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1

Bokhari, Imtiaz H. "Pakistan and West Asia." American Journal of Islam and Society 3, no. 1 (1986): 141–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v3i1.2761.

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State to state relations between Pakistan and Southwest Asian states dateback to the birth of Pakistan in 1947, but the ideological bonds are much older.In 1946, it was late king (then prince) Faisal who chaperoned the PakistanMovement delegation headed by Mr. Isphahani that visited the United Nationsand got sympathetic ears to its pleas? Again, the Saudi king was thefirst head of state to felicitate Mohammad Ali Jinnah after learning of theViceroy’s decision to grant independence to Pakistan and India. Equally warmand sincere support came from Iran.Pakistan and West Asia: Evolution of Relatio
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2

Heuman, Johannes. "The Challenge of Minority Nationalism." French Historical Studies 43, no. 3 (2020): 483–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-8278500.

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Abstract This article investigates how the French antiracist movement and its main organizations dealt with Zionism and the Middle East conflict from the liberation of France until the early 1970s. Their generally positive view of Israel and their concern for Arab interests at the end of the 1940s demonstrate these republican organizations' desire to recognize ethnic identities. During the 1950s an ideological split between left-wing antiracism and Zionism began to develop, and by the end of the 1960s a number of new antiracist associations questioned the very foundation of the Jewish state. O
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3

Adamczyk, Anita, and Fuad Jomma. "Arab Nationalism in Syria." Polish Political Science Yearbook 52, no. 1 (2022): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202251.

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Syria is one of many countries in the Middle East diverse in terms of religion, nationality, and ethnicity. Internal divisions emerged when Syria reclaimed independence in 1946, but the differences inside Syrian society have become a taboo. One of the reasons for that was Arab nationalism, which claimed that they were all Arabs. The Syrian authorities managed to maintain the appearance of national homogeneity owing to these claims. This article aims to show the uniqueness of Arab nationalism, which is not characteristic of one country but of numerous states sharing a common past, language, and
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4

Baumgarten, Helga. "The Three Faces/Phases of Palestinian Nationalism, 1948––2005." Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 4 (2005): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2005.34.4.25.

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This article takes a comparative look at the three main manifestations of Palestinian nationalism since 1948: the Movement of Arab Nationalists, embodying its pan-Arab phase; Fatah, its specifically Palestinian form; and Hamas, its religious (Islamic) variant. Tracing the origins of the three movements reveals that each arose as a consequence of its immediate predecessor's perceived failure to achieve Palestinian goals. The differing ideologies and strategies of each group are explored, and the points of similarity and contrast highlighted. The place of armed struggle in each is given particul
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5

Parsons, Laila. "Soldiering for Arab Nationalism: Fawzi al-Qawuqji in Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 4 (2007): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.4.33.

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Fawzi al-Qawuqji was a soldier and Arab nationalist who fought European colonialism all over the Middle East between World War I and 1948. He served as an officer in the 4th Brigade of the Ottoman Army, fighting the British advance north through Palestine; led the al-Hama sector of the Syrian Revolt against the French in 1925––1927; was one of the rebel leaders in the Arab revolt against the British in Palestine in 1936; participated in the Rashid ‘‘Ali al-Kaylani coup against the British-controlled government in Iraq in 1941; and served as field commander of the Arab Liberation Army in the 19
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6

Bashkin, Orit. "The Barbarism from Within—Discourses about Fascism amongst Iraqi and Iraqi-Jewish Communists, 1942-1955." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 400–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a7.

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This article looks at the changing significations of the word “fascist” within communist discourses in Iraq and in Israel. I do so in order to illustrate how fascism, a concept signifying a political theory conceptualized and practiced in Italy, Germany, and Spain, became a boarder frame of reference to many leftist intellectuals in the Middle East. The articles shows that communist discourses formulated in Iraq during the years 1941-1945 evoked the word “fascist” not only in order to discredit Germany and Italy but also, and more importantly, as a way of critiquing Iraq’s radical pan-Arab nat
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7

Sanagan, Mark. "Teacher, Preacher, Soldier, Martyr." Welt des Islams 53, no. 3-4 (2013): 315–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685152-5334p0002.

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When Shaykh ʿIzz al-Dīn al-Qassām died in a gunfight with the Palestine Police Force in November 1935, the Government of the British Mandate for Palestine was ill prepared for the public outpouring of popular support and inspiration the imām from Haifa’s death would give to Arab Palestinian political aspirations. Al-Qassām soon became a powerful symbol in the nationalist fight against the British colonial power and subsequently the State of Israel. Al-Qassām remains a potent figure in Arab nationalist, Palestinian nationalist, and modern “Islamist” circles. The purpose of this paper is thus tw
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8

Afriani, Risna. "PENANAMAN NASIONALISME KETURUNAN ARAB DALAM LEMBAGA PENDIDIKAN AL-IRSYAD AL-ISLAMIYYAH PEKALONGAN TAHUN 1918-1942." Kebudayaan 13, no. 2 (2019): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24832/jk.v13i2.200.

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AbstractThe establishment of Al-Irsyad as an organization and educational institution born of Arab descent, is expected to have a role in instilling Indonesian nationalism for Arab descendants. However, there is a presumption that Al-Irsyad education does not at all instill Indonesian nationalism homeland, but Hadramaut’s nationalism. The above problems become the basis of this research, especially about how the nationalism of Arabian descent in the Institute of Education Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyyah Pekalongan year 1918-1942. As for the purpose of this research to know; first how the educat
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9

Baron, Beth, and Sara Pursley. "EDITORIAL FOREWORD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 4 (2011): 587–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811001188.

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The first three articles in this issue, grouped under the subtitle “Insurgency, State Formation, Counterinsurgency,” all deal with historical aspects of nationalism and state-building in the 20th century and resonate with contemporary politics in the Arab world. Starting with Egypt, Omnia El Shakry looks at how student demonstrations in 1935 and 1936 helped usher in the “figure of youth as an insurgent subject of politics.” This discourse placed youth at the vanguard of nationalist struggle and social change in Egypt “but only insofar as they could enact a non-antagonistic conception of politi
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10

Mahzumi, Fikri. "Dualisme Identitas Peranakan Arab di Kampung Arab Gresik." TEOSOFI: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam 8, no. 2 (2018): 406–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/teosofi.2018.8.2.403-429.

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The article attempts to ethnographically describe struggle of identity among the Arabian offspring in Indonesia in the post Reformation Era. As the descendants of the Hadrami migrants who have born in Indonesia, the Arabian offspring deal with two interrelated identities; between their responsibility to preserve the traditions of their ancestors and becoming a wholly recognized citizen of Indonesia. The debate about nationalism among the Arabian-Hadrami people appeared prior to Indonesia’s independence revolution. Anti-colonialism movements in this period had raised solidarity and solidity amo
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11

Bercito, Diogo. "Nationalism in a new Syria." Malala 7, no. 10 (2019): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2446-5240.malala.2019.153967.

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This article investigates the role of the mahjar on the development of Arab nationalism, with a particular interest in Antoun Saadeh’s experience in Latin America. Like many other Arab nationalism ideologues, he developed his conception of the “nation” during the years he spent abroad. His ideas were present in Suriya al Jadida, a newspaper he published in Brazil from 1939 to 1941. I analyze three articles from that publication in order to understand how he reached out to the diaspora in Latin America and the role he expected it to play. With that, I emphasize the importance of the mahjar to t
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12

Sokolov, O. A. "The Crusades in the Arab Anti-Colonial Rhetoric (1918–1948)." Minbar. Islamic Studies 12, no. 4 (2020): 924–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2019-12-4-924-941.

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In search for the historical examples to mobilize the masses for the anti-colonial struggle, during the period from 1918 to 1948 Arab public, political and religious fi gures regularly appealed to the history of the Crusades. They developed the interpretations proposed by public and religious fi gures of the 19th – early 20th century and found new excuses and contexts for the use of references to the era of the Crusades. After World War One, Arab public, political, and religious leaders for the fi rst time began to criticize European interpretations of the events and consequences of the Crusad
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13

Vinen, Richard C. "The end of an ideology? Right-wing antisemitism in France, 1944–1970." Historical Journal 37, no. 2 (1994): 365–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00016514.

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ABSTRACTIt is normally assumed that antisemitism in post-war France needs to be understood primarily in the light of the German occupation of 1940–4. This article seeks to describe the relationship between political antisemitism and events after 1945. Special attention is given to the issue that obsessed a large part of the French right: the loss of Algeria. It is argued that between 1954 and 1962 right-wingers came to took on the Jewish population of Algeria, which was often fervently opposed to French withdrawal, with new favour. Furthermore, many right-wingers began to admire Israel, which
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14

Owen, Roger. "Syria and the French Mandate: the politics of Arab nationalism, 1920–1945." International Affairs 63, no. 4 (1987): 696–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619727.

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15

Dawn, C. Ernest, and Philip S. Khoury. "Syria and the French Mandate: The Politics of Arab Nationalism, 1920-1945." Journal of the American Oriental Society 109, no. 3 (1989): 449. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604153.

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16

Reid, Donald. "The Making of an Egyptian Arab Nationalist." American Journal of Islam and Society 18, no. 4 (2001): 179–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i4.1995.

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Thirty years in the making, this ambitious book covers the first forty-threeyears of the life of Abd al-Rahman Azzam Pasha, the political activist andwriter who became the first secretary-general of the Arab League (1945-1952). Few biographies of public figures in the Arab world have treatedtheir subjects in comparable depth and detail. The Making of an EgyptianArab Nationalist is essential reading for anyone seriously interested in thecomplexities of evolving national and religious identities in 20th-century Egypt.Coury sets out to refute interpretations elaborated by such scholars asElie Ked
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17

Ovendale, Ritchie. "The United States, Zionism, and Arab Nationalism." Digest of Middle East Studies 6, no. 3 (1997): 38–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1997.tb00741.x.

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18

Mahfoodh, Hajar. "The Poetry of Darwish in the 1960s: Homeland and Exile." Arab World English Journal For Translation and Literary Studies 5, no. 3 (2021): 70–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24093/awejtls/vol5no3.6.

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The early poetry of Mahmoud Darwish (1941-2008) is characterised by its overt resistance and confrontational tone against the Israeli forces. This research paper explores the themes of homeland and exile in Darwish’s poetry during the 1960s, tracing how the 1967 defeat has changed his poetic tone from the highly confrontational to the articulate conversational. It, therefore, contributes to the fields of literary criticism and Arab literary studies focusing on modern poetry of resistance. Although Darwish was still living on Palestinian lands during this period, he never felt at home, expressi
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19

Kalman, Samuel. "Unlawful Acts or Strategies of Resistance?" French Historical Studies 43, no. 1 (2020): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-7920478.

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Abstract This article examines anticolonial crime in interwar French Algeria. Faced with European attempts at political, economic, and cultural hegemony, and battered by poverty, legal discrimination, and official/police intransigence, Algerians often used criminal acts in an effort to destabilize and undermine French authority. This article examines the case study of the Department of Constantine, where Arab/Kabyle inhabitants regularly engaged in anticolonial crime and violence, including the robbery of arms and explosives from government buildings and mines, train derailments, and football
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20

Ahmad, Ahmad Yousef. "Introduction to a general reading of the Arab scene." Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no. 4 (2016): 493–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2016.1201932.

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This paper provides a reading of the current Arab scene with a view to understanding the reasons for its present frustrating and depressing decline. The establishment of the Arab League in 1945 embodied the birth of the modern Arab regional system. The rise of a period of pan-Arab nationalism saw numerous successes for the Arab system and possibilities for achieving Arab unity. However, this was followed by the defeat of the 1967 war, inter-Arab conflicts, the other setbacks for pan-Arabism and increasing foreign penetration, particularly by the United States, Israel, Turkey and Iran. This for
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21

Schumann, Christoph. "Iraqi Arab Nationalism: Authoritarian, totalitarian, and pro-fascist inclinations, 1932-1941." Die Welt des Islams 48, no. 1 (2008): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006008x295025.

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22

MEHMETALI, Bekir. "THE POSITION OF MODERN ARABIC POETRY FROM THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE BETWEEN 1875-1925." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 04, no. 05 (2022): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.19.10.

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The last years of the Ottoman Empire were filled with turmoil, disagreements, and conflicts, and many internal and external endeavors. To exhaust it, and eliminate it, especially in the era of Sultan Abdul Hamid, who differed opinions about his policy of ruling. Some of them see in him the tyrannical sultan, the oppressor who sought to silence and stifle freedoms, and some of them see him as an example of the righteous ruler who sought reform and preserving the unity of the Islamic nation, but the plots were very big, and therefore he was unable to prevent him from doing that. His ruling was t
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23

Kelemen, Paul. "British Communists and the Palestine Conflict, 1929–1948." Holy Land Studies 5, no. 2 (2006): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2007.0004.

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During the 1930s and 1940s, the Communist Party of Great Britain was a significant force in Britain on the left-wing of the labour movement and among intellectuals, despite its relatively small membership. The narrative it provided on developments in Palestine and on the Arab nationalist movements contested Zionist accounts. After the 1941 German attack on the Soviet Union, the party, to gain the support of the Jewish community for a broad anti-fascist alliance, toned down its criticism of Zionism and, in the immediate post-war period, to accord with the Soviet Union's strategic objectives in
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24

Wichhart, Stefanie. "The Formation of the Arab League and the United Nations, 1944–5." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 2 (2019): 328–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418799178.

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While the Great Powers were meeting in Washington at the Dumbarton Oaks Conference, representatives of the Arab states were meeting in Egypt to draft the Alexandria Protocol, the document that would lead to the establishment of the Arab League in March 1945. The idea of Arab Unity has a long history driven by intra-regional dynamics but the form that the League ultimately took of a regional organization rather than the political union many envisioned was largely a product of the wartime environment. The Arab states found both opportunity and potential threats in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals as
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25

Kuruvilla, Samuel J. "Church–State Relations in Palestine: Empires, Arab Nationalism and the Indigenous Greek Orthodox, 1880–1940." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 1 (2011): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0003.

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The need to negotiate and resolve ethno-nationalistic aspirations on the part of dependent and subject communities of faith-believers is a complex issue. The Ottoman Empire formed a classic case in this context. This article is a historical-political reflection on a small group of Christians within the broader Arab and ‘Greek’ Christian milieu that once formed the backbone of the earlier Byzantine and later Ottoman empires. The native Arab Orthodox of Palestine in the twilight years of the Ottoman Empire found themselves in a struggle between their religious affiliations with Mediterranean Gre
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26

Efrati, Noga. "THE EFFENDIYYA: WHERE HAVE ALL THE WOMEN GONE?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 2 (2011): 375–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000122.

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In his “Note about the Term Effendiyya in the History of the Middle East” (International Journal of Middle East Studies 41 [2009]: 535–39), Michael Eppel clarifies his own use of effendiyya in an article he wrote for IJMES in 1998. In the 1998 article, Eppel emphasized the value of studying the effendiyya, or what he called the “Westernized middle stratum,” and its dominance in political life to better understand Hashimite Iraq (1921–58). Members of this group, he argued, benefited from modern education and donned Western dress. They were young state employees (officials, teachers, health work
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27

Taterová, Eva. "Proměny přístupu československé diplomacie k arabsko-izraelskému konfliktu v letech 1948–1967." Mezinárodní vztahy 57, no. 1 (2022): 43–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1795.

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This study examines the evolution of Czechoslovak foreign policy towards selected actors of Arab-Israeli conflict in 1948–1967. Once very friendly relations of Czechoslovakia with Israel were soon replaced by a gradually developing cooperation with some Arab actors. However, even this partnership encountered several difficult moments. Despite long-term ideological disputes with Arab nationalist leaders, Czechoslovakia demonstrated unconditional support for the Arab coalition in the Six-Day War (1967), and the pro-Arab orientation had become the unquestionable line of Czechoslovak Middle East p
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28

Little, Douglas. "The United States and the Kurds: A Cold War Story." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (2010): 63–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_00048.

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In a prolonged quest for independence after 1945, Kurdish nationalists reportedly sought help from U.S. officials who viewed the Kurdish issue through a Cold War prism and who regarded the Kurds as querulous mountain tribes useful primarily in keeping the Soviet Union and its Arab clients off balance. Recently declassified documents shed new light on three key episodes in this story: first, the secret encouragement provided by Washington to Kurds opposed to Iraq's Abdul Karim Qassim, who tilted toward Moscow after seizing power in 1958; second, the covert action launched by Richard Nixon and H
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29

Giannuzzi, Timothy. "The Great Syrian Revolt and the Rise of Arab Nationalism." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 1 (2006): 100–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1645.

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The more things change, the more they stay the same. Any reader of MichaelProvence’s study of the Great Syrian Revolt of 1925 might be forgiven suchcynicism. Here is a fine and well-documented example of an earlier attemptby a western power to come to grips with the Middle East – with unfortunateresults. It involved foreigners infallibly confident in themselves andtheir mission, compliant local elites out for self-aggrandizement, insurgentspreaching religious-inflected nationalism, the gulf between all three, and theensuing horror. The Great Syrian Revolt was a pivotal event both for Syriaand
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30

De Vries, David. "Capitalist nationalism and Zionist state-building, 1920s-1950s: Chocolate and diamonds in Mandate Palestine and Israel." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 1 (2019): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419894473.

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The nationalism of business is a crucial issue in the history of British-ruled Palestine (1917-1947) and post-1948 Israel. The importation of Jewish private capital into Palestine was a key factor in shaping the economic development of the Zionist settler project, and in creating an advantage over the Arab community. The Zionism of the Jewish firms was an essential aspect of the political consensus in the Jewish polity and its state-building aspirations. Moreover, the participation of companies in World War II, the war of 1948, and in the establishment of Israel was an essential resource that
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31

Dockrill, M. L. "The British empire in the Middle East, 1945–1951: Arab nationalism, the United States, and postwar imperialism." International Affairs 61, no. 1 (1985): 151–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619806.

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32

Sluglett, Peter, and Wm Roger Louis. "The British Empire in the Middle East 1945-1951: Arab Nationalism, The United States and Postwar Imperialism." Middle East Report, no. 156 (January 1989): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3012820.

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33

WOODWARD, PETER. "The British Empire in the Middle East 1945–1951: Arab Nationalism, the United States, and Postwar Imperialism." African Affairs 84, no. 334 (1985): 143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097666.

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34

Kuniholm, Bruce R., and Wm Roger Louis. "The British Empire in the Middle East, 1945-1951: Arab Nationalism, the United States, and Postwar Imperialism." American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (1985): 906. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858854.

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35

Lesch, Ann Mosely. "Noah Haiduc-Dale. Arab Christians in British Mandate Palestine: Communalism and Nationalism, 1917–1948." American Historical Review 119, no. 2 (2014): 648–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.2.648.

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36

KATZ, KIMBERLY. "Hebron between Jordan and Egypt: an uncertain transition resulting from the 1948 Palestine War." Urban History 46, no. 1 (2018): 132–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926818000032.

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ABSTRACTThe story of Hebron during the 1948 Palestine War remains largely untold, obscured by the larger historical forces of the Palestinian Nakba (Catastrophe) and refugee crisis that resulted from Israel's declaration of independence. This article examines the history and historiography of Hebron from mid-May 1948 until the departure of Egyptian troops from the country on 30 April 1949, a period referred to as the ‘Dual Era’, an unusual configuration between Jordan and Egypt in which both countries temporarily ruled over the city. It analyses the Dual Era against an emerging Egyptian and Jo
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37

Nasikhah, Khafidhotun, and Jamaluddin. "Meneropong Praktik Nsionalisme Bernegara dalam Fiqih Kebangsaan." Indonesian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (2021): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.33367/ijhass.v2i1.1887.

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The course of the history of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) as a mu'ahadah wathaniyah (nation consensus) to knit togetherness in the midst of diversity based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution, its existence is always and continues to be tested. Geopolitical conditions are broadly changing and increasingly dynamic, the struggle for influence of superpowers, violence and civil war in the Middle East region has not stopped since the Arab Spring tragedy in 2010 until now. It will directly or indirectly affect national political conditions, with indications of efforts to
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38

Haj-Yehia, Kussai, and Khalid Arar. "New national re-encounters since 1948." Journal of Applied Research in Higher Education 8, no. 4 (2016): 504–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jarhe-05-2015-0034.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss the factors that attract (pull) or discourage (push) Palestinian students from Israel (PSI) to study at a Palestinian university, the Arab American University in Jenin (AAUJ), for the first time since the establishment of Israel in 1948. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative research method using in-depth interviews with 15 PSI who study at AAUJ attempts to define the motivations behind PSI preferring AAUJ, on one hand, and constraints, on the other hand. Findings The findings of the study show factors that attract PSI to study at the AAUJ an
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39

Ghori, Faisal. "Nationalist Voices in Jordan." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 1 (2006): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1643.

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Jordan has existed now for nearly 60 years, since the termination of theBritish mandate in 1946, and has generally been studied in terms of itsHashemite rulers and the “King’s men,” those who helped the Hashemitesconstruct it. These historical narratives, argues Anderson, have privilegedthe Jordanian monarchy and the “high” elements of society and, consequently,have ignored the “urban” elements that played an equal, if not agreater, role in constructing the Jordanian national identity. In this sense,Anderson gives voice to narratives that were previously unknown andunheard and, by so doing, ma
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40

Abrahamyan, Victoria. "Citizen Strangers: Identity Labelling and Discourse in the French Mandatory Syria, 1920–1932." Journal of Migration History 6, no. 1 (2020): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00601004.

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This article explores the roles played by Armenian refugees in the politics of identity in Mandatory Syria by examining how their arrival shaped the discourses of inclusion and exclusion. It does so by analysing three key events: the Armenians’ access to citizenship and voting rights (1924–1925), the Great Syrian Revolt (1925–1927), and the arrival of new Armenian refugees (1929–1930) – during which a ‘Syrian’ identity was gradually confirmed against the Armenian newcomers. Making use of discursive narratives by Syrian and Armenian political parties, media outlets and pamphlets, the article
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Weideman, Julian. "TAHAR HADDAD AFTER BOURGUIBA AND BIN ʿALI: A REFORMIST BETWEEN SECULARISTS AND ISLAMISTS". International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, № 1 (2016): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815001464.

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AbstractUnder the Bourguiba and Bin ʿAli regimes, the early 20th-century women's rights advocate Tahar Haddad (1899–1935) was a symbol of “state feminism.” Nationalist intellectuals traced the 1956 Personal Status Code to Haddad's work, and Bourguiba and Bin ʿAli claimed to “uphold” his ideals and “avenge” the persecution he suffered at the hands of the ʿulamaʾ at the Zaytuna mosque-university. Breaking with “old regime” narratives, this article studies Haddad as a reformist within Tunisia's religious establishment. Haddad's example challenges the idea that Islamic reformists “opened the door
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Herf, Jeffrey. "Nazi Germany's Propaganda Aimed at Arabs and Muslims During World War II and the Holocaust: Old Themes, New Archival Findings." Central European History 42, no. 4 (2009): 709–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890999104x.

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During World War II and the Holocaust, the Nazi regime engaged in an intensive effort to appeal to Arabs and Muslims in the Middle East and North Africa. It did so by presenting the Nazi regime as a champion of secular anti-imperialism, especially against Britain, as well as by a selective appropriation and reception of the traditions of Islam in ways that suggested their compatibility with the ideology of National Socialism. This article and the larger project from which it comes draw on recent archival findings that make it possible to expand on the knowledge of Nazi Germany's efforts in thi
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SHEM-TOV, NAPHTALY. "Performing Iraqi-Jewish History on the Israeli Stage." Theatre Research International 44, no. 3 (2019): 248–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883319000294.

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The analysis of the following two Israeli plays is the focus of this article: Ghosts in the Cellar (Haifa Theatre, 1983) by Sami Michael, and The Father's Daughters (Hashahar Theatre, 2015) by Gilit Itzhaki. These plays deal with the Farhud – a pogrom which took place in Iraq in 1941, in which two hundred Iraqi Jews were massacred by an Iraqi nationalist mob. The Farhud has become a traumatic event in the memory of this Jewish community. Using the concept of ‘performing history’ as advanced by Freddie Rokem, I observe how these plays, as theatre of a marginalized group, engage in the productio
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Divine, Donna Robinson. "Arab Politics, Palestinian Nationalism and the Six Day War: the Crystallization of Arab Strategy and Nasir's Descent to War 1957-1967: Moshe Shemesh." Digest of Middle East Studies 17, no. 2 (2008): 66–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.2008.tb00238.x.

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Reimer, Michael J. "The Origins of Arab Nationalism; Rashid Khalidi, Lisa Anderson, Muhammad Muslih, and Reeva S. Simon, editors." Digest of Middle East Studies 2, no. 3 (1993): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1993.tb00967.x.

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Nasasra, Mansour. "The Southern Palestine Bedouin between Colonialism and Nationalism: Comparing Representations in British Mandatory Documents and Palestinian Newspapers, 1930–1948." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 15, no. 1 (2016): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2016.0130.

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Based on British archival documents and Palestinian newspapers from the 1930s, the paper draws some conclusions on the representation of the Beersheba (Bir al-Sabi') Bedouinin both British colonial discourse and in the press and voices of Palestinian nationalism. By reviewing British archival documents, including private diaries of British officers, I argue that the British colonial authorities developed strategies and practices to rule the Beersheba Bedouin as a group separate and disconnected from the rest of the Palestinian communities in Mandate Palestine. This contrasts with the Palestini
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47

Irvine, A. Kinloch. "Philip S. Khoury: Syria and the French Mandate: the politics of Arab nationalism 1920–1945. xxi, 698 pp. London: I. B. Tauris, 1987. £ 37.50." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 52, no. 3 (1989): 553–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00034698.

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Farah, Caesar E. "The Making of an Egyptian Arab Nationalist: The Early Years of Azzam Pasha, 1893-1936; Ralph M. Coury." Digest of Middle East Studies 9, no. 2 (2000): 68–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.2000.tb01089.x.

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Sufian, Sandy. "Colonial Malariology, Medical Borders, and Sharing Scientific Knowledge in Mandatory Palestine." Science in Context 19, no. 3 (2006): 381–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889706000986.

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ArgumentThis article focuses on the specific ways in which Zionist scientists studying malaria in Mandatory Palestine (1920–1947) presented their work to international scientific circles, moving between the transnational aspects and the local aspects of their work on malaria while suffusing that work with nationalist meanings. This slippery yet seemingly unproblematic movement between the general and the specific, between the colonial world and Palestine, was a necessary mechanism of scientific exchange. In the Zionist case the work on malaria for these scientists was both a marker of their be
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Van Dusen, Michael H. "Philip S. Khoury, Syria and the French Mandate: The Politics of Arab Nationalism, 1920–1945 (London: I. B. Tauris and Co. Ltd., 1987). Pp. 651." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 4 (1989): 563–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380003292x.

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