestinian, “Islamic” nationalists have silenced the multiple contexts available if one considers the entirety of al-Qassām’s life. Viewed in this light, it is possible that al-Qassām never considered himself a “Palestinian” at all.
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Afriani, Risna. "PENANAMAN NASIONALISME KETURUNAN ARAB DALAM LEMBAGA PENDIDIKAN AL-IRSYAD AL-ISLAMIYYAH PEKALONGAN TAHUN 1918-1942." Kebudayaan 13, no. 2 (2019): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24832/jk.v13i2.200.
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AbstractThe establishment of Al-Irsyad as an organization and educational institution born of Arab descent, is expected to have a role in instilling Indonesian nationalism for Arab descendants. However, there is a presumption that Al-Irsyad education does not at all instill Indonesian nationalism homeland, but Hadramaut’s nationalism. The above problems become the basis of this research, especially about how the nationalism of Arabian descent in the Institute of Education Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyyah Pekalongan year 1918-1942. As for the purpose of this research to know; first how the education system in Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyah Education Institution of Pekalongan in 1918-1942, second, the inculcation of nationalism into Arabic descendants by Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyah Education Institution of Pekalongan in 1918-1942. The study employed the historical, by method the selection of the topic to study. the collection of sources (heuristic), verification or source criticism, and interpretation historiography or history writing. The results of the study were as follows; First, the education system in Al-Irsyad of Pekalongan was the modern Islamic education system that combined Islamic religion teaching and general knowledge, the Arabic language subject became a compulsory subject. Second, the inculcation of nationalism into Arabic descendant was done through the education system of Al-Irsyad of Pekalongan which had Indonesian characteristics such as the use of the Indonesian language as a medium of instruction in learning activities, the Indonesian language subject, and the admission of students from the indigenous community, which were capable of changing the orientation of Arabic descendants’ nationalism which was previously Hadramaut-like (the country of the ancestors of Arabic ethnic groups in Indonesia). Indonesian nationalism of Arab descent reinforced by the birth of the Sumpah Pemuda Arab Descendants of Indonesia in 1934. AbstrakDidirikannya Al-Irsyad sebagai organisasi dan lembaga pendidikan yang lahir dari keturunan Arab, diharapkan memiliki peran dalam menanamkan nasionalisme Indonesia untuk keturunan Arab pada masa pergerakan. Namun, ada anggapan bahwa pendidikan Al-Irsyad sama sekali tidak menanamkan nasionalisme Indonesia, melainkan nasionalisme ke-Hadramaut-an. Permasalahan tersebut menjadi dasar penelitian ini, terutama mengenai bagaimana penanaman nasionalisme Keturunan Arab dalam Lembaga Pendidikan Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyyah Pekalongan tahun 1918- 1942. Adapun tujuan dari penelitian ini untuk mengetahui: pertama, bagaimana sistem pendidikan Lembaga Pendidikan Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyyah Pekalongan tahun 1918-1942. Kedua, bagaimana penanaman nasionalisme keturunan Arab dalam Lembaga Pendidikan Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyyah Pekalongan tahun 1918-1942. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian sejarah pemilihan topik, pengumpulan sumber (heuristik), kritik sumber (verifikasi), dan historiografi atau penulisan sejarah. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan: pertama, sistem pendidikan Al-Irsyad Pekalongan adalah sistem pendidikan Islam modern, dengan memadukan pengajaran agama Islam dan pengetahuan umum, mata pelajaran Bahasa Arab menjadi pelajaran wajib. Kedua, penanaman nasionalisme keturunan Arab melalui sistem pendidikan Al-Irsyad Pekalongan yang memiliki sifat ke-Indonesia-an seperti: penggunaan Bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa pengantar kegiatan pembelajaran; adanya pelajaran Bahasa Indonesia; dan diterimanya murid dari masyarakat pribumi mampu mengubah orientasi nasionalisme keturunan Arab yang sebelumnya masih bersifat ke-Hadramaut-an. Nasionalisme Indonesia keturunan Arab diperkuat dengan lahirnya Sumpah Pemuda Keturunan Arab Indonesia pada tahun 1934.Â
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Baron, Beth, and Sara Pursley. "EDITORIAL FOREWORD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 4 (2011): 587–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811001188.
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The first three articles in this issue, grouped under the subtitle “Insurgency, State Formation, Counterinsurgency,” all deal with historical aspects of nationalism and state-building in the 20th century and resonate with contemporary politics in the Arab world. Starting with Egypt, Omnia El Shakry looks at how student demonstrations in 1935 and 1936 helped usher in the “figure of youth as an insurgent subject of politics.” This discourse placed youth at the vanguard of nationalist struggle and social change in Egypt “but only insofar as they could enact a non-antagonistic conception of politics grounded in national unity.” It also foreshadowed the emergence of a discourse of adolescent psychology in the 1940s, in which adolescence was “reconfigured as a psychological stage of social adjustment, sexual repression, and existential anomie.” Given the emphasis on the role of youth in the 2011 uprisings in Arab states, the article has potential theoretical implications for analyses of current events and discourse.
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Mahzumi, Fikri. "Dualisme Identitas Peranakan Arab di Kampung Arab Gresik." TEOSOFI: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam 8, no. 2 (2018): 406–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/teosofi.2018.8.2.403-429.
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The article attempts to ethnographically describe struggle of identity among the Arabian offspring in Indonesia in the post Reformation Era. As the descendants of the Hadrami migrants who have born in Indonesia, the Arabian offspring deal with two interrelated identities; between their responsibility to preserve the traditions of their ancestors and becoming a wholly recognized citizen of Indonesia. The debate about nationalism among the Arabian-Hadrami people appeared prior to Indonesia’s independence revolution. Anti-colonialism movements in this period had raised solidarity and solidity among the Indonesian people. This situation indubitably urged the Arabian-Hadrami people to reformulate their concept of nationalism. As a part of their nationality commitments, the Arabian Hadrami people have subsequently founded two organizations, i.e. Jamiat Khair (est. 1901) and Jamiyat al-Islah wal-Irsyad al-Arabiyah (est. 1915). In 1934, Abdurrahman Baswedan also founded Persatuan Arab Indonesia, which played pivotal role in cultivating Indonesian nationalism among the Arabian-Hadrami people. In the post Reformation Era, however, the issue of nationalism of the Arabian offspring has never been re-discussed. Employing ethnographical approach this study observes the ways the Arabian offspring, in Kampung Arab (the Arabic Town) in Gresik, compromise and negotiate with two challenges they face at once; as the heirs of Hadrami traditions and as a part of Indonesian citizens.
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Bercito, Diogo. "Nationalism in a new Syria." Malala 7, no. 10 (2019): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2446-5240.malala.2019.153967.
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This article investigates the role of the mahjar on the development of Arab nationalism, with a particular interest in Antoun Saadeh’s experience in Latin America. Like many other Arab nationalism ideologues, he developed his conception of the “nation” during the years he spent abroad. His ideas were present in Suriya al Jadida, a newspaper he published in Brazil from 1939 to 1941. I analyze three articles from that publication in order to understand how he reached out to the diaspora in Latin America and the role he expected it to play. With that, I emphasize the importance of the mahjar to the political thought of Arabic-speaking countries.
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Sokolov, O. A. "The Crusades in the Arab Anti-Colonial Rhetoric (1918–1948)." Minbar. Islamic Studies 12, no. 4 (2020): 924–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2019-12-4-924-941.
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In search for the historical examples to mobilize the masses for the anti-colonial struggle, during the period from 1918 to 1948 Arab public, political and religious fi gures regularly appealed to the history of the Crusades. They developed the interpretations proposed by public and religious fi gures of the 19th – early 20th century and found new excuses and contexts for the use of references to the era of the Crusades. After World War One, Arab public, political, and religious leaders for the fi rst time began to criticize European interpretations of the events and consequences of the Crusades. Simultaneously, they challenged European attempts to legitimize their presence in the Arab world by referring to this historical period. Such criticism was expressed not only in publicist works and public speeches, but also in the offi cial high-level political dialogue. Arab public fi gures also considered the end of the Crusades, lamentable for Europe, as a warning to modern European colonialists, while, according to their opinion, the victories of Muslim commanders who expelled the Crusaders from the Middle East, should have served as an example for the Arab politicians of their time. The transition of “anti-crusader rhetoric” to anti-Christian one in the speeches of a number of Arab nationalists led to disunity in their ranks, as it was perceived by Christian Arabs as their exclusion from the national struggle. At the same time, the Maronite Christians appealed to the history of the Crusades to confi rm their long-standing ties with France in order to enlist its support.The author declares that there is no conflict of interest.
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Vinen, Richard C. "The end of an ideology? Right-wing antisemitism in France, 1944–1970." Historical Journal 37, no. 2 (1994): 365–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00016514.
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ABSTRACTIt is normally assumed that antisemitism in post-war France needs to be understood primarily in the light of the German occupation of 1940–4. This article seeks to describe the relationship between political antisemitism and events after 1945. Special attention is given to the issue that obsessed a large part of the French right: the loss of Algeria. It is argued that between 1954 and 1962 right-wingers came to took on the Jewish population of Algeria, which was often fervently opposed to French withdrawal, with new favour. Furthermore, many right-wingers began to admire Israel, which seemed so successful in combating Arab nationalism and which was widely believed to have links with the Organisation de l' Arméte Secrète. Changes in attitudes to Israel and the Jews were linked with a wider change in the French right that had been going on since 1945: most of the right now focused their loyalties around ‘l' occident’ a block of nations led by America and including Israel rather than around the France that was so important to Gaullist thinking. Finally, an attempt is made to show how the French right's new attitude to the Jews influenced its reaction to the 1965 Presidential election campaign, de Gaulle's denunciation of Israel in 1967 and the student riots of 1968.
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Owen, Roger. "Syria and the French Mandate: the politics of Arab nationalism, 1920–1945." International Affairs 63, no. 4 (1987): 696–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619727.
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Dawn, C. Ernest, and Philip S. Khoury. "Syria and the French Mandate: The Politics of Arab Nationalism, 1920-1945." Journal of the American Oriental Society 109, no. 3 (1989): 449. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604153.
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Reid, Donald. "The Making of an Egyptian Arab Nationalist." American Journal of Islam and Society 18, no. 4 (2001): 179–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i4.1995.
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Thirty years in the making, this ambitious book covers the first forty-threeyears of the life of Abd al-Rahman Azzam Pasha, the political activist andwriter who became the first secretary-general of the Arab League (1945-1952). Few biographies of public figures in the Arab world have treatedtheir subjects in comparable depth and detail. The Making of an EgyptianArab Nationalist is essential reading for anyone seriously interested in thecomplexities of evolving national and religious identities in 20th-century Egypt.Coury sets out to refute interpretations elaborated by such scholars asElie Kedourie, P. J. Vatikiotis, Nadav Safran, and Richard Mitchell thirtyor forty years ago. He argues that their works, reflecting the influence ofOrientalism, perpetuated false assumptions that Islam and Arab cultureharbored essentialist and atomistic tendencies toward extremism,irrationality, and violence. He maintains that in treating 20th-centuryEgypt, they set up a false dichotomy between a rational, western-inspiredterritorial patriotism and irrational, artificial pan- Arab and Islamicmovements. Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid's circle before World War I and theWafd Party in the interwar period represented the first school who opposedBritish imperialism but were eager to borrow western rationalism, science,secular liberalism, and democracy. In the 1930s this moderate patriotismbegan to give way before pan-Arab and Islamic movements tainted with theextremism, terrorism, and irrationality which the West has long attributedto Islam.Coury cites hopefully revisionist works by Rashid Khalidi, PhilipKhoury, Ernest Dawn, and Hassan Kayali but is dismayed that other recentstudies have perpetuated the old, hostile stereotypes. "Martin Kramer'sArab Awakening and Islamic Revival (1996)," he says, "reveals that eventhe old-fashioned Kedourie-style hysteria, compounded, as it sometimes is,by Zionist rage (Kramer refers to Edward Said as Columbia's 'part-timeprofessor of Palestine') is still alive and well . . . "Coury insists that Azzam's "Egyptian Arab nationalism" sprang from theperspectives, needs, and interests of an upper and middle bourgeoisiefacing specific challenges. The rank and file following came from a lower ...
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Ovendale, Ritchie. "The United States, Zionism, and Arab Nationalism." Digest of Middle East Studies 6, no. 3 (1997): 38–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1997.tb00741.x.
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Mahfoodh, Hajar. "The Poetry of Darwish in the 1960s: Homeland and Exile." Arab World English Journal For Translation and Literary Studies 5, no. 3 (2021): 70–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24093/awejtls/vol5no3.6.
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The early poetry of Mahmoud Darwish (1941-2008) is characterised by its overt resistance and confrontational tone against the Israeli forces. This research paper explores the themes of homeland and exile in Darwish’s poetry during the 1960s, tracing how the 1967 defeat has changed his poetic tone from the highly confrontational to the articulate conversational. It, therefore, contributes to the fields of literary criticism and Arab literary studies focusing on modern poetry of resistance. Although Darwish was still living on Palestinian lands during this period, he never felt at home, expressing his feelings of strangeness and suffering in a usurped land by force. The theoretical framework of Edward Said (1935-2003) is employed in this paper to question whether the themes of exile and homeland shape and reshape the Darwish’s understanding of resistance. Based on the analyses of this paper, Darwish’s poetry of resistance has dramatically changed due to his severe disappointment by the 1967 defeat, marking the collapse of Arab nationalism and its propaganda of the Arab homeland. Still, this shift does not affect Darwish’s rejection of the Israeli existence in Palestine. Instead, his poetry by the end of this decade still questions the violent and aggressive nature of the Israeli soldier despite Darwish’s intimate and human conversational style of his poems, thereby adding to the controversial analyses of Darwish’s poetics.
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Kalman, Samuel. "Unlawful Acts or Strategies of Resistance?" French Historical Studies 43, no. 1 (2020): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-7920478.
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Abstract This article examines anticolonial crime in interwar French Algeria. Faced with European attempts at political, economic, and cultural hegemony, and battered by poverty, legal discrimination, and official/police intransigence, Algerians often used criminal acts in an effort to destabilize and undermine French authority. This article examines the case study of the Department of Constantine, where Arab/Kabyle inhabitants regularly engaged in anticolonial crime and violence, including the robbery of arms and explosives from government buildings and mines, train derailments, and football hooliganism. More seriously, certain “criminals” engaged in the murder of settlers and attacked or killed police officers and administrative officials. In both city and countryside the official response was brutal: the violation of suspects' rights, excessive force in lieu of arrests, vigilante killings of suspects, and the forced removal of the families of anyone deemed outside the law. In this way, administrators and law enforcement tried to restore European predominance, yet the increasing prevalence of anticolonial crime effectively helped pave the way for popular nationalist movements in the post-1945 era and the 1954–62 Algerian War of Independence. Cet article examine la criminalité anticoloniale dans l'Algérie de l'entre-deux-guerres. Face aux efforts européens pour construire l'hégémonie politique, économique et culturelle, et touchés grièvement par la misère, un code juridique discriminatoire et l'intransigeance des fonctionnaires et policiers, les Algériens ont exploité la criminalité violente pour déstabiliser et saper le pouvoir colonial. Plus précisément, cet article analyse l'exemple de Constantine, le département où les habitants arabes et kabyles s'impliquent régulièrement dans la criminalité anticoloniale, y compris le vol des armements et explosifs dans les immeubles gouvernementaux et les mines, le déraillement des trains et le hooliganisme. Plus grave, certains « criminels » se sont engagés dans l'homicide volontaire contre les colons, et dans des attentats contre les commissaires de police et les administrateurs. Que ce soit dans le milieu urbain ou à la campagne, les pouvoirs ont répondu brutalement, par la violation des droits des suspects, l'usage excessif de la force, l'assassinat des « coupables » et la relocalisation forcée des hors-la-loi et de leurs familles. De cette façon, les administrateurs et la police ont essayé de soutenir la domination européenne en Algérie. Néanmoins, la croissance de la criminalité anticoloniale a ouvert la voie aux mouvements nationalistes populaires après 1945 et pendant la guerre d'indépendance (1954–62).
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Ahmad, Ahmad Yousef. "Introduction to a general reading of the Arab scene." Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no. 4 (2016): 493–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2016.1201932.
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This paper provides a reading of the current Arab scene with a view to understanding the reasons for its present frustrating and depressing decline. The establishment of the Arab League in 1945 embodied the birth of the modern Arab regional system. The rise of a period of pan-Arab nationalism saw numerous successes for the Arab system and possibilities for achieving Arab unity. However, this was followed by the defeat of the 1967 war, inter-Arab conflicts, the other setbacks for pan-Arabism and increasing foreign penetration, particularly by the United States, Israel, Turkey and Iran. This foreign interference, increasing terrorism and the rise of sectarian and ethnic divisions now threaten the integrity of the Arab system as well as the Arab identity. The Arab system and the Arab League are failing to tackle these threats effectively and the League has made decisions that have had serious repercussions for many critical Arab issues. The Arab Spring represented a hope for a renaissance of the Arab system, but in some cases it has worsened foreign penetration and caused further instability. This paper proposes that it is necessary to examine the features of the Arab scene in order to understand its predicament and reflect on the prospects for this decline to be exacerbated or contained. The conclusion looks at several possible future scenarios for the Arab scene.
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Schumann, Christoph. "Iraqi Arab Nationalism: Authoritarian, totalitarian, and pro-fascist inclinations, 1932-1941." Die Welt des Islams 48, no. 1 (2008): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006008x295025.
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MEHMETALI, Bekir. "THE POSITION OF MODERN ARABIC POETRY FROM THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE BETWEEN 1875-1925." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 04, no. 05 (2022): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.19.10.
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The last years of the Ottoman Empire were filled with turmoil, disagreements, and conflicts, and many internal and external endeavors. To exhaust it, and eliminate it, especially in the era of Sultan Abdul Hamid, who differed opinions about his policy of ruling. Some of them see in him the tyrannical sultan, the oppressor who sought to silence and stifle freedoms, and some of them see him as an example of the righteous ruler who sought reform and preserving the unity of the Islamic nation, but the plots were very big, and therefore he was unable to prevent him from doing that. His ruling was to isolate him and install someone else, for he is the Sultan who did not sell Palestine to the Jews, and did not order the army to clash with the forces that marched from Silanik to isolate him, so he kept the blood of Muslims from being looted and prevented fighting between brothers. Modern Arab poetry was neither oblivious nor far from these events, most of which were mirrored by many poets in their poetry, such as the poet Ahmad Shawqi, Hafiz Ibrahim, Muhammad Abdul Muttalib, Elijah Abi Madi, Muhammad al-Eid Al-Khalifa, and none of them were among them. The literature of the diaspora has had a share in depicting the events of this period with the variation in opinions and positions, especially that the winds of nationalism began to blow forcefully over the region through external movement, and it was more than an Arab region (state) such as Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, and Egypt emerged from the Ottoman rule and became the Ottoman Empire. western. Thus, Arabic poetry was a mirror that lived through reality, and reflected it. And these poems, especially those with a negative direction, had a great role in deepening the gap between the Turks and Arabs after the First World War until now. This study aims to clarify the position of modern Arabic poetry on the Ottoman state, whether negative or positive, based on the opinion of more than one Arab poet, a solution, a prominent figure who lived in that period and lived closely with it. The importance of the research is evident in its topic and its goal, especially in this difficult period in which the cunning work to drive the wedges of division between Arabs and Turks, as they did in the late Ottoman era. The study relies on methods of description and analysis, using history if needed, especially the notes of Sultan Abdul Hamid that he wrote with his own hand.
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Kelemen, Paul. "British Communists and the Palestine Conflict, 1929–1948." Holy Land Studies 5, no. 2 (2006): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2007.0004.
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During the 1930s and 1940s, the Communist Party of Great Britain was a significant force in Britain on the left-wing of the labour movement and among intellectuals, despite its relatively small membership. The narrative it provided on developments in Palestine and on the Arab nationalist movements contested Zionist accounts. After the 1941 German attack on the Soviet Union, the party, to gain the support of the Jewish community for a broad anti-fascist alliance, toned down its criticism of Zionism and, in the immediate post-war period, to accord with the Soviet Union's strategic objectives in the Middle East, it reversed its earlier opposition to Zionism. During the 1948 war and for some years thereafter it largely ignored the plight of the Palestinians and their nationalist aspirations.
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Wichhart, Stefanie. "The Formation of the Arab League and the United Nations, 1944–5." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 2 (2019): 328–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418799178.
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While the Great Powers were meeting in Washington at the Dumbarton Oaks Conference, representatives of the Arab states were meeting in Egypt to draft the Alexandria Protocol, the document that would lead to the establishment of the Arab League in March 1945. The idea of Arab Unity has a long history driven by intra-regional dynamics but the form that the League ultimately took of a regional organization rather than the political union many envisioned was largely a product of the wartime environment. The Arab states found both opportunity and potential threats in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals as they worked to develop their own postwar vision. Discussions of regional councils in the months preceding Dumbarton Oaks raised fears of a western-imposed regional order and served as the center of gravity that ultimately allowed them, for the moment, to overcome regional rivalries and join together in the Arab League. This case study contributes to the decolonization of diplomatic history by placing the Arab nationalist movement in its global context and demonstrates how the Arab states, for whom unity was viewed as a pathway to independence, appropriated wartime internationalist ideals in the later war years.
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Kuruvilla, Samuel J. "Church–State Relations in Palestine: Empires, Arab Nationalism and the Indigenous Greek Orthodox, 1880–1940." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 1 (2011): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0003.
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The need to negotiate and resolve ethno-nationalistic aspirations on the part of dependent and subject communities of faith-believers is a complex issue. The Ottoman Empire formed a classic case in this context. This article is a historical-political reflection on a small group of Christians within the broader Arab and ‘Greek’ Christian milieu that once formed the backbone of the earlier Byzantine and later Ottoman empires. The native Arab Orthodox of Palestine in the twilight years of the Ottoman Empire found themselves in a struggle between their religious affiliations with Mediterranean Greek Orthodoxy and Western Christendom as opposed to the then ascendant star of nationalist pan-Arabism in the Middle East. The supersession of the Ottoman Empire by the British colonial Mandatory system in Palestine and the loss of imperial Russian support for the Arab Orthodox in the Holy Land naturally meant that they relied more on social and political cooperation with their fellow Palestinian Muslims. This was to counter the dominance extended by the ethnic Greek ecclesiastical hierarchy in the Holy Land over the historically Arab Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem with support from elements within the Greek Republic and the British Mandatory authorities.
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Efrati, Noga. "THE EFFENDIYYA: WHERE HAVE ALL THE WOMEN GONE?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 2 (2011): 375–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000122.
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In his “Note about the Term Effendiyya in the History of the Middle East” (International Journal of Middle East Studies 41 [2009]: 535–39), Michael Eppel clarifies his own use of effendiyya in an article he wrote for IJMES in 1998. In the 1998 article, Eppel emphasized the value of studying the effendiyya, or what he called the “Westernized middle stratum,” and its dominance in political life to better understand Hashimite Iraq (1921–58). Members of this group, he argued, benefited from modern education and donned Western dress. They were young state employees (officials, teachers, health workers, engineers, and, later, military officers) who adopted Arab nationalism and Pan-Arab ideology as a means to cope with their socioeconomic and political discontent. From the 1930s, Eppel noted, the effendiyya created the radical political atmosphere that lent backing to the “militant-authoritarian trends” that led to the pro-German Rashid ʿAli coup and the war with Britain in 1941. After World War II, they joined with other nationalist forces to lead the 1948 Wathba (uprising) against prolonging the Anglo–Iraqi treaty. In 1958, the army officers among them overthrew the monarchy. This “middle stratum” differed from the Western concept of the “new middle class,” and the indigenous Arabic term effendiyya, as employed by Eppel, endeavored to grasp the essence of this difference. It reflected a common experience that was the result of its members’ similar education, culture, and concerns rather than their economic status, social origins, and type of employment.
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Taterová, Eva. "Proměny přístupu československé diplomacie k arabsko-izraelskému konfliktu v letech 1948–1967." Mezinárodní vztahy 57, no. 1 (2022): 43–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1795.
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This study examines the evolution of Czechoslovak foreign policy towards selected actors of Arab-Israeli conflict in 1948–1967. Once very friendly relations of Czechoslovakia with Israel were soon replaced by a gradually developing cooperation with some Arab actors. However, even this partnership encountered several difficult moments. Despite long-term ideological disputes with Arab nationalist leaders, Czechoslovakia demonstrated unconditional support for the Arab coalition in the Six-Day War (1967), and the pro-Arab orientation had become the unquestionable line of Czechoslovak Middle East policy in the Cold War. Since the article is based on the New Cold War History approach, in addition to the previously unpublished information from the archival documents it also aims to offer a partial interpretation of Czechoslovakia’s diplomatic position as a satellite state of the Soviet Union with regard to its foreign policy strategies towards selected Middle Eastern Third world countries in the first two decades of the Cold War.
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Little, Douglas. "The United States and the Kurds: A Cold War Story." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (2010): 63–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_00048.
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In a prolonged quest for independence after 1945, Kurdish nationalists reportedly sought help from U.S. officials who viewed the Kurdish issue through a Cold War prism and who regarded the Kurds as querulous mountain tribes useful primarily in keeping the Soviet Union and its Arab clients off balance. Recently declassified documents shed new light on three key episodes in this story: first, the secret encouragement provided by Washington to Kurds opposed to Iraq's Abdul Karim Qassim, who tilted toward Moscow after seizing power in 1958; second, the covert action launched by Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger in Iraqi Kurdistan after Saddam Hussein allied himself with the USSR in 1972; and third, the half-hearted U.S. attempts to foment regime change in Iraq in the early 1990s. In each case, the U.S. government stirred up anti-Arab resentments among the Kurds, helped ignite an insurrection, and then pulled the plug when events spiraled out of control. U.S. duplicity plus Kurdish factionalism equaled tragedy in the mountains of Kurdistan.
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Giannuzzi, Timothy. "The Great Syrian Revolt and the Rise of Arab Nationalism." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 1 (2006): 100–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1645.
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The more things change, the more they stay the same. Any reader of MichaelProvence’s study of the Great Syrian Revolt of 1925 might be forgiven suchcynicism. Here is a fine and well-documented example of an earlier attemptby a western power to come to grips with the Middle East – with unfortunateresults. It involved foreigners infallibly confident in themselves andtheir mission, compliant local elites out for self-aggrandizement, insurgentspreaching religious-inflected nationalism, the gulf between all three, and theensuing horror. The Great Syrian Revolt was a pivotal event both for Syriaand for Arabs at large. It allowed the former to conceptualize themselves asa nation while serving as an exemplar for the latter, thereby playing a formativerole in the development of national consciousness in the region. Byinfluencing the Baathist movement two decades later, it had ramificationsfar beyond its failure.Provence devotes much of the first chapter to staking out interesting theoreticalground. Rejecting the notion of insurrection as being largely a battleof ideas directed by intellectuals, he argues persuasively for an approachto the rebellion centered on a rural, rather than an urban, setting and for acasus belli founded on French misrule and economic relations between differingclasses of Syrian society. His central thesis is that the grain tradebetween the Druze in the fertile Hawran region of southern Syria andmiddle-class merchants, mostly from the Maydan quarter of Damascus, wasthe central axis upon which the revolt turned.Such an approach has its drawbacks, namely, the paucity of documentaryevidence from contemporary rural Syria. Much of the latter half of thefirst chapter is devoted to this difficulty. In casting a judicious eye over therange of primary source material, both French and Arabic, Provence ...
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De Vries, David. "Capitalist nationalism and Zionist state-building, 1920s-1950s: Chocolate and diamonds in Mandate Palestine and Israel." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 1 (2019): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419894473.
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The nationalism of business is a crucial issue in the history of British-ruled Palestine (1917-1947) and post-1948 Israel. The importation of Jewish private capital into Palestine was a key factor in shaping the economic development of the Zionist settler project, and in creating an advantage over the Arab community. The Zionism of the Jewish firms was an essential aspect of the political consensus in the Jewish polity and its state-building aspirations. Moreover, the participation of companies in World War II, the war of 1948, and in the establishment of Israel was an essential resource that was mobilized for the Zionist economic expansion and triggered the absorption of Holocaust survivors and Jewish immigrants from Arab and North African countries. These national expressions of private firms harbour a complexity. They illustrate political and cultural beliefs, and an active affiliation to a national movement. At the same time, they are instrumental in the sense that firms benefitted materially and culturally from this association. Furthermore—and particularly relevant to states that have emerged from a colonial past—these practices do not evolve only from the businesses themselves but also from the impact of statist structures on the nationalism of firms. These aspects are discussed through the prism of chocolate manufacturing and the diamond-cutting industry.
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Dockrill, M. L. "The British empire in the Middle East, 1945–1951: Arab nationalism, the United States, and postwar imperialism." International Affairs 61, no. 1 (1985): 151–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619806.
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Sluglett, Peter, and Wm Roger Louis. "The British Empire in the Middle East 1945-1951: Arab Nationalism, The United States and Postwar Imperialism." Middle East Report, no. 156 (January 1989): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3012820.
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WOODWARD, PETER. "The British Empire in the Middle East 1945–1951: Arab Nationalism, the United States, and Postwar Imperialism." African Affairs 84, no. 334 (1985): 143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097666.
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Kuniholm, Bruce R., and Wm Roger Louis. "The British Empire in the Middle East, 1945-1951: Arab Nationalism, the United States, and Postwar Imperialism." American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (1985): 906. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858854.
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Lesch, Ann Mosely. "Noah Haiduc-Dale. Arab Christians in British Mandate Palestine: Communalism and Nationalism, 1917–1948." American Historical Review 119, no. 2 (2014): 648–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.2.648.
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KATZ, KIMBERLY. "Hebron between Jordan and Egypt: an uncertain transition resulting from the 1948 Palestine War." Urban History 46, no. 1 (2018): 132–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926818000032.
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ABSTRACTThe story of Hebron during the 1948 Palestine War remains largely untold, obscured by the larger historical forces of the Palestinian Nakba (Catastrophe) and refugee crisis that resulted from Israel's declaration of independence. This article examines the history and historiography of Hebron from mid-May 1948 until the departure of Egyptian troops from the country on 30 April 1949, a period referred to as the ‘Dual Era’, an unusual configuration between Jordan and Egypt in which both countries temporarily ruled over the city. It analyses the Dual Era against an emerging Egyptian and Jordanian proto-pan-Arab nationalism as each country's locally based leaders vied for support for their rule from the Palestinian population in Hebron.
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Nasikhah, Khafidhotun, and Jamaluddin. "Meneropong Praktik Nsionalisme Bernegara dalam Fiqih Kebangsaan." Indonesian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (2021): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.33367/ijhass.v2i1.1887.
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The course of the history of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) as a mu'ahadah wathaniyah (nation consensus) to knit togetherness in the midst of diversity based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution, its existence is always and continues to be tested. Geopolitical conditions are broadly changing and increasingly dynamic, the struggle for influence of superpowers, violence and civil war in the Middle East region has not stopped since the Arab Spring tragedy in 2010 until now. It will directly or indirectly affect national political conditions, with indications of efforts to import Middle Eastern conflicts into the country with the slogan Indonesia Bersyariat. This study aims to explore the practice of the state as an effort to explore religious nationalism in national fiqh. The nature of this research is from the library (library research), which consists of books, yellow books, al-Qur'an and al-Hadith. The data analysis technique used is descriptive qualitative data analysis technique with inductive method. The results of the research that has been done, it is known that nationalism and love for the homeland are concepts that have long been taught by the Prophet Muhammad. to guard, care for and defend their homeland from enemies (colonizers). The concept above teaches us the attitude of patriotism which in Islam has a fairly universal meaning, which is projected to protect religion and the state.
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Haj-Yehia, Kussai, and Khalid Arar. "New national re-encounters since 1948." Journal of Applied Research in Higher Education 8, no. 4 (2016): 504–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jarhe-05-2015-0034.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss the factors that attract (pull) or discourage (push) Palestinian students from Israel (PSI) to study at a Palestinian university, the Arab American University in Jenin (AAUJ), for the first time since the establishment of Israel in 1948. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative research method using in-depth interviews with 15 PSI who study at AAUJ attempts to define the motivations behind PSI preferring AAUJ, on one hand, and constraints, on the other hand. Findings The findings of the study show factors that attract PSI to study at the AAUJ and what subjects they choose to study there, the encounter with a similar culture and nationalism in a Palestinian campus in the occupied West Bank; the most significant difficulties and impediments they face there, whether economic or political, are discussed. This paper contributes to an understanding of the new national re-encounter between two Palestinian groups in a university campus, one under Israel’s occupation and the other that has Israeli citizenship. Originality/value It is a unique phenomenon in the trends of international students’ mobility in the world.
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Ghori, Faisal. "Nationalist Voices in Jordan." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 1 (2006): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1643.
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Jordan has existed now for nearly 60 years, since the termination of theBritish mandate in 1946, and has generally been studied in terms of itsHashemite rulers and the “King’s men,” those who helped the Hashemitesconstruct it. These historical narratives, argues Anderson, have privilegedthe Jordanian monarchy and the “high” elements of society and, consequently,have ignored the “urban” elements that played an equal, if not agreater, role in constructing the Jordanian national identity. In this sense,Anderson gives voice to narratives that were previously unknown andunheard and, by so doing, makes a significant contribution to the body ofliterature on Jordan.She contends that the “Arab Street” “holds a key to understandingJordan in the twentieth century” and, in this regard, focuses upon the “true”Jordanian natives and their narrative. Taking a subaltern approach toJordanian history, she examines the foundation of the Jordanian NationalMovement (JNM), a coalition of leftist parties based loosely upon Arabnationalism, and its influence upon the nation’s formation. Given her uniqueapproach to Jordanian history, she admits that her work is incomplete, formany first-hand accounts and memoirs, which cannot be found, should beexamined in light of the larger body of literature on Jordan.The history of Jordan is that of post-colonial independence and nationhood,of a nation that had never existed in the hearts and minds of those whowould live within its borders until it was actually drawn on a map. In anagreement brokered in late March 1921 between Winston Chuchill, then theBritish colonial secretary, and Abdullah I, the latter would accept British ...
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Abrahamyan, Victoria. "Citizen Strangers: Identity Labelling and Discourse in the French Mandatory Syria, 1920–1932." Journal of Migration History 6, no. 1 (2020): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00601004.
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This article explores the roles played by Armenian refugees in the politics of identity in Mandatory Syria by examining how their arrival shaped the discourses of inclusion and exclusion. It does so by analysing three key events: the Armenians’ access to citizenship and voting rights (1924–1925), the Great Syrian Revolt (1925–1927), and the arrival of new Armenian refugees (1929–1930) – during which a ‘Syrian’ identity was gradually confirmed against the Armenian newcomers. Making use of discursive narratives by Syrian and Armenian political parties, media outlets and pamphlets, the article demonstrates that the discourse against the Armenian refugees played a decisive role for both hosting and incoming communities to construct mutually excluding national identities. If the Arab nationalists used the anti-Armenian discourse as an opportunity to define a ‘Syrian’ national identity closely identified with Islam and Arabness, similarly, it was used by the Armenian political elite to mobilise Armenian refugees.
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Weideman, Julian. "TAHAR HADDAD AFTER BOURGUIBA AND BIN ʿALI: A REFORMIST BETWEEN SECULARISTS AND ISLAMISTS". International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, № 1 (2016): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815001464.
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AbstractUnder the Bourguiba and Bin ʿAli regimes, the early 20th-century women's rights advocate Tahar Haddad (1899–1935) was a symbol of “state feminism.” Nationalist intellectuals traced the 1956 Personal Status Code to Haddad's work, and Bourguiba and Bin ʿAli claimed to “uphold” his ideals and “avenge” the persecution he suffered at the hands of the ʿulamaʾ at the Zaytuna mosque-university. Breaking with “old regime” narratives, this article studies Haddad as a reformist within Tunisia's religious establishment. Haddad's example challenges the idea that Islamic reformists “opened the door to” secularists in the Arab world. After independence, Haddad's ideas were not a starting point for Tunisia's presidents, but a reference point available to every actor in the political landscape.
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Herf, Jeffrey. "Nazi Germany's Propaganda Aimed at Arabs and Muslims During World War II and the Holocaust: Old Themes, New Archival Findings." Central European History 42, no. 4 (2009): 709–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890999104x.
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During World War II and the Holocaust, the Nazi regime engaged in an intensive effort to appeal to Arabs and Muslims in the Middle East and North Africa. It did so by presenting the Nazi regime as a champion of secular anti-imperialism, especially against Britain, as well as by a selective appropriation and reception of the traditions of Islam in ways that suggested their compatibility with the ideology of National Socialism. This article and the larger project from which it comes draw on recent archival findings that make it possible to expand on the knowledge of Nazi Germany's efforts in this region that has already been presented in a substantial scholarship. This essay pushes the history of Nazism beyond its Eurocentric limits while pointing to the European dimensions of Arabic and Islamic radicalism of the mid-twentieth century. On shortwave radio and in printed items distributed in the millions, Nazi Germany's Arabic language propaganda leapt across the seemingly insurmountable barriers created by its own ideology of Aryan racial superiority. From fall 1939 to March 1945, the Nazi regime broadcast shortwave Arabic programs to the Middle East and North Africa seven days and nights a week. Though the broadcasts were well known at the time, the preponderance of its print and radio propaganda has not previously been documented and examined nor has it entered into the intellectual, cultural, and political history of the Nazi regime during World War II and the Holocaust. In light of new archival findings, we are now able to present a full picture of the wartime propaganda barrage in the course of which officials of the Nazi regime worked with pro-Nazi Arab exiles in Berlin to adapt general propaganda themes aimed at its German and European audiences to the religious traditions of Islam and the regional and local political realities of the Middle East and North Africa. This adaptation was the product of a political and ideological collaboration between officials of the Nazi regime, especially in its Foreign Ministry but also of its intelligence services, the Propaganda Ministry, and the SS on the one hand, and pro-Nazi Arab exiles in wartime Berlin on the other. It drew on a confluence of perceived shared political interests and ideological passions, as well as on a cultural fusion, borrowing and interacting between Nazi ideology and certain strains of Arab nationalism and Islamic religious traditions. It was an important chapter in the political, intellectual, and cultural history of Nazism during World War II and comprises a chapter in the history of radical Islamist ideology and politics.
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SHEM-TOV, NAPHTALY. "Performing Iraqi-Jewish History on the Israeli Stage." Theatre Research International 44, no. 3 (2019): 248–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883319000294.
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The analysis of the following two Israeli plays is the focus of this article: Ghosts in the Cellar (Haifa Theatre, 1983) by Sami Michael, and The Father's Daughters (Hashahar Theatre, 2015) by Gilit Itzhaki. These plays deal with the Farhud – a pogrom which took place in Iraq in 1941, in which two hundred Iraqi Jews were massacred by an Iraqi nationalist mob. The Farhud has become a traumatic event in the memory of this Jewish community. Using the concept of ‘performing history’ as advanced by Freddie Rokem, I observe how these plays, as theatre of a marginalized group, engage in the production of memory and history as well as in the processing of grief. These plays present the Farhud and correspond with the Zionist narrative in two respects: (1) they present the traumatic historical event of these Middle Eastern Jews in the light of its disappearance in Zionist history, and (2) their performance includes Arab cultural and language elements of Iraqi-Jewish identity, and thus implicitly points out the complex situation of the Arab–Israeli conflict.
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Divine, Donna Robinson. "Arab Politics, Palestinian Nationalism and the Six Day War: the Crystallization of Arab Strategy and Nasir's Descent to War 1957-1967: Moshe Shemesh." Digest of Middle East Studies 17, no. 2 (2008): 66–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.2008.tb00238.x.
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Reimer, Michael J. "The Origins of Arab Nationalism; Rashid Khalidi, Lisa Anderson, Muhammad Muslih, and Reeva S. Simon, editors." Digest of Middle East Studies 2, no. 3 (1993): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1993.tb00967.x.
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Nasasra, Mansour. "The Southern Palestine Bedouin between Colonialism and Nationalism: Comparing Representations in British Mandatory Documents and Palestinian Newspapers, 1930–1948." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 15, no. 1 (2016): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2016.0130.
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Based on British archival documents and Palestinian newspapers from the 1930s, the paper draws some conclusions on the representation of the Beersheba (Bir al-Sabi') Bedouinin both British colonial discourse and in the press and voices of Palestinian nationalism. By reviewing British archival documents, including private diaries of British officers, I argue that the British colonial authorities developed strategies and practices to rule the Beersheba Bedouin as a group separate and disconnected from the rest of the Palestinian communities in Mandate Palestine. This contrasts with the Palestinian newspapers—al-Difa', Falastin, Huna al-Quds, al Carmel—that from the 1930s and 1940s presented the Bedouin as an active agent in the Palestinian body politic, participating in numerous outlets, such as in the Higher Arab Committee, the Higher Islamic Council in Jerusalem and Gaza, as well as in Palestinian conferences.
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Irvine, A. Kinloch. "Philip S. Khoury: Syria and the French Mandate: the politics of Arab nationalism 1920–1945. xxi, 698 pp. London: I. B. Tauris, 1987. £ 37.50." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 52, no. 3 (1989): 553–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00034698.
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Farah, Caesar E. "The Making of an Egyptian Arab Nationalist: The Early Years of Azzam Pasha, 1893-1936; Ralph M. Coury." Digest of Middle East Studies 9, no. 2 (2000): 68–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.2000.tb01089.x.
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Sufian, Sandy. "Colonial Malariology, Medical Borders, and Sharing Scientific Knowledge in Mandatory Palestine." Science in Context 19, no. 3 (2006): 381–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889706000986.
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ArgumentThis article focuses on the specific ways in which Zionist scientists studying malaria in Mandatory Palestine (1920–1947) presented their work to international scientific circles, moving between the transnational aspects and the local aspects of their work on malaria while suffusing that work with nationalist meanings. This slippery yet seemingly unproblematic movement between the general and the specific, between the colonial world and Palestine, was a necessary mechanism of scientific exchange. In the Zionist case the work on malaria for these scientists was both a marker of their belief in progress and also a sign of their devotion to a specific political and social project. The knowledge imparted by Zionist malariologists and the international reception it received lent scientific legitimacy to the Zionist project while it advanced the goals of settling the land and defining the communal borders within Palestine between the Arab population and the Jewish one. In this way, the Zionist anti-malaria project in Palestine holds a unique place in malaria research of the time.
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Van Dusen, Michael H. "Philip S. Khoury, Syria and the French Mandate: The Politics of Arab Nationalism, 1920–1945 (London: I. B. Tauris and Co. Ltd., 1987). Pp. 651." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 4 (1989): 563–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380003292x.
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