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Dissertationen zum Thema „Nationalism“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 14. September 2024

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1

Grabowski, Sabine. „Deutscher und polnischer Nationalismus der Deutsche Ostmarken-Verein und die polnische Straz 1894-1914 /“. Marburg : Herder-Institut, 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/43345127.html.

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2

Walkenhorst, Peter. „Nation - Volk - Rasse : radikaler Nationalismus im Deutschen Kaiserreich : 1890 - 1914“. Göttingen Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=015494628&linen̲umber=0002&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.

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3

Wilson, Andrew. „Modern Ukrainian nationalism : nationalist political parties in Ukraine, 1988-1992“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1994. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1242/.

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This work studies the nature of nationalism in a country whose stability is of vital concern to Western Europe. Apart from Russia herself, Ukraine is the largest country to emerge from the break-up of the USSR, and its size, population, economic potential and military power mean that the stability, or even survival, of most other states in the region is dependent on what happens in Ukraine. Moreover, relations between Ukraine and Russia are the key to the politics of the whole region. Ukraine's attitude to Russia is complicated, however. On the one hand, many Ukrainian nationalists are deeply hostile to Russia as their traditional imperial enemy, but on the other hand they are in a minority within their own country. Many ethnic Russians or Russian-speaking Ukrainians in Eastern and Southern Ukraine would prefer to see the maintenance of close links with Russia. The Ukrainian nationalist movement has therefore historically been weak, unable to command a natural majority in its own country. In response to this weakness, some Ukrainian nationalists have in the past sought to build bridges with Eastern and Southern Ukraine by constructing a broad-based civic nationalism, whilst others have reacted in frustration and embraced an authoritarian ethnic nationalism of the type which has caused so much trouble elsewhere in Europe after the collapse of communism. This work therefore examines the nature of the modern Ukrainian nationalist movement since its emergence in 1988. It demonstrates that the movement was unable to fully overcome its historical weaknesses, and that Ukrainian independence was only achieved in August 1991 with the help of the former imperial elite in Ukraine, that is with those 'national communists' who embraced the national cause in 1990-1. After independence, in 1991-2, the nationalists were able to push their agenda on the national communists, but were unable to expand their overall appeal. The nationalists were therefore not in a strong position to prevent the national communists backsliding on their agenda, as leftist and regional lobbies began to grow in Eastern and Southern Ukraine from the summer of 1992 onwards. The work also demonstrates that, although most Ukrainian nationalists emphasised civic nationalism in 1988-90, most had moved to the right by the end of 1992. Ethnic nationalism, only a minority concern in 1988, was growing strongly in popularity by the end of the period. The work is based on original sources collected in Ukraine during a series of visits in 1991-2, including party press and publications, party archives, interviews with leading figures, and the Ukrainian press, both central and local. The limited range of secondary literature available was also consulted. Chapter 1 uses the ideal-type distinction between ethnic and civic nationalism to examine the development of the Ukrainian nationalist movement in the twentieth century. Chapter 2 surveys the development of political parties in Ukraine, and then Chapters 3-7 look at the main nationalist parties individually. Chapter 8 then looks at the key split in the nationalist movement in early 1992, and at various attempts to bind the nationalist camp back together. Transliteration is based on the Library of Congress system. However, in a common modification of the system, words beginning with 'iu' or 'ia' begin with a 'y' (therefore 'Yurii' instead of 'Iurii'). A soft sign is transliterated as an apostrophe (Nezalezhnist'), and a Ukrainian apostrophe as a speech mark (Luk"ianenko). Ukrainian and Russian words are in italics, except those which have passed into common usage such as perestroika and glasnost (no apostrophe), as excessive italicisation is ugly. Ukrainian place names are used throughout. therefore 'Odesa' is used instead of 'Odessa', the 'Donbas' instead of the 'Donbass', and so on. 'Kiev', rather than 'Kyiv' is retained as a common Anglicism.

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4

Suzman, Mark. „Ethnic nationalism and state power : the rise of Irish nationalism, Afrikaner nationalism and Zionism /“. London : Macmillan, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb373224287.

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5

Hermannsson, Birgir. „Understanding nationalism : studies in Icelandic nationalism, 1800-2000 /“. Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-724.

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6

Johannesson, Anders. „Kamouflerad nationalism“. Thesis, Kristianstad University College, Department of Behavioural Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hkr:diva-4741.

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Denna uppsats handlar om vilka nationalistiska kännetecken och egenskaper som en svensk söker för att identifiera en artefakt som svensk. Nationalismen är gömd i allt runt omkring oss. Allt från förskolepedagogiken och skattekontoret till kaffemuggen och lägenheten speglar i någon utsträckning de idéer som det svenska samhället är uppbyggt kring. Denna speciella stämning som är typisk svensk går även igenom i hur man som konsument ser på en svensk produkt eller vilka egenskaper hos en artefakt man letar efter för att avgöra om den är svensk. Uppsatsen undersöker hur ett antal personer i Kristianstad tänker kring svenska ting. Undersökningen är en kvalitativ studie i enkätform med öppna frågor och bildjämförelser. De teman som visar sig i enkäten följs sedan upp i intervjuer för fördjupning och breddning. Viktiga teman för respondenterna visar sig vara design, kvalitet och modernitet.

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7

Going, Dawn Renee. „Japanese nationalism“. Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/27113.

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This thesis addresses the phenomenon of Japanese nationalism, its changing place in Japanese life, and its influence on Japan's international relations. This study uses a theoretical-psychological approach to nationalism. After tracing the historical development of nationalist thought beginning in Tokugawa Japan, current social trends in the areas of politics, economics, women and family, and youth and education are examined to determine if the requisite qualities of nationalism are present in modern Japan to portend an eventual return to an ultra form of nationalism. The thesis concludes that traditional nationalist thought remains a vital part of Japanese thinking; and, concerning national security implications for the United States, the U.S. should not forcefully pressure Japan in the areas of trade and security issues. If U.S. policy is devoid of cultural sensitivity, Japan may exercise its options in unilateral defense buildup and trade preferences.

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8

Hilde, Paal Sigurd. „Nationalism in post-Communist Slovakia and the Slovak nationalist diaspora (1989-1992)“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273215.

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9

Andrews, Ann. „The Dublin nationalist press and the development of Irish Nationalism, 1842-65“. Thesis, Kingston University, 2008. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20269/.

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This research project was designed to investigate the nature, development and impact of the Dublin nationalist press in the mid-nineteenth century. The prime focus was placed upon the period between 1842 and 1865 beginning with the foundation of The Nation newspaper that heralded a new era of Irish constitutional nationalism, and ending with the suppression of The Irish People, a revolutionary newspaper that fmnly established the presence of a long-term advanced Irish nationalist press. The overriding aim of the Dublin nationalist press was to overthrow the 1800 Act of Union and achieve political autonomy for Ireland. During this period the Famine occurred, an event which exerted a crucial impact on Irish nationalist thinking. Within this context, this thesis draws upon critical analyses of the journalistic and literary contents of the Dublin nationalist newspapers in order to assess their effect upon the development of Irish nationalism. The most influential newspapers in the Irish nationalist movement were published in Dublin, and it was the base from where the most important Irish nationalists conducted their political campaigns. Above all, a key aim of this thesis was to assess the role of the Dublin nationalist press in influencing and reflecting both the constructive and destructive nature of Irish nationalism. With this in mind, an emphasis was placed upon . the power of ideas articulated in the Dublin nationalist press, particularly the impassioned dynamics between constitutional nationalism and revolutionary nationalism. This research also focuses upon the thinking of the high-profile individuals who were involved with the Dublin nationalist newspapers, and the inspiration they gave to their contemporaries and future Irish nationalists. Based upon extensive newspaper and manuscript sources, this thesis establishes that what was written in the Dublin nationalist press during the mid-nineteenth century had a powerful and lasting effect on the development of Irish nationalism. Presenting the first defInitive analysis of the relationship between the Dublin nationalist press and the ideological development of Irish nationalism during the mid-nineteenth century, and providing in-depth critical analysis of the propaganda espoused by these newspapers, this thesis offers another much-needed contribution to the important but neglected area of the Irish nationalist press in the nineteenth century.

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10

Lau, Chui-shan, und 劉翠珊. „From factional nationalism to functional nationalism: the transformation of Hong Kong's nationalism in apatriotic school“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2008. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B40888010.

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11

Lau, Chui-shan. „From factional nationalism to functional nationalism the transformation of Hong Kong's nationalism in a patriotic school /“. Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2008. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B40888010.

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12

Buschmann, Nikolaus. „Einkreisung und Waffenbruderschaft : die öffentliche Deutung von Krieg und Nation in Deutschland 1850-1871 /“. Göttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2003. http://www.h-net.org/review/hrev-a0e0u9-aa.

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13

Largent, Mark Aaron. „Black Nationalism Reinterpreted“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278124/.

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Black nationalism responded to America's failure to examine the effects of slavery's legacy. Its aims represent those issues that were either unsupported by or in opposition to the goals of the civil rights leadership. In particular, the civil rights movement dismissed any claims that the history of slavery had a lasting effect on African-Americans. This conflict developed because of mainstream America's inability to realize that the black community is not monolithic and African-Americans were differentially affected by slavery's legacy. It is those blacks who are most affected by the culture of poverty created by America's history of slavery who make up today's inner-city populations. Despite successes by the civil rights movement, problems within lower-class black communities continue because the issues of the black underclass have not yet been fully addressed.

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14

Babi, Loghman Pireh. „Nationalism and social classes : the case of Kurdish nationalism in Turkey /“. Helsinki : Yliopistopaino, 1999. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/301270686.pdf.

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15

Suzman, Lewis Mark. „Ethnic nationalism and the State : a comparative analysis of rise to power of Irish nationalism, Afrikaner nationalism and Zionism“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.336258.

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16

Trépanier, Anne. „La grammaire générative de l'argumentaire souverainiste en 1995“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0027/MQ50579.pdf.

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17

Tepper, Madison. „The Paradox of Transnational (Neo)Nationalism: Neo-nationalist Entanglements with Capital-"isms" in Modern Poland“. Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/87774.

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The Polish Independence Day march in Warsaw in November 2017 drew a flurry of international media attention for its shocking mass display of far-right nationalism, connections to neo-Nazi groups, and feature of openly racist, Islamophobic, anti-Semitic, and homophobic slogans. However, the dangerously “othering” nationalist ideologies expressed in Poland during this demonstration are far from unique. Over the past 20-30 years, eerily similar nationalist movements have simultaneously emerged across Eastern Europe and the West. Paradoxically, the nation-state has perhaps never had less agency as increasingly global capitalism continues to encroach upon the dominance of the nation itself. I argue that this trend of new nationalist movements indicates a departure from the traditional definitions of nationalism that requires a distinct category, which I refer to as neo-nationalism. In Chapter 1, I differentiate neo-nationalism from conventional understandings of nationalist politics and provide a working definition of neo- nationalism in the twenty-first century. I aim to show that a contextualization of these neo- nationalist movements alongside increasingly global capitalism is essential to understanding the othering natures of neo-nationalist ideologies and their paradoxical nature – both national and transnational, both shocking and entirely banal. I illustrate this by returning to the case of modern Poland, employing a visual rhetorical analysis from a Marxist-feminist perspective in order to demonstrate the manifestations of particular and dangerous dynamics of othering in Polish neo- nationalism. I refer to these dynamics as “capital-isms,” such that they are the “shocking” expression of what are in fact pervasive prejudices brought to the surface by the changing conditions of global capitalism. In Chapter 2, I examine the rhetoric surrounding the Polish Independence Day march in 2017 to highlight the paradoxes and power mechanisms at play in Polish neo-nationalism. I follow with an exploration of the rhetoric employed by the Polish far- right nationalist party, Law and Justice, with particular contextualization with regard to its relationship with the European Union in Chapter 3. Finally, I conclude this thesis by considering the implications of this research for the study of neo-nationalism going forward.
M.A.
The Polish Independence Day march in Warsaw in November 2017 drew a flurry of international media attention for its shocking mass display of far-right nationalism, connections to neo-Nazi groups, and feature of openly racist, Islamophobic, anti-Semitic, and homophobic slogans. However, the dangerously “othering” nationalist ideologies expressed in Poland during this demonstration are far from unique. Over the past 20-30 years, eerily similar nationalist movements have simultaneously emerged across Eastern Europe and the West. In this thesis, I theorize the Polish far-right nationalism on display at the Independence Day march as part of a broader trend of neo-nationalist movements, which I demonstrate are paradoxical in nature. After establishing the defining characteristics of neo-nationalism as a phenomenon, I highlight these paradoxes through an analysis of Polish neo-nationalist rhetoric. Furthermore, by placing this rhetoric within its socioeconomic and historical contexts, I demonstrate that the “shocking” display of far-right nationalism in the march is an expression of what are in fact pervasive prejudices brought to the surface by the changing conditions of global capitalism.

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18

Tewell, Mila Lee. „The emergence of modern nationalism in the Philippines and Vietnam“. Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B14038791.

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19

Johnson, Lori Jean. „Nationalism in Canadian television“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28077.

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Contemporary Canadian television suffers from a severe lack of indigenous programming. The majority of programming available on Canadian television screens comes from foreign sources, predominantly the United States, and most of the programs watched by Canadian viewers are American. The dominance of American programming in Canada has resulted in a television system in which indigenous programming plays a minor role. If the Canadian television system is to achieve the aims for which it was created, domestic programming must become a vital force in the system. What is needed are domestic programs that deal with Canadian nationalism. In this thesis, Canadian nationalism will be defined, and methods for creating television programs in which nationalism is an influential force will be proposed. The suggested changes will focus on entertainment programming, as this is the most popular programming category in Canada. The type of programs necessary will be discussed in detail, and other actions that will help create a framework in which creation of these programs is possible will be outlined. This thesis will show why it is vital that nationalism becomes a significant aspect of entertainment programming, how this can be achieved, and why it should occur as soon as possible.
Arts, Faculty of
Theatre and Film, Department of
Graduate

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20

Arsenau, D. Therese. „Regional 'non-ethnic' nationalism“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359489.

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21

Uselman, Jerome J. „The culture of nationalism“. Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/39031.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
What was the role of high culture in the newly unified societies of Germany and Italy amid the ideology of nationalism in the late 19th and early 20th century? More specifically the question at hand is how did the visual artspaintings and monuments, in particularreflect and inform politics and society in both liberal and illiberal European states in the age of mass politics, mass culture, and total war? Further, what is high cultures relationship to the development of the totalitarian state? This thesis presents a historical study of the art and monuments considered significant to the development of fascist Germany and Italy. High culture in Italy and Germany worked alongside other social, political realities and eventually became the pinnacle of the nation-state relationship, providing a well-defined road linking the distant benign intentions of 19th century nationalism and 20th century extremism.

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22

Berglund, Henrik. „Hindu nationalism and democracy /“. Stockholm : Stockholm university, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb401142173.

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23

Kuo, Huei-ying. „Transnational business networks and sub-ethnic nationalism Chinese business and nationalist activities in interwar Hong Kong and Singapore, 1919-1941 /“. Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2007.

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24

Colclough, Kevin. „Imperial nationalism : nationalism and the Empire in late nineteenth century Scotland and British Canada“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/2228.

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The relationship between imperialism and nationalism has often been portrayed by theorists of nationalism and post colonial discourse theorists as antagonistic. Anti-democratic, aggressive empires impose their will on subject peoples who, in response, form nationalist movements in opposition to this imperialism. These movements, it is claimed, assert the nation’s right to self-determination and independence. Whilst this was undoubtedly the case in a number of anti-colonial movements, examples can be found that refute the apparently antagonistic relationship between nationalism and imperialism. Nationalism does not always advocate independence from states or empires. Imperialism can be a vehicle for a national mission or can strengthen minority nations. In certain contexts, these two anti-thetical concepts can be reconciled. The thesis investigates the reconciliation of nationalism and imperialism using the concept of imperial nationalism. This concept is used to denote a variety of nationalism that proposes reform of the state/imperial government for the benefit of the nation whilst simultaneously emphasising the benefits of the reform of the empire. An important element of the nationalist discourse will be the maintenance of the imperial connection as beneficial for the nation. A comparative historical analysis of nationalist groups in nineteenth century Scotland and Canada is used to highlight the relationship between nationalism and imperialism in the discourse of nationalist groups. Both Scotland and Canada held relatively privileged positions within the British Empire. Yet Scottish and British Canadian nationalist groups argued the existing systems for governing their respective nations were illegitimate. In Scotland, the Scottish Home Rule Association argued for a Scottish Parliament, focusing on the extent to which the United Kingdom state was unable to cope with the work created by the four home nations and the Empire. An important aspect of home rule for Scotland, however, was its extension to the other home nations and the opportunity it would present of reforming the Imperial Parliament for the benefit of the Empire, and by association Scotland. In Canada, the focus of Canada First and the Imperial Federation League in Canada was on reform of the system of Imperial governance. Canada had not been given control over relations with the United States under the British North America Act and British Canadian nationalists felt Canadian interests had not been taken into account in British dealings with the United States. The answer was to provide Canada with a voice in treaties in the short term and, in the longer term, to reform Imperial government in order to provide Canada with a voice in the affairs of the Empire as whole. The thesis investigates the extent to which these movements were nationalist, imperialist and, finally, how these two concepts were reconciled.

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25

Zhou, Guanfeng, und 周冠峰. „Nationalism and Japan's China policy: a normative study of nationalism & foreign policy making“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42841598.

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26

Zhou, Guanfeng. „Nationalism and Japan's China policy a normative study of nationalism & foreign policy making /“. Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2009. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42841598.

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27

Limoncuoglu, Alihan. „The evolution of Turkish nationalism between 1904 and 1980“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/18256.

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This study aims to look at the discourse and development of Turkish Nationalism. This is done through focusing on four well known thinkers of Turkish Nationalism. In this dissertation, works, actions, discourse and legacies of Mehmet Ziya Gokalp, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Huseyin Nihal Atsiz and Alparslan Turkes are looked at using textual analysis and an ethno-symbolist approach. Through this work the family relation between these thinkers and the boundaries of Turkish Nationalism can be understood. Ziya Gokalp, as the 'father' of the Ideological Turkish Nationalism, has laid the foundation for nationalists after him and his ideas have been instrumental in the setting up of the Republic of Turkey. Gokalp by setting up the three ideals; "To be more Turk, to be more Islamic and to be more modern" has set the tone for the rest of the century for Turkish Nationalism. Kemal Ataturk was the founder of Modern Turkey and was also a nationalist, as a result he implemented many policies that were highly nationalistic. His legacy continues to live on but can be interpreted differently by different people. Nihal Atsiz affected Turkish Nationalism in a very different manner. Instead of having a long term ideological effect he gave 'soul' to nationalism through his literary work and his rich usage of imagery. After him, Alparslan Turkes' struggle in a tumultuous time in Turkey and Turkish Nationalism as a competing ideology in Turkish politics is viewed. This work also takes a look at mainstream political currents in Turkey and nationalists' relations with them and the critique of Turkish Nationalism and Turkish Nationalists, and from the findings of this research, it can be speculated that there are three mainstream political movements, contrary to widely believed two. This can be best personified by the three pashas of the Turkish Independence War; Ismet Inonu, Kazim Karabekir and Fevzi Cakmak. The findings of this research shows that there is a family relation between the four thinkers and despite that there have been some slight differences the discourse and the activities of Turkish Nationalism has stayed on one course.

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28

Winkelman, Joel M. Lienesch Michael. „Citizenship education and American nationalism“. Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,904.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 18, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.

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29

Backhouse, Stephen. „Kierkegaard's Critique of Christian Nationalism“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.503966.

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30

Gano, John Victor. „Generational change in Japanese nationalism“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/14850.

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31

Jacobs, Stephen. „Hindu identity, nationalism and globalization“. Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683176.

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32

Malakasis, Cynthia H. „Immigration and Nationalism in Greece“. FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1280.

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A source of emigration until the early 1970s, Greece has become home to a rising tide of immigrants since 1991, and its foreign-born population rose from below one to over 11 percent. Equally important is the fact that the Greek state has historically premised national belonging on ethnicity, and striven to exclude people who did not exhibit Greek ethnic traits. My study examines how immigration has challenged this nationalist model of ethnically homogeneous belonging. Further, it uses the Greek case to problematize the hegemonic assumption that the nationalist model of social organization is a human universal. Data consist of reactions to a 2010 landmark law that constituted the first jus soli bill in the nation’s history, and include a plurality of voices found in parliamentary proceedings, newspapers, a government-sponsored online forum and Facebook discussions. Voices examined correspond to three main conceptual camps: people who premise belonging on ethnicity and hegemonic definitions of what it means to be Greek, people who mitigate nationalist norms enough to include immigrants, but reproduce a nationalist worldview, and people who seek to divorce political belonging from ethnicity altogether.

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33

Bulag, Uradyn Erden. „Nationalism and identity in Mongolia“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272543.

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34

Kim, Eun kyung. „Nationalism and Democracy in Tanzania“. Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1212692400.

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35

Sandelind, Clara. „Nationalism and attitudes to immigration“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/8731/.

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National identity is believed to create a sense of trust and solidarity amongst co-nationals that is necessary to underpin the democratic welfare state. Immigration, in turn, is viewed as a potential threat to the stability of such a shared national identity. Yet concerns about immigration in public opinion are to a large extent dependent on how people understand the meaning of their national identity. Therefore, this thesis argues that different kinds of shared identities may construct images of immigration that are seen as less of a threat. The key argument this thesis pursues is that attitudes to immigration are affected by constructed understandings of identity, belonging and exclusion. To this end, a focused, qualitative, comparative study of Sweden and Britain has been conducted. 47 in-depth interviews were conducted with respondents from the two countries, concerning questions of identity, democracy, welfare and immigration. The main findings are threefold. First, three different understandings of a shared identity are found, for which belonging is based either on an idea of a common nation, on making contributions to the community or on a commitment to social and political institutions. Second, these identities are differently related to attitudes to immigration. Those for whom belonging is based on a common nation are the most negative to immigration. Those for whom the boundaries of belonging depend on institutions are the most positive, followed by those who base belonging on contributions. Third, national identity seems to be constructed by interpretations, as well as the institutional and political context, of the democratic welfare state. Thus, the welfare state is argued to be an important, yet overlooked, factor that influences the formation of symbolic boundaries of political communities. In short, ideas of institutions and contributions were found to have strong inclusionary potential, in contrast to when belonging is primarily based on renderings of a common nation. This thesis therefore argues that a form of “institutional patriotism”, for which belonging is based on the experience of, and commitment to, fair and effective social and political institutions, can generate trust and solidarity whilst being more welcoming to newcomers.

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Gungor, Murat. „Nationalism on the internet the role of Greek 'others' in the formation of Turkish nationalism /“. CONNECT TO ELECTRONIC THESIS, 2007. http://dspace.wrlc.org/handle/1961/4112.

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37

Morita, Dai. „The Roles of Nationalism in Neoliberalisation The Case of Neoliberalisation and Nationalism in Recent Japan“. Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science and Communication, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1809.

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As Karl Polanyi explained in his famous book, The Great Transformation, freeing economic life from social and political controls was tried and promoted firstly in England in the mid-nineteenth century by constructing the free market that operated independently of social needs. This new type of economy allowed prices of all goods, including money, land and labour, to be changeable without regard to their effects on society. The creation of the free market was achieved by demolishing previous markets, which were embedded in society with many kinds of regulations. Today, what transnational organisations, including the World Trade Organisation, the International Monetary Fund and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, are trying to achieve seems to have many similarities with the great transformation in the mid-nineteenth century. In the early 20th century the laissez-faire economy was challenged by a series of world incidents, including World War I, the Great Depression and World War II. In the post-war period, the Western world adopted the so-called Keynesian compromise, in which the foreign currency exchange rate was fixed to the US dollar, and the state intervened to keep a clear division of domestic and international economy and to maintain the welfare of society, while international trade, especially financial trade, was limited.1 The situation gradually changed from the mid 1970s when the fixed currency exchange was lifted, and the velocity of change accelerated during the 1980s. Known as neoliberalisation, various markets, including the financial market, had been liberalized, and post-war Keynesian welfare states were dismantled in a number of nation-states. In the 1990s, neoliberalisation became a global phenomenon with the emergence of international and regional institutions, including the World Trade Organisation (WTO), the World Bank, the North America Free Trade Area (NAFTA) and the European Union (EU), playing an important role in neoliberal economic reforms and structural adjustments in not only developed countries, but also in undeveloped and developing countries. Almost all nation-states in the world became part of the process of neoliberalisation, and therefore neoliberalisation is often used interchangeably with globalisation. Similar to the laissez-faire economy in the period of 19th century, current ongoing neoliberalisation transformed our society by causing a number of social issues and problems. The unprecedented volume of global financial trade created great uncertainty in a highly interdependent international economy, and made our domestic daily life more and more volatile through the connection to the international economy. Unequal development in the global north and south became increasingly 1 Robert Gilpin, The Political Economy of International Relations (New Jersey, 1987), pp. 131-2. 7 noticeable, and inside nation-states the social gap has been increasing. Moreover, the erosion of other social spheres by expanding the sphere of economy prompts ordinary people into the world of mass consumption and induces consumerism and atomism while excluding them from the important political and economic decision-making processes. The same period saw a revival of nationalism. Nationalism can be seen as a countermovement against current ongoing globalisation, like Islamic fundamentalism, but the revitalisation of nationalism also can be seen in the developed north during the process of neoliberalisation, like cultural nationalism in the US under Reagan administration. Encountering and seeing neoliberalisation and the revival of nationalism simultaneously, we face to a theoretical paradox that neoliberalism and nationalism appear to be in conflict with each other, in the sense that while neoliberalism’s ideology is methodologically and normatively individualist, nationalism is premised on collectivist interests and sentiments. Yet politically, and particular in recent Japanese politics, they seem to be compatible and even mutually reinforcing. To explore and elucidate this apparently contradictory relationship, this thesis presents an analysis of neoliberalisation and the roles of nationalism in neoliberalisation in the developing north, using the case of Japan.

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Resool, Shorsh Mustafa. „Reactive nationalism in a homogenizing state : the Kurdish Nationalism Movement in Ba’thist Iraq, 1963-2003“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/9706.

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Reactive Nationalism in a Homogenizing State: The Kurdish Nationalism Movement in Ba’thist Iraq, 1963 - 2003. The thesis analyzes the Kurdish nationalism movement as a reaction to the homogenization process by successive Iraqi governments since the establishment of the current state of Iraq. The case study for the thesis is Kurdish reactive nationalism and the Ba’th party from 1963 - 2003. The Ba'th Party came to power in 1963 then again in 1968 through two co-de-ta until their fall in 2003. The Ba'th Party tried to homogenize the state of Iraq and impose a Sunni-Arab identity to Iraq through centralized education and administration system. The Sunni Arabs are a minority group within the boundary of Iraq but had been the dominant group since 1921 until 2003. The Kurds refused such identity and demanded for their national rights to be recognized. The Ba’th Party excluded the Kurds from holding senior or sensitive posts within education, administration and military posts. Having the control over the judicial system, the Ba’th Party labelled the Kurds as traitors, which legitimize their extermination. Subsequently, they were subjected to genocide under the hands of the Ba’th party. Despite all this, the Kurds continued in their struggle for their national rights. With every step by the Ba'th party to exterminate them the Kurds reacted by organizing themselves and adapted themselves to the new situation. They also seized every opportunity that had arisen to enhance their position. The Kurdish nationalism blossomed after the 1991 uprising following the second gulf war in March 1991. The Kurds managed to run a general election for Kurdistan Parliament; established the Kurdistan Regional Government; improved the education and administration system; improved schools, universities, art and economy. The fall of Saddam on 9th April 2003 was another golden opportunity that the Kurds seized pretty well. They contributed in writing Iraq’s constitution and managed to achieve most of their national demands within the federal state of Iraq. Hence, Kurdish nationalism has blossomed.

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Gahnström, Emil. „Nationalism Articulated by Rudolf Kjellén : A Case Study Concerning Nationalism in Sweden during 1905-1906“. Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-15433.

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This project is conducted as a descriptive case-study with the aim to explore the political context that formed and articulated the nationalist thoughts of the Swedish scholar, publicist, and parliamentarian Rudolf Kjellén. Specifically, it concerns his nationalist thoughts as they are articulated in his nationalist manifesto Nationell Samling: Politiska och Etiska Fragment(National Congregation: Political and Ethical Fragments (1906)), and how they were articulated during his two initial years in the Swedish Riksdag: 1905-1906. Hence does the work conducted here constitute a study into the history of ideas. Based on Quentin Skinner's theory regarding the role of context when inquiries into history are conducted, the chief focus of this inquiry has its attention on the political context. In as much as this study reveals, the political context that formed Kjellén's nationalism was the major influence of political liberalism at the time with which this inquiry is concerned, and especially so with regards to how it influenced the results of the negotiations in the aftermath of the dissolution of the Swedish-Norwegian Union in 1905, and the discussions on universal suffrage in Sweden at the time. Additionally, this inquiry provides support for a variety of claims and ideas from previous research, both on nationalism and on Kjellén, while simultaneously delivering a more nuanced understanding of the relatively unexplored political context that articulated the specifics of Kjellén's nationalism. Accordingly, it is my aim to contribute to the scholarships on nationalism, and on Kjellén, with a thorough and structured understanding of the political context that formed and articulated its idiosyncrasies.

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Johansen, Hanne Elisabeth. „Norsk nasjonal identitet og europeisk identitet en sammenlignende analyse av identitetsskapende strategier /“. Universitetet i Oslo, 1999. http://www.ub.uio.no/ubit/hopp/publ/johansen/.

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41

Lenard, Patti Tamara. „Representations of nationalist leaders, an investigation into the use of empirical claims in liberal theories of nationalism“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ53003.pdf.

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42

Öhlén, Hannah. „Nationality, Sexuality & Liberation : A Field Study of the Interconnections of Feminism and Nationalism in Palestine“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-272516.

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This thesis investigates the interconnections of feminism and nationalism in the context of Palestine, and is based on a Minor Field Study of interviews with Palestinian women working for women’s rights. The study investigates their views and opinions when it comes to issues related to sexual proprietariness; the view that men own women and their reproductive abilities (Taylor & Jasinski, 2011:249f), and demography in relation to the Palestinian national struggle against the Israeli occupation. The women interviewed in this study argue for the importance of struggling for women’s and Palestinian rights in parallel, partly because the Israeli occupation is said to hinder the work for women’s rights in different ways. The ideology of the Palestinian women’s rights activists interviewed in this study can be said to be an example of nationalist feminism (McClintock, 1997:109) since they are trying to combine feminism and nationalism. By basing their rhetoric on the concept freedom from oppression combining feminism and nationalism is made possible, especially within national liberation movements. The thesis concludes with a discussion about why it might not be nationalism per se that is negatively correlated with women’s rights, but rather conservatism, and it argues that finding a way to theoretically connect individual and collective rights is of great importance in order to manage the struggles.

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43

Rusu, Petru Claudiu. „La construction et l’instrumentalisation de l’idée nationale pendant le régime communiste de Roumanie, 1948-1971“. Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040237.

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La perception de la communauté humaine construite par l'écrivain Ayn Rand intégrait le principe selon lequel une culture ne peut exister sans un courant permanent des idées, sans les "esprits indépendants" pour le soutenir, vu que l'être humain a impérativement besoin d'un espace de référence, une vision globale de l'existence – quelque rudimentaire qu'elle soit, en assurant les repères de la conscience sociale, en argumentant le bien et le mal, en justifiant les actions et un code de valeurs intrinsèques. Cette prémisse génère les hypothèses de recherche de notre thèse, le palier épistémique général visant à identifier la grille fonctionnelle inhérente au régime totalitaire/marxiste-léniniste de Roumanie, impliquée dans la structuration du milieu intellectuel et dans l'inculcation d'une nouvelle identité nationale référentielle et adaptée aux principes idéologiques. En ce sens, les interrogations de base proposent un sujet peu étudié dans l'historiographie relative au contexte politique et culturel d’après La Seconde Guerre Mondiale : y-avait-il un discours identitaire créé dans l'espace de recherche, intrinsèque dans la "nouvelle culture socialiste" construite par l'idéologie communiste ? La différenciation du discours schématique officiel, caractérisé par une simplicité intelligible pour les masses "prolétariennes", a-t-elle donné au discours théorique sur l'idée de nation (nationalisme, spécificité de la communauté nationale et traditions culturelles) les fonctions d'extension/application des prémisses idéologiques définitoires ? Les normes du milieu intellectuel, déterminées par les effets totalitaires et destructeurs de la "dictature du prolétariat", mises en contraste avec les valeurs culturelles et scientifiques des régimes libres et démocratiques, ont mis en oeuvre un modèle de comportement qui dépend des intérêts politiques du parti-état. Ainsi, notre thèse reconstruira-t-elle le cadre institutionnel pour la création du discours national-identitaire, analysera les étapes de formation et les thèmes récurrents, les modèles de transformation conceptuelle des phrases clés extraites de la pléthore du phénomène national rendra la relation des acteurs impliqués dans l'établissement de l'identité nationale
The perception of the human community built by the writer Ayn Rand integrated the principle that a culture cannot exist without a permanent stream of ideas, without the "independent minds" to support it, as a human being has an imperative need for a reference space, a comprehensive view of existence - no matter how rudimentary, providing the components of a social consciousness, arguing good and bad, justifying actions and a code of intrinsic values. This assumption generates the research hypotheses of our thesis, the general epistemic level aiming at identifying the functional scale inherent to the totalitarian/Marxist-Leninist regime in Romania, involved in structuring the intellectual environment and instilling a new national identity and tailored to the referential ideological principles. To that end, the basic interrogations propose a less studied topic in the area of historiography regarding the political and cultural post-war context: was there an identitary discourse comprised by the "new socialist culture" built by communist ideology? Did the differentiation of the official schematic discourse characterized by an intelligible simplicity for the proletarian masses, give the theoretical discourse on the idea of nation, nationalism, national community characteristics and cultural traditions, the extension/application of the defining ideological prerequisites? The standards of the intellectual milieu caused by the totalitarian and destructive effects of the "dictatorship of the proletariat", placed in contrast with the cultural and scientific values of the democratic regimes, implemented a behavioral model dependent on the political interests of the party-state. Thus, our thesis will reconstruct the institutional framework for the creation of the nationalist-identitary discourse, will analyze the formative stages and recurring themes, the patterns of conceptual transformation of the key phrases extracted from the national phenomenon plethora will render the relationship between the actors involved in the construction of national identity

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Hunter, Stephanie Michelle. „The Functions of White Nationalism Online: A Content Analysis of White Nationalist Thematic Discourse Surrounding the Eve Carson Homicide“. Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42800.

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Extant literature on White Nationalism illustrate the myriad of social issues members of this racialist extremist group presently recognize as threatening the continuation of the white race and the preservation of white heritage (Swain 2002). One of these threats includes the high incidences of black-on-white violent crime within the United States. The March 2008 murder of UNC student body president Eve Carson, a 22 year-old white woman, by two young black males elicited heated discussion among White Nationalists. This paper analyzes, via content analysis, the thematic discourse surrounding Carsonâ s homicide among White Nationalists on two popular White Nationalist websites. Functionalist theory guides this investigation in the attempt to illustrate how White Nationalists use scientific theories of criminality and government crime statistics as tools for justifying their racist beliefs. Also, this study intended to answer whether or not Carsonâ s murder prompted an increase in online membership on the two websites used for the analysis. Moreover, this study sought to unearth thematic discourse which involved attacking whites who do not subscribe to White Nationalism; Eve Carson as either a sacred or profane symbol of whiteness; criticism of government policies, media, and the criminal justice system; evoking fear within the White Nationalist community; and calls for white solidarity and action. This analysis suggests that White Nationalists primarily used Carsonâ s death as an opportunity to attack whites who do not subscribe to White Nationalist beliefs.
Master of Science

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45

Okem, Mekin Mustafa Kemal. „Turkish Modernity And Kurdish Ethno-nationalism“. Phd thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607241/index.pdf.

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This dissertation analyzes the context and discourse the Kurdish ethno-nationalism have emerged in modern Turkey. In a critical survey of a selected Kurdish nationalist theories, it tries to analyze the historical and contextual trajectory the nationalist discourse have assumed vis-à
-vis Turkish modernity. A particular emphasis is given on how and on what basis Kurdish nationalism has questioned the formation and the sources of the legitimacy of the Turkish state and its role in the making of Turkish modernity. Kurdish nationalism, in doing so, defined and instrumentally utilized ethnicity, along with other aspects of cohesion such as Islam, socialism and traditional tribal solidarity since the 1920s. This study argues that modern Kurdish nationalist movement emerged by divorcing itself from the Turkish left in the 1960s. It proliferated in the 1970s and spiraled down to separatist violence in the 1980s. Violence has dominated and synchronized Kurdish nationalist discourse in the 1990s. It sought for international recognition and independent sovereignty by targeting the legitimacy of the Turkish state. The Kurdish nationalist movement moved along, in discourse and practice, around the issues related to the Turkish state, which has evolved with the changing and diversified context of international rights.

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Hage, Ali Mohanad. „Hizbullah's identity : Islam, nationalism and transnationalism“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3300/.

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This thesis draws on the debates in nationalism studies to address the question of how Hizbullah’s identity is produced, and investigates the further questions of how modern is this identity, what are its main pillars, and who produces it and to what end. By analysing the findings of fieldwork observations and interviews, and applying discourse analysis to a range of official and unofficial party publications, and internal notes or memos, the thesis argues that Hizbullah, employing its transnational links, has constructed a revised identity among the Lebanese Shiʿa and overhauled traditional forms of Shiʿi practice through the various institutions it has established and expanded over the past two decades. The thesis examines how Hizbullah manages its identity dissemination through these numerous institutions by tailoring the Shiʿi identity it embodies to suit different audiences, while simultaneously keeping a tightly centralised control over their work through its Central Cultural Unit. The thesis further argues that Hizbullah’s re-creation of Shiʿi identity entails reconstructing the community’s history. The organisation’s historical narratives are based on twentieth-century Shiʿi histories – accounts that are mostly attributed to uncorroborated oral sources, but which nevertheless created novel notions of a historical ‘ʿAmili people’ and ‘ʿAmili resistance’. Such concepts are central to Hizbullah’s re-creation of Lebanese Shiʿi identity. The organisation’s main historical accounts, while partially based on these earlier histories, have also constructed new narratives, attributing these to fresh oral accounts, and suggesting continuity with Shiʿi history. This approach bears similarities to the efforts of nationalist intellectuals, who reconstruct historical accounts focused on establishing the historical origin and continuity of their nation. Hizbullah-affiliated publications incorporate advantageous supernatural accounts of its contemporary battles against Israeli occupation. These supernatural narratives build upon a Safavid tradition in Shiʿi theology, reintroduced by the Islamic Republic in Iran and Hizbullah in Lebanon. The last chapter in the thesis looks at the interplay between the organisation’s transnational ideological links and its national politics, and argues that it uses these relations to support its political identity project for the Shiʿi community in Lebanon.

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Welshans, Kyle C. „Nationalism and Islamic identity in Xinjiang“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FWelshans.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Kadhim, Abbas ; Miller, Alice. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 24, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 45-46). Also available in print.

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Grimley, Daniel MacGregor. „Nielsen, nationalism and Danish musical style“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343036.

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49

Tamir, Yael. „Nationalism within the boundaries of liberalism“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302963.

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50

Solh, R. „Lebanon and Arab nationalism : 1936-1945“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.376027.

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