Um die anderen Arten von Veröffentlichungen zu diesem Thema anzuzeigen, folgen Sie diesem Link: Nationalism and literature.
Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Nationalism and literature“
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Machen Sie sich mit Top-50 Zeitschriftenartikel für die Forschung zum Thema "Nationalism and literature" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Sehen Sie die Zeitschriftenartikel für verschiedene Spezialgebieten durch und erstellen Sie Ihre Bibliographie auf korrekte Weise.
1
Lerner, Adam B. „The uses and abuses of victimhood nationalism in international politics“. European Journal of International Relations 26, Nr. 1 (17.05.2019): 62–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119850249.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Contemporary populist movements have inspired political pundits in various contexts to opine on the resurgence of victimhood culture, in which groups demonstrate heightened sensitivity to slights and attempt to evoke sympathy from third parties to their conflicts. Although reference to victimhood’s politics oftentimes surfaces examples of egregious microaggressions, when victimhood claims are scaled up to the realm of nationalisms, oftentimes so too are their consequences. Current literature on victimhood in international politics, though, lacks a unifying theorisation suitable for the comparative analysis of victimhood nationalisms as important identities in the international arena. This gap prevents scholarship from investigating how the severity of perceived or real suffering relates to the formation of victimhood, as well as how victimhood nationalisms legitimize the projection of grievances onto third parties, potentially sowing new conflicts. This article theorises victimhood nationalism as a powerful identity narrative with two key constitutive elements. First, drawing on the narrative identity approach, it outlines how victimhood nationalisms are constructed via narrations of perceived or real collective trauma. Second, it argues that victimhood nationalist narratives, unlike other narratives of collective trauma, break down the idealized victim–perpetrator relationship and project grievances onto otherwise uninvolved international actors, including other nation-states. The article concludes by offering comparative case studies of Slobodan Milošević’s and David Ben-Gurion’s respective invocations of victimhood nationalism to illustrate the empirical applicability of this theorization, as well as victimhood nationalism’s importance in international politics across time and space.
2
Mumtaz, Nadhif Muhammad, Muhammad Bagus Azmi und Siti Khoiriyah. „NATIONALISM IN ISLAMIC LITERATURE“. Al Ulya: Jurnal Pendidikan Islam 8, Nr. 2 (26.10.2023): 108–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32665/alulya.v8i2.2051.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Zamakhsari Dhofier said that the Islamic classic book became the crucial component of Indonesia's Pesantren (Islamic boarding school). Various Islamic classic books were used to determine orientations of education in the Pesantren. However, all these orientations lead to one main goal: to create qualified Muslims. This condition caused the weakness of nationalist character in the pesantren environment; even at the next level, it could produce radical movements. This is due to the absence of classic Islamic books explaining that a Muslim must have a nationalist character. The available literature is only oriented toward making Muslims as good Muslims, not as good citizens. The book Izzat al-Nasyi'in, written by Mustafa Al Ghalayaini, specifically came with nuances of nationalist character. This study aims to elaborate on the contents of the Izzat al-Nasyi'in. This qualitative research uses a socio-historical approach with an analytical descriptive method. The technique used is content analysis. The results of this study show that according to Mustafa Al Ghalayaini in Izzat al-Nasyi'in, morality (Akhlaq) is related not only to the divine aspect but also to nationalism aspects. He explained that one of the pillars to become a civilized country and a prosperous society is the existence of a nationalist character. So, He included the nationalist character as an integral part of a moral (Akhlaq) education. Izzat al-Nasyi'in is necessary to be applied in every Pesantren in Indonesia.
3
Kocher, Matthew Adam, Adria K. Lawrence und Nuno P. Monteiro. „Nationalism, Collaboration, and Resistance: France under Nazi Occupation“. International Security 43, Nr. 2 (November 2018): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00329.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Does nationalism produce resistance to foreign military occupation? The existing literature suggests that it does. Nationalism, however, also can lead to acquiescence and even to active collaboration with foreign conquerors. Nationalism can produce a variety of responses to occupation because political leaders connect nationalist motivations to other political goals. A detailed case study of the German occupation of France during World War II demonstrates these claims. In this highly nationalistic setting, Vichy France entered into collaboration with Germany despite opportunities to continue fighting in 1940 or defect from the German orbit later. Collaboration with Germany was widely supported by French elites and passively accommodated by the mass of nationalistic French citizens. Because both resisters and collaborators were French nationalists, nationalism cannot explain why collaboration was the dominant French response or why a relatively small number of French citizens resisted. Variation in who resisted and when resistance occurred can be explained by the international context and domestic political competition. Expecting a German victory in the war, French right-wing nationalists chose collaboration with the Nazis as a means to suppress and persecute their political opponents, the French Left. In doing so, they fostered resistance. This case suggests the need for a broader reexamination of the role of nationalism in explaining reactions to foreign intervention.
4
Stergar, Rok. „National Indifference in the Heyday of Nationalist Mobilization? Ljubljana Military Veterans and the Language of Command“. Austrian History Yearbook 43 (April 2012): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000580.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In the accounts of life in Austria-Hungary at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, one reads about a world dominated by nations and nationalism. Both contemporaries and historians describe a nationality conflict in which politics, economy, literature, music, journalism, sports, and science were all placed in the “service of the nation.” According to Helmut Rumpler, it was a time when even the once-powerful state and its bureaucracy were forced to withdraw in the face of different nationalisms. Primary sources often paint a similar picture: A German from Celje/Cilli, Fritz Zangger, claims that in his home town even “the God of Germans and of Slovenes had nothing in common.” Contemporary newspapers described incessant nationalist conflicts between Czechs and Germans, Germans and Slovenes, Slovenes and Italians, or Croats and Hungarians. Minutes of parliamentary sessions tell us about obstructionism carried out by nationalist parties, and in the War Ministry the “Disciplinary Measures to Prevent National Endeavours from Invading” [the Military] (Massregeln zur Verhütung des Eindringens nationaler Bestrebungen) grew longer every year. Therefore, it is no surprise that descriptions of a different reality in which nationalism had hardly played a role, like those of the novelist Joseph Roth, were often dismissed as figments of a nostalgic imagination or depictions of a vanishing world.
5
Boeva, Luc. „"Yet another book on nationalism." Enkele recente bijdragen tot de theorievorming“. WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 72, Nr. 1 (01.04.2013): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v72i1.15954.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Deze bijdrage bespreekt aan de hand van een aantal recente publicaties drie thema's uit het actuele theoretisch debat rond nationalisme: de moderniteit van naties en nationalisme, nationale identiteit en de comparatieve methode. Over het eerste verscheen een boek dat een nieuwe, op historische bronnen gebaseerde, start voor de studie van het nationalisme wil betekenen, tegen het modernistisch paradigma in. Volgens auteur Caspar Hirschi ligt de oorsprong van nationalisme in de late Middeleeuwen, vroege vormen van nationalisme kwamen reeds tijdens de Renaissance voor en modern nationalisme kon enkel dergelijke mobiliserende kracht verwerven omdat het reeds lang aanwezig was in politiek, geleerdheid en kunst. Niet de aantrekkingskracht voor de massa was belangrijk, maar wel de nabijheid van de nationalisten tot de macht. Het identiteitsdebat wordt steeds meer gevoerd, maatschappelijk maar ook in verschillende wetenschappelijke disciplines. Zoals in de discursieve benadering door Ludo Beheydt van de culturele identiteit van de Nederlanden langs taal en kunst, of in de verzamelbundel rond de spanningsrelatie met het internationale en het lokale bij de nationale legitimering in België en Nederland tijdens de 19de eeuw, bij literatuur- en taalbeschouwing, de geschiedschrijving en de productie van 'eigen' literatuur. Ten slotte passeren enkele bijdragen rond de methodologie voor de vergelijkende studie van het nationalisme alsmede enkele recente toepassingen de revue.___________
"Yet another book on nationalism". Some recent contributions to the generation of theories
This contribution discusses three themes from the current theoretical debate about nationalism on the basis of a number of recent publications: the modernity of nations and nationalism, national identity and the comparative method. In reference to the first theme, a book was published that hopes to provide a new beginning for the study of nationalism, based on historical sources, and contrary to the modernist paradigm. According to the author Caspar Hirschi, the origin of nationalism dates from the late Middle Ages. Early forms of nationalism already existed during the Renaissance whilst modern nationalism was only able to acquire such a mobilising power because it had been present for such a long time in politics, erudition and art. What was important was not its attractiveness for the masses, but the nationalists’ proximity to power. The identity debate is taking place more and more frequently, in society as well as in several scientific disciplines. For instance, it is found in Ludo Beheydt’s discursive approach to the cultural identity of the Netherlands via language and art, or in the collected works about the field of tension between the international and local level for the national legitimation in Belgium and the Netherlands during the 19th century, in debates about literature and language, the historiography and the production of the ‘own’ literature. Finally, some contributions are reviewed about the methodology for the comparative study of nationalism as well as some recent applications thereof.
6
BASHEVKIN, SYLVIA. „Solitudes in Collision?“ Comparative Political Studies 23, Nr. 1 (April 1990): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414090023001001.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article examines two main questions using mass-level survey data from the late 1970s. First, to what extent was pan-Canadian nationalism limited by a bias favoring continentalism among Quebec nationalists? Second, was Quebec nationalism at the same time constrained by a centralist bias among pan-Canadian nationalists? The data analysis provides little confirmation of either assumption and suggests instead that Quebec nationalists were considerably more supportive of key priorities of pan-Canadian nationalism than would be expected given the existing literature. Pan-Canadian nationalists also were more approving than expected of some priorities of Quebec nationalism.
7
Harty, Siobhan. „The Nation as a Communal Good: A Nationalist Response to the Liberal Conception of Community“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1999): 665–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900016942.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractRecent work in the field of liberal political philosophy has focused on the value of cultural communities for the individual. The claim that liberal theory can give explicit recognition to the fact that individuals are rooted in a social context has produced an important debate about the preservation of minority cultures and a liberal defence of nationalism. This literature should be of interest to scholars of nationalism because liberal theorists have used concepts related to the nation, such as self-determination, in ways that go against conventional usage, and liberal theorists have made claims about the relationship of the right and the good with which some students of nationalism would disagree. This article presents a nationalist response to the liberal conception of community by developing one possible nationalist argument for the priority of the good over the right by claiming that the nation is a communal good. The author illustrates this argument with examples of the political projects of nationalists-in-government in the developed West. Liberals need not be concerned with this reality since democratic institutions will set some limits on nationalist projects by ensuring that they are the outcome of democratic processes. On this view, the importance of self-determination is that it provides the context for the creation of institutions for a debate about the relationship of the right and the good. Self-determination does not, as some liberal nationalists argue, constitute an automatic right to cultural preservation.
8
ALBAYRAK, Hakan. „AN INVESTİGATİON ON OZANTÜRK'S EPİC OF “TURNALAR” IN TERMS OF NATİONALİSM THEORİES“. Zeitschrift für die Welt der Türken / Journal of World of Turks 14, Nr. 2 (15.08.2022): 327–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/zfwt/140218.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
There are different researches and studies that have appeared regarding nationalism. There are 3 major theories of these studies, these studies are: primary, modernist, and ethno-symbolic hypotheses. Primary hypothesis claims that all nations came from the same race, and they share the same religion, language, culture and history. The modernist hypothesis claims that nationalism is a communal necessity. In this theory, nationalism explains the modernist process that was affected by social, political, and economic parameters. Finally, the ethno-symbolism theory posits that nationalism is mainly based on ethnic origin and culture. The Epic of “Turnalar” by Ozanturk has pushed the Turkish culture forward. There are three sections connected to each other that talk about the Turkish communities in the “Turnalar” Epic. The first section talks about the Turkish people in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, North Cyprus, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Turkey.Second section talks about Turkish tribes who live in Iraq, Iran, East Turkistan, Kirim, Tataristan, Main Kurdistan, Yakutsk, Chuvashia, The Republic of Altai, The Republic of Tuva, etc…The third section details the Turkish people who are struggling to live in eastern European countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova, Serbia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Albania, Hungary and Macedonia. “Turnalar” is the first work of Bayram Durbilmez who used Ozanturk as a nickname. Bayram Durbilmez used Ozanturk as a nickname for the first time in “Turnalar”. Durbilmez is known by literature studies about love, religious literature, and Turkish national folklore. This scholar defended Turkish nationalism in non-governmental organizations, some foundations, and associations. He used the Ozanturk nickname in his work which shows us how much of a nationalist he is in the literature world. This thesis aims to study “Turnalar” by Ozanturk from the nationalist aspect. By doing this, this thesis will reference his nationalist academic studies. Keywords: Nationalism, Nationalist Theories, Turkish Communities, Ozanturk, Turnalar, Saga, Love Literature
9
Thomson, Jennifer. „Gender and Nationalism“. Nationalities Papers 48, Nr. 1 (16.12.2019): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.98.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractNationalism has long been understood to be a deeply gendered phenomenon. This article provides an overview of some of the key concepts and literature in the study of gender and nationalism, including women; gender; the nation and the intersection of sexuality, race, and migration; and gender within nationalist imaginations. It offers some future research agendas that might be pursued in work on gender and nationalism—namely the gendered dimensions of populism or “new” nationalism.
10
Beneš, Jakub. „Socialist Popular Literature and the Czech-German Split in Austrian Social Democracy, 1890-1914“. Slavic Review 72, Nr. 2 (2013): 327–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.72.2.0327.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
By 1911 it was clear that multiethnic Austrian Social Democracy could no longer resist the currents of ethnic nationalism that had already fragmented most of the late Habsburg political scene. The exit that year of most Czech Social Democrats to form their own party, along with Austrian Germans’ insensitive reactions, signaled that workers were not immune to nationalism. The relevant historical literature has either viewed workers’ nationalism as the product of elite manipulation and “bourgeois” influence, or, more recently, has questioned the extent to which nationalism actually resonated with ordinary people at society's grassroots. Jakub Benes'š article attempts to avoid the oversimplifications of both approaches and calls for more precise engagement with workers’ own discourse. To this end, it highlights an important dimension of working-class political culture—socialist popular literature—in which proletarian authors articulated increasingly ethnic nationalist positions of a class-specific sort. Examining this influential but neglected genre illuminates how and under what circumstances workers found meaning in nationalism.
11
Jeong, Dong-Soo, und Bang-Chool Kim. „Discussion on the Change of Nationalism in German Gymnastics in the 19th Century: Focusing on Two Nationalists“. Korean Journal of Sport Science 32, Nr. 4 (31.12.2021): 541–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24985/kjss.2021.32.4.541.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
PURPOSE This study examined the process and cause of change in nationalism in German gymnastics in the 19th century.METHODS The study used a literature study method and analyzed data from previous studies. Eleven articles related to the research topic were chosen for domestic research data by searching RISS for "German gymnastics," "Turnen," and "German nationalism." Overseas research data involved seven articles related to this study and were found by searching for "German gymnastics" and "Turnen" in Google Scholar.RESULTS First, German nationalism was originally divided into liberal nationalism and nationalistic nationalism, resulting in nationalistic nationalism after German reunification. Second, Jahn as a liberal nationalist and Spiess as a nationalist attempted to spread their ideas through German gymnastics. Finally, German gymnastics change from Jahn's liberal nationalism to Spiess' nationalistic nationalism was inevitable due to German gymnastics' external background and inherent limitations.CONCLUSIONS This study illustrated the process and cause of the change in the nationalistic characteristics of German gymnastics in the 19th century. Various historical cases that have not yet received attention but are worthy of investigation must be studied.
12
Boratti, Vijayakumar M. „Politicized Literature: Dramas, Democracy and the Mysore Princely State“. Studies in History 35, Nr. 1 (Februar 2019): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643018816397.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Literary writings such as poetry, drama or novel in colonial India manifest themselves into, react or subscribe to the larger discourse of colonialism or nationalism; rarely do they hold uniformity in their articulations. As colonial experiences and larger nationalist consciousness varied from region to region, cultural articulations—chiefly dramas—not only assumed different forms but also illustrated different thematic concerns. Yet, studies on colonial drama, thus far, have paid attention to either colonialism/orientalism or nationalism. There is a greater focus on British India in such studies. However, the case of princely states demands a momentary sidestep from the dichotomy of colonialism versus nationalism to understand the colonial dramas. The slow and gradual entry of nationalism in the princely states did not have to combat the British chiefly and directly. Much before its full blossom in the princely states, it had to grapple with a range of issues such as monarchy, democratic institutions, constitutionalism, bureaucracy and other pressing issues locally. In the present article, the Kannada dramas of Devanahalli Venkataramanaiah Gundappa (DVG) in the early decades of the twentieth century are examined to throw light on the ways in which they act as political allegories which imagine and debate democracy and its repercussions in the social and political spheres of the Mysore princely state.
13
Widhyatmoko, Danu. „Nasionalisme di Era Internet“. Humaniora 6, Nr. 2 (30.04.2015): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v6i2.3318.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Nationalism and nationality of a country life are moving into the new phase. Internet has become a new medium that opens up so many opportunities to create a sense of nationalism for the country. This paper contains a review of nationalism in the age of the Internet. This paper begins with understanding nationalism, the character of the Internet, social media and nationalism in the era of the Internet. Research method used in this paper is literature study, continued with reflective data analysis. With reflective analysis method, the authors analyzed data from the data collection has been carried out for comparison between the existing literature by circumstances or phenomena that occur, so that the conclusions of rational and scientific data can be obtained.
14
Muradov, Adalat, Ferruh Tuzcuoğlu und Yusuf Ziya Bölükbaşı. „The Construction of Geography by Nationalism: Homeland, Motherland, Fatherland“. Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 24, Nr. 1 (April 2021): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2021.24.1.5.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In this study, the relationship between space and geography in the composition of nationalism is examined. As a modern ideology, nationalism has been the most powerful ideology for the last two centuries that have shaped the world map, constructing identities and influencing people’s worlds of meaning. Understanding the content of nationalism, which is such a powerful ideology, is essential in understanding today’s events. Therefore, in the present study, the relationship between nationalism and geography is explained through the concept of space, which is one of the two components of identity phenomena. This statement, what is the effect of geography on the composition of nationalism? The answer to the question is made around. It is necessary to understand the conceptual and methodological frameworks of the study to answer this question. The literature review constitutes the methodological framework of the study. The literature on nationalism has been analyzed in this manner. The conceptual framework, on the other hand, constitutes nationalism, nationalism-nation, and nationalism-geography relations. French, German and Turkish nationalisms explain the concepts of homeland, motherland, and fatherland. Consequently, it can be said that in addition to the role of geography in understanding nationalism, it also determines the forms of nationalism concerning the concepts of homeland, motherland, and fatherland.
15
Talbot, Michael. „“Jews, Be Ottomans!” Zionism, Ottomanism, and Ottomanisation in the Hebrew-Language Press, 1890–1914“. Die Welt des Islams 56, Nr. 3-4 (28.11.2016): 359–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05634p05.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In recent years the study of national and civic identities in the later Ottoman period has revealed huge degrees of complexity among previously homogenised groups, none more so that the Jewish population of the Sublime State. Those Jews who moved to the Ottoman Empire from the 1880s as part of a burgeoning expression of Jewish nationalism developed a complex relationship with an Ottomanist identity that requires further consideration. Through an examination of the Hebrew-language press in Palestine, run largely by immigrant Zionist Jews, complemented by the archival records of the Ottoman state and parliament, this paper aims to show the complexities of the engagement between Ottoman and Jewish national identities. The development of Jewish nationalism by largely foreign Jews came with an increase in suspicion from the Ottoman elites, sometimes manifesting itself in outright anti-Semitism, and strong expressions of nationalism in the Hebrew press were denounced both by Ottoman and non- and anti-nationalist Jewish populations. The controversy over immigrant Jewish land purchases in Palestine from the 1890s led to a number of discussions over how far foreign Jews could and should embrace an Ottoman cultural and political identity, with cultural, labour, and political Zionists taking different positions. The issue of Ottomanisation should also be taken in the context of the post-1908 political landscape in the Ottoman Empire, with separatist nationalisms increasingly under the spotlight, and the debates among the different forms of Jewish nationalism increasingly focusing on the limits of performative and civic Ottoman nationalism.
16
Yazici, Emir. „Nationalism and Human Rights“. Political Research Quarterly 72, Nr. 1 (20.06.2018): 147–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918781187.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Do nationalist political parties violate human rights more than others or are they the protectors of their people’s rights when they are in power? I argue that nationalist political actors have the duty of protecting national unity at any cost and prioritizing national interests over any other concerns. These goals jeopardize certain types of human rights. In contrast to the view that civic nationalism can be more benign compared with ethnic nationalism, I argue that they both have similar effects on human rights. However, democratic institutions can tame nationalism and limit its effects on human rights. I test my theory by using a large- N sample including forty-nine countries between 1981 and 2011, and supplement my findings with a short case study. The findings show that nationalism has negative effects on certain types of human rights only in partial democracies. This article contributes to the literature by presenting a causal mechanism relating the core elements of nationalism to human rights practices and providing the first large- N empirical test of this relationship. The findings of this article can help scholars, politicians, and citizens better understand a potentially dangerous consequence of the rise of nationalism around the world.
17
Aminullah, Muhammad Soleh. „AGAMA DAN POLITIK: Studi Pemikiran Soekarno tentang Relasi Agama dan Negara“. Jurnal Sosiologi Agama 14, Nr. 1 (01.06.2020): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsa.2020.141-03.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper examines the basic state relating to religion and the state. Which of these reforms emerged as a different response between Islamic nationalist groups and secular nationalist groups. Islamic nationalist groups ask for a state based on religion. While secular functionalist groups believe that in the basic formulation of the state, religion must be separated from the state. The first opinion (Islamic nationalists) is based that the majority of Indonesia’s population is Muslim, and conversely the second group holds that Indonesia is a plural state consisting of various groups by wanting Pancasila as the basis of the state. This paper uses descriptive literature study method, meaning that materials are collected from various literatures in order to collect data relating to religious and state relations according to Sukarno. So that it can be understood that the separation of religion and state in Sukarno’s view there are at least three main points. Besides that, Sukarno’s thoughts were also inspired by Kemal Attatur from Turkey and Ali Abdurraziq and other reformers. The separation of religion and state is done for the sake of national unity, bearing in mind that the Indonesian nation is a plural nation. The separation of religion and state in question will not rule out the teachings of Islam, and the building of nationalism in question is not chauvinism, but nationalism which makes Indonesian people become servants of God who live in the spirit and soul of religion.
18
WEDEEN, LISA. „JAMES L. GELVIN, Divided Loyalties: Nationalism and Mass Politics in Syria at the Close of Empire (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1998). Pp. 342. $50.00 cloth, $19.95 paper.“ International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, Nr. 1 (Februar 2001): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801371064.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
James L. Gelvin's Divided Loyalties: Nationalism and Mass Politics in Syria at the Close of Empire isolates a two-year period, between the end of Ottoman rule and the beginning of the French Mandate, to examine a critical moment in the development of nationalism in Syria. He draws on previously unanalyzed primary source material, including leaflets, newspaper reports and editorials, memoirs, speeches, rumors, and even graffiti, to reveal the processes through which modern nationalisms in the Arab East were created. In doing so, he undermines two basic assumptions in the literature on Arab nationalism (p. 5). First, in contrast to the vision of Arab identity as a long-repressed primordial national consciousness—what political scientist Ronald Grigor Suny terms the “Sleeping Beauty” view—Gelvin shows instead how nationalism was subject to varying interpretations and conflicting visions. For Gelvin, Arab nationalism has “achieved a retrospective homogeneity and coherence” in the scholarly literature, which it did not have historically (p. 7). Second, Gelvin challenges the prevailing view that the phenomenon of Arab nationalism can be adequately captured by way of elite-centric intellectual histories.
19
Bjornson, Richard, Terry Eagleton, Fredric Jameson und Edward Said. „Nationalism, Colonialism, and Literature“. Comparative Literature 45, Nr. 3 (1993): 300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1771512.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
20
Dasenbrock, Reed Way, Terry Eagleton, Fredric Jameson und Edward Said. „Nationalism, Colonialism, and Literature“. World Literature Today 65, Nr. 2 (1991): 371. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40147326.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
21
Tambini, Damian. „Nationalism: A Literature Survey“. European Journal of Social Theory 1, Nr. 1 (Juli 1998): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/136843198001001010.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
22
Kukathas, Chandran. „The Ethics of Nationalism By Margaret Moore. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. 272p. $45.00.“ American Political Science Review 96, Nr. 3 (September 2002): 618–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402310360.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This fine study purports to offer “a normative theory of nationalism.” Such a theory is needed, the author claims, because most of the literature on the ethics of secession proceeds on the mistaken assumption that the normative problem of state breakup is best addressed by applying established liberal arguments or values to the issue at hand. In fact, however, it makes little sense to derive a theory of secession in this way, rather than by considering directly the kinds of normative claims secessionists make. These are nationalist claims. We need, moreover, to recognize that well-known accounts of nationalism, such as those offered by Ernest Gellner, for whom nationalism is a political principle that holds that the political and national unit should be congruent, are inadequate—either because they include too much, or because, as in the case of Gellner (Nations and Nationalism, 1983), they associate it with a particular set of demands or principles. Nationalism, according to Margaret Moore, should be understood as “a normative argument that confers moral value on national membership, and on the past and future existence of the nation, and identifies the nation with a particular homeland or part of the globe” (p. 5). Once we have understood this, we will be in a better position to understand the key policies and demands of nationalists, including their occasional (and only occasional) demands for national self-determination, and to understand the normative limits of nationalism. And we will then be in a better position to understand the nature, and defensibility, of national self-determination, and of secession in particular.
23
Riyanti, Wiwin, Maula Aulia Rachman und Tulus Handayani. „PENANAMAN SIKAP NASIONALISME MELALUI PEMBELAJARAN ILMU PENGETAHUAN SOSIAL DI SEKOLAH DASAR“. DIRASATUL IBTIDAIYAH 3, Nr. 2 (24.12.2023): 218–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24952/ibtidaiyah.v3i2.10150.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This research aims to determine the forms, methods and factors in cultivating nationalist attitudes. This research uses qualitative research with a literature study approach. Data collection is carried out by determining the topic, collecting various data sources and drawing conclusions. The results of the research show that the way teachers instill an attitude of nationalism through social studies learning includes habituation, exemplary activities, the use of stories and media. Forms of cultivating an attitude of nationalism include being proud of being Indonesian, loving the country, being willing to make sacrifices, respecting culture, respecting the services of heroes and prioritizing the public interest. The causes of obstacles to cultivating a nationalist attitude are limited facilities and infrastructure, time, and students' lack of understanding. Keyword: Attitudes; Nationalism; Students.
24
Walker, Brooklyn. „Words and Attitudes of the Heart: The Emotional Content of Christian Nationalist Communications“. Religions 15, Nr. 7 (09.07.2024): 825. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15070825.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Christian nationalism has emerged as an important component of the relationship between religious identities and political attitudes. While several studies have analyzed the constellation of Christian nationalist elites and the effects of Christian nationalist orientations on public opinion, to date no study has explored how Christian nationalist elites message to the public or what effects these messages have. Moreover, the current literature lacks comparisons of Christian nationalism to other similar orientations. This study uses content analysis to compare the content and use of emotion language of Facebook messages of Christian nationalist, Christian Christian nationalism (CN) opposition, and patriotic groups. I find that these groups focus posts on issues that are stereotypical to the group identity, and that the use of emotion language differs by topic and group type. Additionally, groups’ use of emotion language shifts the emotional responses of readers, especially in Christian nationalist groups. This study adds to our understanding of the role of emotion in social media communications and the effects of social media communications on readers.
25
García de la Torre, Armando. „The contradictions of late nineteenth-century nationalist doctrines: three keys to the ‘globalism’ of José Martí’s nationalism“. Journal of Global History 3, Nr. 1 (März 2008): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022808002441.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractScholarly literature on nineteenth-century nationalism concentrates on its strong exclusionary tendencies, while studies of the Cuban independence leader José Martí (1853–95) focus on his articulation of Cuban nationalism and pan-Latin American regionalism through his political activities and writings. This article identifies the globalism of Martí’s nationalism, moving beyond the national and regional frameworks to which studies of Martí have consigned the Cuban freedom fighter. It argues that the global history narratives that Martí wrote for children constitute critical and innovative components of his programme for national liberation and nation building, and encapsulate his nationalist ideology through three key components: the right to self-determination at the national level, the right to self-determination at the personal level, and a sense of global humanitarianism. The article’s transnational perspective places Martí, through his inclusionary, racially blind, humanitarian form of nationalism, as contradicting late nineteenth-century nationalist doctrines, and begs for ideas about the general intellectual climate of the period to be rethought.
26
Salman, Ahmet Ramazan. „Nationalism and the Nationalist Ideology in Burmese Days“. Interdisciplinary Literary Studies 24, Nr. 4 (01.11.2022): 553–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/intelitestud.24.4.0553.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
ABSTRACT Although nationalism, or anticolonial nationalism, which gained momentum after the First World War, especially within the borders of the major colonial states, may not seem to be directly central to George Orwell’s Burmese Days, it incorporates a profound impact on the development of the plot leading to Flory’s suicide at the end. Taking into account the political background of the period in which the novel was written and depicts—denominating a period of about ten years in between—this article addresses the basic tenets and prevailing features of nationalist ideology and its significant place in the novel and manifests the extensiveness and profundity of the way Burmese Days is interwoven with the ideology of nationalism.
27
Bodrova, Anna. „Nationalism and cosmopolitanism in Slovenian literature of the 20th century“. Slovenica 5 (2023): 239–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8562.2023.10.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Two tendencies are present in Slovene literature: the «defensive nationalist» one that is concerned with the construction of national identity and the «cosmopolitical» one that aims to transcend the national boundaries. The interplay of these tendencies may be found in the work of three authors: Ivan Cankar, Alma M. Karlin, Polona Glavan. These problems are considered within the framework of Benedict Anderson’s theory of nationalism. The future correlation of these two currents is offered as a theme for discussion.
28
Ayaz, Sammar, Sadia Irshad und Manzoor Ilhai. „ANALYSING THE NOTION OF NATIONALISM IN KAMILA SHAMSIE’S A GOD IN EVERY STONE“. Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, Nr. 01 (31.03.2022): 904–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i1.982.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The notion of nationalism demonstrates one’s attachment to home country. Nationalism is a thing that is gifted to a national by birth because genetic birth means national birth (Girinius, 1969). Nationalism is an ancient phenomenon, however it is debated in present times but it can be traced back to “as far back as Josephus, if not Thucydides, we find the appeal to freedom to preserve ancestral ways from foreign interference. The present study discusses nationalism in Kamila Shamsie’s A God in Every Stone. The paper explores the significance of national attachment in the selected novel. The study is qualitative in nature as it deals with fictional domain within the discipline of literature. The study concludes that nationalism attain unity, sovereignty and loyalty as collective bond among people of same nationality. Keywords: nationalism, unity, sovereignty, loyalty.
29
Fauziah, Isna Nadifah Nur, und Dinie Anggraeni Dewi. „Membangun Semangat Nasionalisme Mahasiswa Melalui Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan“. IJoIS: Indonesian Journal of Islamic Studies 2, Nr. 2 (28.04.2021): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.59525/ijois.v2i2.30.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This study aims to determine the nature of nationalism in students through civic education. The research method uses a qualitative approach with literature study methods from reliable sources. Citizenship education aims to create citizens who have iansight into nationality, instill a sense of love for the country, and feel proud to be Indonesian citizens in the nation's future youth, including students. With the development of technology in the era of globalization, it has demanded high morality and understanding of nationalism. To add to the spirit of nationalism among the younger generation, especially students, namely mentality development, redefinition of the understanding and implementation of the values of nationalism.
30
Castelló, Enric, und Sabina Mihelj. „Selling and consuming the nation: Understanding consumer nationalism“. Journal of Consumer Culture 18, Nr. 4 (01.02.2017): 558–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540517690570.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In recent years, nations have regained prominence as central symbols of political unity and mobilization, and proved capable of serving political goals across the political spectrum. Yet, the current revival of the national extends well beyond the realm of politics; it is anchored in the logic of global capitalism, and has become inextricably intertwined with the practices of promotion and consumption. Our article seeks to map the interface between nationalism and economic life, and bring some clarity to the so far fragmented debate on the topic, which developed under diverse headings such as ‘economic nationalism’, ‘nation branding’, ‘consumer ethnocentrism’ and ‘commercial nationalism’. We focus more closely on developing the concept of consumer nationalism, which received little sustained attention in cultural studies and in social sciences and humanities more generally. We offer a definition of consumer nationalism, situate it vis-a-vis the broader phenomena of economic nationalism and political consumerism, and propose an analytical distinction between political consumer nationalism and symbolic consumer nationalism. Drawing on existing literature we then consider a range of examples and examine how these two forms of consumer nationalism become involved in the reproduction of nationalism, taking into account both consciously nationalist discourses and practices as well as the more banal, everyday forms of nationalism.
31
Cloete, E. „Writing of(f) the women of the National Women’s Monument“. Literator 20, Nr. 3 (26.04.1999): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v20i3.488.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The rise of nationalisms throughout the twentieth century presents a constellation of discourses in which the notion of “woman” has undergone phases of mobilisation and dismissal depending on the stage of national consciousness reached. The brochures of the National Women’s Monument, written to augment the reasons for the monument’s erection, reveal the problematics of Afrikaner nationalism and gender. In this paper, tentative parallels are drawn between Afrikaner nationalism and the new emergent African nationalism in South Africa in which the issues of women and nationalism are considered to be products of the same discourse despite increasing rights accruing to women generally.
32
Dikici, Erdem. „Nationalism is dead, long live nationalism! In pursuit of pluralistic nationalism: A critical overview“. Ethnicities 22, Nr. 1 (31.12.2021): 146–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14687968211063694.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Rather than vilifying or rejecting it, an increasing number of scholars from two seemingly anti-nationalist cohorts, namely liberal political theory and multiculturalism, have come to argue that nationalism is not intrinsically illiberal or undesirable, but some forms of it (e.g. liberal, multicultural, pluralistic) can be a positive force to meet the demands for nation-building, national identity and national culture, on the one hand, and demands for recognition, respect and accommodation of diversity, on the other. This paper critically examines recent scholarly literature on liberal nationalism and multicultural nationalism. It argues that both projects have developed necessary responses to (1) growing diversity and (2) ethnonational and populist-majoritarian forms of nationalism and hence, are welcome. However, two substantial shortcomings need to be addressed. The first is the nation-building–education nexus and the limits of multicultural education (e.g. the teaching of history), and the second is the nationalism–transnationalism nexus or the normative desirability of dual nationalities. The paper concludes that a morally acceptable form of nationalism (e.g. pluralistic, inclusive or moderate) operating within multi-national and multicultural liberal democracies is theoretically possible, yet its viability is related to the extent to which it addresses the two issues raised, amongst others.
33
Reid, Anthony. „Understanding Melayu (Malay) as a Source of Diverse Modern Identities“. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 32, Nr. 3 (Oktober 2001): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463401000157.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article attempts to bring together recent literature about the typology of nationalism, with the ways in which ‘Malay’ or ‘Melayu’ have been used as the core of an ethnie or a nationalist project. Different meanings of ‘Melayu’ were salient at different times in Sumatra, in the Peninsula and in the eastern Archipelago, and the Dutch and British used their respective translations of it very differently. Modern ethno-nationalist projects in Malaysia and Brunei made ‘Melayu’ a contested and often divisive concept, whereas its translation into the hitherto empty term ‘Indonesia’ might have provided an easier basis for territorial, or even ultimately civic, nationalism in that country.
34
Reiss, Timothy J. „Mapping Identities: Literature, Nationalism, Colonialism“. American Literary History 4, Nr. 4 (1992): 649–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/4.4.649.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
35
Sweet, Timothy. „Civil War Literature and Nationalism“. Southern Literary Journal 46, Nr. 1 (2013): 136–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/slj.2013.0017.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
36
Subotic, Milan. „The black-and-white world: Towards the history of dual typologies of nationalism“. Filozofija i drustvo, Nr. 26 (2005): 9–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0526009s.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Attempts at formulating a dichotomous classification of nations and nationalisms have proliferated in the relevant literature over a long period of time. In this study some of the most influential instances of dual typologies of nationalisms are selected for interpretation and analysis. The examples include Renan's under?standing of differences between the "French" and the "German" concepts of nation; Kohn's distinction between "eastern" and "western" nationalisms; a revision of Kohn's dichotomy suggested by J. Plamenatz; and a more recent version of dual typology propounded by L. Greenfield. By reconstructing the views of the selected theorists of nationalism, at the basis of all these typologies a dichotomous division into "civic" and "ethnic" nationalism is identified. Critical objections to this fundamental dual division are articulated at two levels. At the first, historical level, a socio-political contextualization of dual typologies points to their practical, political-ideological purposes. At the second, conceptual level, and drawing on the ideas of R. Brubaker, the author discusses analytical and normative weaknesses of the usual distinction between "civic" and "ethnic" nationalism.
37
Hejmej, Andrzej. „Komparatystyka i (inna) Historia Literatury / Comparative Literature Studies and (an Alternative ) History of Literature“. Ruch Literacki 53, Nr. 4-5 (01.07.2012): 401–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10273-012-0026-y.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Summary This article examines the relationship between comparative studies and history of literature. While paying special attention to the present-day condition of these two disciplines, the author surveys various approaches, formulated since the early 19th century, which sought to break with the traditional, national model of the history of literature and the ethnocentric model of traditional comparative studies, driven by an impatience with both nationalism and crypto-nationalism. In this context he focuses on the most recent projects of literary history like ‘comparative history of literature’, ‘international history of literature’, ‘transcultural history of literature’, or ‘world literature’ - all of which are oriented towards the international dimension of literary history. The article explores the possible reasons for the late 20th and early 21st- century revival of Goethe’s idea of Weltliteratur (in the critical thought of Pascal Casanova, David Damrosch, and Franco Moretti) and the recent vogue for ‘alternative’ histories of literature produced under the auspices of comparative cultural studies. At the same time it voices some skepticism about the radical reinvention of comparative studies (along the lines of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s Death of a Discipline).
38
Conrad, Sebastian. „Globalization effects: mobility and nation in Imperial Germany, 1880–1914“. Journal of Global History 3, Nr. 1 (März 2008): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002280800243x.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThe trajectories of German nationalism in the late nineteenth century were deeply affected by the process of globalization. While the literature on the subject has largely remained within the confines of a national history paradigm, this article uses the example of mobility and migration to show to what extent German nationalism was transformed under the auspices of global integration. Among the effects of cross-border circulation were the emergence of diasporic nationalism, the racialization of the nation, the implementation of new border regimes, and the hegemony of ideological templates that linked nationalist discourse to global geopolitics. This article is intended as a contribution to a ‘spatial turn’ in the historiography of nationalism, in arguing that not only the ‘nation form’ but also the way that the nation was defined, understood, and practised – the particular contents of nationalism – owed more to the global context in which it was constituted than is usually recognized.
39
Myšička, Stanislav. „Popular Nationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy“. Czech Journal of International Relations 53, Nr. 1 (01.03.2018): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.179.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article focuses on the influence of popular nationalism oncontemporary Chinese foreign policy. After analyzing several cases ofpopular protest with nationalistic overtones, we reach the conclusion thatthe impact of popular nationalism on Chinese foreign policy is limited.Firstly, the communist regime tightly controls any attempts at unsanctifiedcollective action and allows a nationalist protest to happen only when it isfavorable for signaling China’s resolve to its diplomatic partners duringinternational crises. Second, nationalism is only a part of the contemporaryPRC’s legitimacy, as another part of it is its keeping up of the steady pace ofits economic modernization and increasing of the general welfare, whichcouldn’t be achieved without maintaining a high level of economicinterdependence with many crucial economic partners, including the USAand Japan. Third, the Chinese public is, in general, not as nationalistic as isindicated in much of the literature analyzing nationalism in thecontemporary PRC.
40
DELANEY, JEAN H. „Imagining El Ser Argentino: Cultural Nationalism and Romantic Concepts of Nationhood In Early Twentieth-Century Argentina“. Journal of Latin American Studies 34, Nr. 3 (August 2002): 625–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x0200648x.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article reexamines early twentieth-century Argentine cultural nationalism, arguing that the movement's true significance rests in its promotion of a vision of Argentine nationhood that closely resembled the ideal of the folk nation upheld by German romanticism. Drawing from recent theoretical literature on ethnic nationalism, the article examines the political implications of this movement and explores the way in which the vigorous promotion of the ethnocultural vision of argentinidad by cultural nationalists served to detach definitions of Argentine identity from constitutional foundations and from the ideas of citizenship and popular sovereignty. It also challenges the accepted view that Argentine cultural nationalism represented a radical break with late nineteenth-century positivism. Positivist ideas about social organicism, collective character and historical determinism all helped paved the way for the Romantic vision of nationhood celebrated by the cultural nationalists.
41
Bucur, Dragoș. „Jewish Literature & World Literature. Unlearning (Trans)Nationalism“. Metacritic Journal for Comparative Studies and Theory 9, Nr. 1 (20.07.2023): 198–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/mjcst.2023.15.11.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The present paper proposes an investigation of the concept of Jewish literature in its relation to world literature studies within an analysis of the first generation of Jewish writers who became part of the Romanian literary life following the 1923 emanc
42
Commins, David. „Religious Reformers and Arabists in Damascus, 1885–1914“. International Journal of Middle East Studies 18, Nr. 4 (November 1986): 405–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800030762.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The literature on the genesis of Arab nationalism in Syria often mentions a group of religious reformers who influenced the first generation of Arab nationalists. The relationship between reformers and nationalists, however, has not been explored, perhaps because sources mention the influence of liberal sheikhs without suggesting where the sheikhs came from or what they signified. This study traces the social origins and ideological import of the religious reform movement in Damascus, a hitherto neglected phenomenon. The relationship between reformers and Arabists is also discussed so as to shed new light on the beginnings of Arab nationalism and its significance in late Ottoman Syria.
43
Belafatti, Fabio. „Gendered Nationalism, Neo-Nomadism, and Ethnic-Based Exclusivity in Kyrgyz, Kazakh and Uzbek Nationalist Discourses“. Studia Orientalia Electronica 7 (02.04.2019): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.69958.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Existing literature on gender and nationalism has postulated that nationalist narratives tend to convey patriarchal and restrictive views of gender roles, with women’s domesticity and subordination at the core of such interpretations. This paper tests this theory by looking at three examples of state-sponsored or state-produced communication in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, arguing that the simple existence of a regime’s nationalist ideological orientation is not per se sufficient to explain or anticipate the kind of gender narratives a regime will adopt. Instead, the paper calls for an analysis of internal political mechanisms and incentives in order to explain and anticipate the specific forms that discourses around gender will take in a given political environment. In order to do so, it tries to combine the rational choice-based “Selectorate Theory” (Bueno de Mesquita et al., 2003) with existing literature on nationalism and gender, to define a connection between political systems on the one hand and discourses on the other.
44
Johnson, Nancy. „Nationalism“. Antioch Review 46, Nr. 4 (1988): 485. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4611955.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
45
Aleksandar Stević. „Stephen Dedalus and Nationalism without Nationalism“. Journal of Modern Literature 41, Nr. 1 (2017): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jmodelite.41.1.04.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
46
Kim, Sanghun. „Politics in Literature―Yugoslav Literature at the End of the 20th Century and Nationalism“. Society for International Cultural Institute 15, Nr. 1 (30.06.2022): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.34223/jic.2022.15.1.1.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The causes of the collapse of the Yugoslav Federation can be found in many ways, but ‘nationalism’ is the most decisive. However, the issue of “should only the Serbian people be held responsible for the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the civil war?” is a very sensitive issue, and looking at the history of nationalism that existed before the formation of Yugoslavia shows that Serbia and other republics cannot be completely free from that responsibility. In this paper, we examine the historical development and characteristics of ‘nationalism’ in Yugoslavia, particularly in Serbia and Croatia, and based on this, the relationship between ‘literature’ and ‘nationalism’ in Serbia and Croatia around the 1990s. The Serbian and Croatian literary circles have clearly differentiated their position over the dissolution of Yugoslavia since 1991, while the Croatian literary community, which sought to gain independence from Yugoslavia, sought to find its national identity in literature and to make it as distinct as possible. Based on the overall position of Serbian and Croatian literary circles, we examine representative Serbian and Croatian writers who worked on literature around the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Bosnian civil war at the end of the 20th century.
47
Fetzer, Thomas. „Nationalism and Economy“. Nationalities Papers 48, Nr. 6 (06.04.2020): 963–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.123.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThis article reviews recent literature concerned with the analysis of the relationship between nationalism and economy. First, it discusses scholarship advocating a new understanding of the concept of “economic nationalism” beyond its traditional focus on protectionist state policies. Second, the article branches out to consider a more interdisciplinary body of literature addressing the nationalism-economy nexus, and it relates this literature to broader debates in nationalism studies, distinguishing between three prominent approaches in the discipline: nationalism as political movement and ideology; nationalism as political discourse; and everyday nationalism. The article concludes with suggestions for future research.
48
Konieczny, Marcin. „Patriotizam i nacionalizam kao posljedica desničarskih stavova i izvor zločina“. Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Splitu 60, Nr. 1 (28.03.2023): 279–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31141/zrpfs.2023.60.147.279.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper examines the subject of patriotism and nationalism - the two concepts that are apparently similar but in fact, there are essential and irreconcilable differences between them. The paper traces problems arising from the false understanding the terms patriotism and nationalism. The aim of the paper was to answer the question if right-wing views may result in the harmful social attitudes that are close to nationalism and fascism. The first purpose of the paper was to define what patriotism, nationalism and fascism meant in the past and how they are understood nowadays. The second purpose was to reveal and expose how the right-wing patriotism has become one of the most severe security threats and how the false patriotism and nationalist trends may lead to abuse of law, excess of jurisdiction or even crimes against humanity. The article proves that nationalism-related ignorance and blindness have contributed to the deaths of billions of people around the world. Thus, the paper presents a scientifically and politically current and important issue, basing on the review of contemporary scientific literature.
49
Tilly, Charles. „Citizenship, Identity and Social History“. International Review of Social History 40, S3 (Dezember 1995): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113586.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
With appropriate lags for rethinking, research, writing and publication, international events impinge strongly on the work of social scientists and social historians. The recent popularity of democratization, globalization, international institutions, ethnicity, nationalism, citizenship and identity as research themes stems largely from world affairs: civilianization of major authoritarian regimes in Latin America; dismantling of apartheid in South Africa; collapse of the Soviet Union, the Warsaw Pact and Yugoslavia; ethnic struggles and nationalist claims in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa; extension of the European Union; rise of East Asian economic powers. Just as African decolonization spurred an enormous literature on modernization and political development, the explosion of claims to political independence on the basis of ethnic distinctness is fomenting a new literature on nationalism.
50
Pratiwi, Fadhila Inas, und Ahalla Tsauro. „COVID-19: Nationalism and global solidarities“. Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 34, Nr. 3 (22.06.2021): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v34i32021.261-271.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
As the COVID-19 crisis emerged, many forms of nationalism have been rising, such as racism, state individualism, vaccine nationalism, and so forth. However, this kind of nationalism cannot solve the global pandemic that affects various aspects of human life that needs global solidarity in the framework of thinking. The purpose of this article is to explore the relationship between COVID-19, nationalism, and global solidarity. This article used the literature review method to compare and contrast the COVID-19, Nationalism, and Global Solidarity arguments by using reputable resources such as journals, research reports, and news articles. This article was divided into three sections: 1) the explanation about nationalism, its definition, and theoretical approach, 2) state and nationalism in crisis time, 3) cooperation and global solidarity. It concluded that the COVID-19 period showed us people tend to have greater individuality and higher attachment to their groups and state, as Social Identity Theory (SIT) suggests. It manifested in state nationalist view that state as the sole player in mitigating this pandemic shows selfish attitude. However, as the COVID-19 served as a global pandemic, it also needs global solidarity which has been proven in solving the spread of coronavirus and tackle its impact.