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1
MATTL, SIEGFRIED. „THE AMBIVALENCE OF MODERNISM FROM THE WEIMAR REPUBLIC TO NATIONAL SOCIALISM AND RED VIENNA“. Modern Intellectual History 6, Nr. 1 (April 2009): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244308002011.
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Focusing on the spectacular propaganda exhibitions “Degenerate Art” and “Degenerate Music,” critical studies of Nazism's art policy long considered the regime's public attack on modernism and the turn to pseudo-classicism as decisive proof of Nazism's reactionary character. Studies such as Die Kunst im Dritten Reich (1974), which inspired broader research on the topic in the early 1970s, subscribed to a modern conception of aesthetics in which art expresses complex systems of ideas in progress. Artistic style, from this perspective, corresponded to political tendencies and reflected the traditional divide between conservatism and progressivism. But those boundaries have become blurred in the wake of more recent research, which has demonstrated the involvement of modernist artists in Nazi art (e.g. members of the Bauhaus involved in National Socialist architecture or avant-garde filmmakers such as Walter Ruttmann in National Socialist propaganda films) and, conversely, the continual performance of popular jazz music in the Third Reich (e.g. in radio programmes). Seen against such instances of modernist collaboration and its own occasional mimicry of modernism, National Socialism acquires a more ambivalent profile, characterized by the ongoing conflict between reactionary factions and those who favoured modernization for various reasons.
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Kolcheva, E. M. „100 years of Mari fine art: socialist realism (late 1930s – 1980s)“. Finno-Ugric World 14, Nr. 1 (22.04.2022): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2076-2577.014.2022.01.100-115.
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Introduction. The article continues a series of publications dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the Mari autonomy and the emergence of professional fine art among the Mari people. It characterizes the period of socialist realism. From the point of view of the development of the national fine arts of the Mari, socialist realism needs to be comprehended using new methodological paradigms. Materials and Methods. The fine arts of the Mari Region have been analyzed using the author’s cultural and archetypal approach and the methods of historical research. The research materials include works of fine art from the museums of the Republic of Mari El, documents from the State Archives of the Republic of Mari El, media publications, newsletters and catalogs. Results and Discussion. In the history of the Mari art of socialist realism, two stages have been defined. The first one is the period of recovery after repressions and the Great Patriotic War in the late 1930s – 1950s. The second one is the heyday of the fine arts of the Mari ASSR in the 1960–1980s. Socialist realism as an artistic method is indirectly representative of the process of ethno-cultural reflection as the essence of national fine arts, it is focused on showing the achievements of ethnic cultures in the modernization of the economy and culture. V. I. Lenin is represented as a teacher close to the people (by analogy with Kugu Yumo) in the pantheon of political leaders. The cultural hero is typified through the image of a national cultural figure, a machine operator, and historical personifications. The semantics of the image of a war veteran is supplemented by the function of the world tree on the social field. The female archetype is represented by the type of a collective farmer and milkmaid, less often it is represented by a woman engaged in creative or intellectual work. Conclusion. The era of socialist realism is the most important period in the formation of professional fine arts in the Mari Region, also being a national and ethnic phenomenon. The ambivalence of socialist realist artistic practice lies in the fact that, on the one hand, reflection boils down to the use of national ethnographic signs for visual agitation for socialism, to ignoring real mental processes, and on the other hand, a real process of modernization of national culture emerges through an ideologically idealized form. The ambivalence of socialist realistic artistic practice lies in the fact that, on the one hand, reflection boils down to the use of national ethnographic signs for visual agitation for socialism, to ignoring real mental processes, and on the other hand, a real process of modernization of national culture emerges through an ideologically idealized form.
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Spiridon, Ioana-Cristina. „M. H. Maxy: de la avangardă la socialism“. Revista Muzeelor 1 (2023): 216–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.61789/rm.2023.13.
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„M. H. Maxy: from avant-garde to socialism”, opened on the 28th of December 2023 at the Romanian National Museum of Art, uses a chronological line of events to bring up to date the image of Max Herman Maxy (1895 – 1971), seen as a leading artist with a significant role in the Romanian Avant-garde, but also as the first director of the Romanian National Museum of Art. Subsequently, his contribution to the development of the national art scene can’t be denied in art history. Furthermore, the opening was carefully chosen to mark a symbolic anniversary of 145 years since the first Romanian Jew obtained his citizenship, therefore enhancing the role that the Jew community had in the bloom and spread of the Avant-garde in Europe. The exhibition has a tacit dialogue to the main artistic events which celebrate Timișoara as The Cultural Capital of Europe 2023, the retrospectives dedicated to Victor Brauner and Constantin Brâncuși, suggesting the main artistic pillars in the dawn of Modern Romania.
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Jelavich, P. „Review article. National socialism, art and power in the 1930s“. Past & Present 164, Nr. 1 (01.08.1999): 244–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/164.1.244.
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Eickhoff, Martijn. „German archaeology and National Socialism. Some historiographical remarks“. Archaeological Dialogues 12, Nr. 1 (Juni 2005): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203805001595.
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This paper reconsiders German reflection on National Socialist pre- and protohistoric archaeology from 1933 onwards. It tries to do so by means of a case study of the academic contacts between the Dutch prehistorian A.E. van Giffen (1884–1973) and his German colleague H. Reinerth (1900–90). The approach adopted here differs from traditional historiographical writing on National Socialist archaeology in two respects. First, in its analysis of the academic exchange between the two scholars, the case study seeks to bridge the classical caesura between a pre- and post-war period. Second, contemporary and historical studies of National Socialist archaeology and archival sources, as well as interviews, have been incorporated in the research alongside the usual publications of the scholars involved. It is argued that with the approach taken here we may arrive at a more nuanced understanding of the different ways archaeologists have reacted to National Socialism over the past seven decades.
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Soloshenko, Viktoriia. „Hildebrand Gurlitt’s Art Activities as a Reflection of the National Socialism Epoch“. Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, Nr. 28 (05.12.2019): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2019.28.231.
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Bogdanova, Zlatina. „The “Banner of Peace” assembly as a national brand of Bulgaria during socialism“. Bulletin de l'Institut etnographique 70, Nr. 2 (2022): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei2202083b.
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On December 21st 1976, the UN General Assembly proclaimed 1979 as the International Year of the Child on the occasion of the 20th Anniversary of the adoption of the UN Declaration of the Rights of the Child. In June 1978, Lyudmila Zhivkova, Chair of the Committee for Art and Culture, proposed to organize an exhibition of talented children in Bulgaria to mark the occasion. This was how the idea for the ?Banner of Peace? Assembly came about, which evolved into an international festival of children?s art, held under the auspices of UNESCO. In the period of late socialism the ?Banner of Peace? movement became a national cultural brand of supranational significance. The communist regime in Bulgaria ?advertised? itself and utilized the resources of the ?soft power? in an attempt to mitigate the ideological opposition during the Cold War. Unlike ?hard power?, which uses military and economic means of coercion, ?soft power? works through images and symbols - carriers of positive suggestions: art, creativity, beauty, spiritual development, childhood, peace and cooperation. In this paper the ?Banner of Peace? Assembly is juxtaposed to another intercultural project with a political and ideological orientation - ?Plovdiv - European Capital of Culture 2019?.
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Dow, James R. „German Volkskunde and National Socialism“. Journal of American Folklore 100, Nr. 397 (Juli 1987): 300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/540327.
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PULOY, M. G. „HIGH ART AND NATIONAL SOCIALISM, PART I: The Linz Museum as ideological arena“. Journal of the History of Collections 8, Nr. 2 (01.01.1996): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhc/8.2.201.
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Stackelberg, Roderick. „?Cultural aspects of national socialism?“ Dialectical Anthropology 12, Nr. 2 (1987): 253–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00263329.
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Kal, Elżbieta. „“Sprawa realizmu w plastyce kształtującej”. Design i jego krytyka wobec realizmu socjalistycznego“. Załącznik Kulturoznawczy, Nr. 6 (2019): 121–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zk.2019.6.06.
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This text concerns itself with Polish design and its criticism in the period of socialist realism (1949/50–1955). The title refers to a terminological proposal by Janusz Bogucki who looked for new terms for his work in the new system. The division into ‘pure’ and ‘usable’ arts was considered as an anachronism in socialism in which all artistic fields were to fulfil social functions. As optimal, the critic considered a division of arts into the ‘imaging’ (painting, sculpture, and graphic) and ‘formative’ (shaping human surroundings and public space – architecture, decoration and interior fittings, and objects of everyday usage). An intermediate ‘semi-imaging’ form was, for example, represented with a fabric or scenography. Bogucki defined the realism of a masterpiece as something that reflects reality by the use of means other than an image – it shapes and expresses reality. By avoiding unwanted associations with functionalism or constructivism, he showed ‘realistic’ features of objects and things: perspicuity, simplicity of composition, purposefulness and the appropriate usage of material and tools, breaking away from the pre-war ornamentation and avant-garde restraint of shapes. Masterpieces of ‘formative’ art were to fulfil the postulate of a national form; hence, the inspiration with a native tradition, folk art and handcraft was recommended. Crucial propagandistic slogans concerned popularization and ‘democratization’ of art connected with both creation and reception; industrial production pursuant to the models of professional artists as well as the working class, and folk and teen ‘collectives’ managed by them. Chosen institutions served popularization and democratization of socialist art. The 1952 Exhibition of Interior Architecture and Decorative Art and especially the criticism linked with it, regarding the assumptions of socialist realism and gradual abandoning the criteria of the doctrine from around 1954, are presented in this text. Reckoning with the method: during the public thaw (1956–1957), when categories of realism and national form were replaced with the imperative of modernity, constitutes a recapitulation.
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Enkhtur, Munkh-Uchral. „The Making and Remaking of a National People’s Hero and Exemplar in Mongolia’s Socialist, Nationalist and Democratic Mobilisations“. Inner Asia 23, Nr. 2 (18.11.2021): 190–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340171.
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Abstract This paper examines the case of Ard Ayush [the commoner Ayush], a widely recognised national hero constructed in the socialist movement and an exemplar who survived the post-socialist rejection of socialist heroes and was reconstructed within the post-socialist democratic and nationalist movements. The paper’s title borrows the notion of a ‘national people’ from David Sneath and the notion of the ‘exemplar’ from Caroline Humphrey. Extending Sneath’s discussion of ard [commoner and/or people] and ard tümen [national people], this paper shows how the concept of ard that was constructed through the use of exemplars has become ard tümen. Then, extending Humphrey’s discussion of the moral influence of exemplars, this paper shows how some exemplars constructed during socialism helped the socialist government shape and govern a national people.
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PULOY, M. G. „HIGH ART AND NATIONAL SOCIALISM, PART II: Hitler's Linz collection: acquisition, predation and restitution“. Journal of the History of Collections 10, Nr. 2 (01.01.1998): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhc/10.2.207.
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McClelland, Charles E., und Geoffrey J. Giles. „Students and National Socialism in Germany“. German Studies Review 9, Nr. 2 (Mai 1986): 434. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1429069.
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Grama, Emanuela. „Arbiters of Value: The Nationalization of Art and the Politics of Expertise in Early Socialist Romania“. East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, Nr. 3 (24.01.2019): 656–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418821425.
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In 1948, immediately after the Communist Party came to power in Romania, state officials commissioned a group of art experts to radically transform the existing public and private art collections into a national system of museums. These professionals became the new regime’s arbiters of value: the ultimate authority in assessing the cultural and financial value of artwork, and thus deciding their fate and final location. Newly available archival evidence reveals the specific strategies that they employed, and the particular political needs of the state they were able to capitalize on in order to survive and even thrive under a regime that, in principle, should have disavowed them. Even though many of them had professionally come of age during the interwar period, the art experts managed to make themselves indispensable to the new state. They functioned as a pivotal mediator between state officials and a broader public because they knew how to use the national network of museums to put the new state on display. Through the rearrangement of public and private collections across the country, and the centralization of art in museums, they produced a particular “order of things” meant not only to entice the public to view the socialist state as the pinnacle of progress and as a benefactor to the masses but also to validate their expertise and forge a new political trajectory for themselves. The strategic movement of art objects that they orchestrated reveals the material and spatial dimensions of state-making in early socialism.
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Ryu, Seung-Ju. „Socialist Construction and National Culture Inheritance: North Korea in the 1950s“. Korea Association of World History and Culture 64 (30.09.2022): 53–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2022.09.64.53.
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The policy of inheritance and development of national cultural heritage has been a consistent policy of North Korea after the Liberation. In the early 1950s, North Korea needed internal integration and mobilization of internal resources in order to reorganize the Workers’ Party and the state system and to carry out post war reconstruction projects. Accordingly, the importance of national cultural heritage was further emphasized in terms of both ideology and practical use. In 1955, Kim Il-sung directed the establishment of ‘Juche’ based on the National Cultural Tradition and the Anti-Japanese Revolutionary Tradition. After the policy of socialist construction was fixed at the 3rd Congress of the Workers’Party of Korea in 1956, the project to inherit national cultural heritage was carried out with the goal of socialist construction. In particular, the advanced and reforming aspects were rediscovered in Silhak ideology. North Korea justified its radical socialization path through the ideology of Silhak. On the other hand, national cultural heritage in each sector, such as traditional science, architecture, weaponry, medicine, crafts, musical instruments, and clothing, was directly utilized and applied to the construction of socialism in North Korea as socio-economic resources, and it was closely related to the lives of the residents. Inheriting the tradition and realizing it in the present era was the realization of Juche, and it contained the orientation of the people's sovereignty in the sense that the people enjoy the nation’s treasures. Through the inheritance of national cultural heritage, North Korea’s socialist construction was ideologically reversed and utilized practically. In this way, North Korean socialism and national cultural traditions were closely related, and thus the nationalistic character took root in the North Korean socialist system.(University of North Korean Studies)
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Sumner, Carolyne. „Writing for CBC Wartime Radio Drama: John Weinzweig, Socialism, and the Twelve-Tone Dilemma“. Articles 36, Nr. 2 (01.10.2018): 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1051600ar.
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Radio drama was a quintessential source of entertainment for Canadian audiences during the Second World War, and the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) used the art form to distribute propaganda and garner support for the Canadian war effort. Similarly, CBC radio drama became an essential artistic outlet for artists and composers to articulate their political beliefs to a national audience. This article frames Canadian composer John Weinzweig’s works for the CBC radio drama series New Homes for Old (1941) within the socio-political climate of the 1930s and 1940s and suggests that radio drama provided Weinzweig with a national soapbox for his radical socialist ideals during a time of political upheaval. My research draws on archival materials from Library and Archives Canada, the CBC Music Library Archives, and Concordia’s Centre for Broadcasting and Journalism Studies to build upon the biographical work of Elaine Keillor and Brian Cherney. I establish Weinzweig’s socialist ties and argue that his political leanings prompted him to simplify his serial language in favour of a simplified modernist aesthetic, which appealed to Canada’s conservative wartime audiences. This study of Weinzweig’s radio works reveals how the composer desired to make serial compositions accessible and palatable, and shows how he incorporated vernacular idioms such as folk songs and national anthems as foils to the elitist European serial aesthetic. In doing so, I show how Weinzweig uses a powerful and pervasive medium to promote his unique compositional style and also to reflect the cultural, political, and aesthetic ideals of leftist socialism.
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Jaskot, P. B. „Art and Politics in National Socialist Germany“. Oxford Art Journal 22, Nr. 1 (01.01.1999): 176–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/22.1.176.
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Soloshenko, Viktoriia. „Overcoming the Burdensome Nazi Legacy in Germany’s Cultural Sphere (on the Example of the German Art Institutions“. Diplomatic Ukraine, Nr. XX (2019): 720–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-47.
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The article examines the problem of overcoming the burdensome historical legacy of Nazism in the Federal Republic of Germany. Particular attention is attached to the mitigation of the impact of National Socialism on the cultural sphere. An important aspect of studying Nazi history is the analysis of the Weinmüller case, previously unknown archival documents that shed light on the dark pages of German history. The article discusses the place and role of the ‘Adolf Weinmüller’ art institution in Nazi art trade. It has been revealed that this famous art auction house laid the foundations for the development of modern art in Munich and paved the way for the “Neumeister” auction house. The author emphasizes that the provision of access to the private archives of the “Neumeister” auction house, which is the successor of ‘Adolf Weinmüller,’ was a breakthrough in solving national socialists’ crimes and an important step in overcoming the consequences of totalitarianism in Germany. By opening access to the archives of the auction house, Katrin Stoll, the owner of “Neumeister”, encouraged scholars tо conduct a detailed study. It is important to note that no other auction house in Germany has ever dared to take such bold steps. In such a way, the scientific basis was laid for a number of projects aimed at finding and declassifying archival documents. The author emphasizes that Germany’s experience in dealing with such an important problem as overcoming the burdensome historical legacy of Nazism through identification and restitution of property and cultural values looted by the Nazis, is invaluable. In recent decades, the process of addressing this range of problems has been put on a solid governmental footing. Keywords: Germany, auction houses “Adolf Weinmüller”, “Neumeister”, cultural values, collections, trafficking, alienation, National Socialism.
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Ķencis, Toms. „Ethno-Graphics: Folklore and Baltic Printmaking in the Period of Late Socialism“. Folklore: Electronic Journal of Folklore 93 (August 2024): 213–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/fejf2024.93.kencis.
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Visual representations of folklore and mythology played an ambivalent role in Baltic art and society during late socialism. On the one hand, it was often a safe choice promoted by Soviet national cultural policy; on the other, artwork tapping into national and ethnic identities carried a subversive, anti-Soviet potential. Exploring folkloric themes, Baltic artists of the 1970s developed different strategies to navigate the cultural field between Soviet censorship, folklore revival, modern forms of expression, and resistance to sovietisation in their home countries. The renowned Estonian printmaker Kaljo Põllu (1934–2010) created a powerful fusion of ethnographic research and creative practice to re-imagine Finno-Ugric mythology and build an alternative foundation for Estonian identity. Latvian printmaker Dzidra Ezergaile (1926–2013) laid the groundwork for an ethno- and eco-critical approach towards Soviet modernisation through a novel visual exploration of Latvian folklore motifs. Finally, Lithuanian illustrator and monumental painter Birute Žilytė (b. 1930) revolutionised Lithuanian childhood imagery, providing Lithuanian folklore and myths with bright and brave contemporary forms. A postcolonial reading of Baltic printmaking during late socialism generates an interpretive grid for understanding the role of folklore and folklorism within broader cultural trends and political dispositions. A combination of folklore studies and art history might efficiently contribute also to gender studies and environmental humanities.
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Chytry, Josef. „The Timeliness of Martin Heidegger's National Socialism“. New German Critique, Nr. 58 (1993): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/488388.
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Payandeh, Mehrdad. „The Limits of Freedom of Expression in the Wunsiedel Decision of the German Federal Constitutional Court“. German Law Journal 11, Nr. 7-8 (01.08.2010): 929–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200018939.
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On 4 November 2009, the First Senate of the German Federal Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht) handed down its decision in the Wunsiedel case. In this decision, the Court held that § 130(4) of the Criminal Code does not violate the fundamental right of freedom of expression as it is protected by Article 5 of the Basic Law. § 130(4) of the Criminal Code—in concordance with § 15(1) of the Assembly Act— provides the legal basis for prohibiting certain National Socialist assemblies, particularly those taking place on dates and at locations with a high symbolic meaning for supporters of National Socialism. Therefore, the decision is of the highest importance for the fight against neo-Nazism and other supporters of National Socialist ideologies. Beyond this specific context, the decision has a significant impact on the doctrine of freedom of expression in general.
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Gundler, Bettina. „Promoting German Automobile Technology and the Automobile Industry: The Motor Hall at the Deutsches Museum, 1933–1945“. Journal of Transport History 34, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2013): 117–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/tjth.34.2.3.
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During the period of National Socialism, the Deutsches Museum in Munich built a large Motor Hall, which became a kind of national motor museum within the largest German museum of science and technology. The project was supported by Hitler and the German automotive industry. The history of this project demonstrates the degree to which the Deutsches Museum could serve the purposes of National Socialist politics of motorisation and the German automobile industry during the Nazi era. The project also exemplifies the institutional and social constellations that led to the museum's collaboration with the NS regime.
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GROSSMANN, ATINA. „Feminist Debates about Women and National Socialism“. Gender & History 3, Nr. 3 (September 1991): 350–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0424.1991.tb00137.x.
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Goggin, Mary-Margaret. „"Decent" vs. "Degenerate" Art: The National Socialist Case“. Art Journal 50, Nr. 4 (1991): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/777328.
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Broszat, Martin, und Saul Friedlander. „A Controversy about the Historicization of National Socialism“. New German Critique, Nr. 44 (1988): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/488148.
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Lovin, Clifford R., und Roderick Stackelberg. „Idealism Debased: From Volkisch Ideology to National Socialism“. German Studies Review 8, Nr. 1 (Februar 1985): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1429647.
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Vasylenko, Kateryna. „Ukrainianization of national opera theater“. Collection of scientific works “Notes on Art Criticism”, Nr. 39 (01.09.2021): 251–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32461/2226-2180.39.2021.238734.
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The purpose of the article is to single out artistic and organizational peculiarities of opera art of the period from the Ukrainian National Republic in the 1930s. To illuminate the role and importance of prerequisites and formation of Ukrainianization as a factor of formation of national opera culture in the first half of XX century. The methodology lies in the application of comparativist and comparative-historical methods, which allowed to highlight and compare the period, researched, from its beginning to the extreme years. Allowed to characterize historical events with a retrospective distance of a century. The scientific novelty consists of incomprehension of the influence of Ukrainianization on opera art in Ukraine. For the first time, the Ukrainianization of the culture of the population from the time of the UPR to the appearance of the very concept of "Ukrainianization", which appeared after the formation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, is considered in detail. Conclusions. Through the analysis of scientific publications, monographs, and archival sources we can determine the approaches and formation of the policy of "Ukrainianization" of opera art in the first half of the twentieth century. There is a possibility to compare the "Ukrainization" of the national opera art in the period of the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic.
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Michaud, Éric. „The total work of art and totalitarianism“. Thesis Eleven 152, Nr. 1 (19.05.2019): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513619850904.
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All the manifestos for a ‘total work of art’ after Wagner were political programmes: political, however, in a sense directly antithetical to the modern idea of the political. The goal of the total work of art was the formation of the people as a homogeneous political body, as the other of the social and political division, conflict and uncertainty inherent in the whole movement of democratic revolution since the 18th century. In each case the union or synthesis of the arts prefigures the reconciliation of the classes as the condition of the unity of the people. But who is this people that will realize itself in the total work? Is it the same people for the artists of the Bauhaus as it is for the leaders of the Third Reich? These are the questions I try to answer through an interrogation of the continuities and breaks in the re-workings of the Wagnerian concept of the Gesamtkunstwerk in the programmes of the Bauhaus and the policies of National Socialism.
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Crawford, Sally, und Katharina Ulmschneider. „Paul Jacobsthal's Early Celtic Art, his anonymous co-author, and National Socialism: new evidence from the archives“. Antiquity 85, Nr. 327 (Februar 2011): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x0006748x.
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Colleagues who find the current climate inhibiting to pure scholarship and authors eager to see their name in print should read this: an ultimately uplifting account of Jacobsthal's struggle to establish one of the foundations of European archaeology at a time of grave political persecution. Not the least of the achievements of this paper is the definitive rehabilitation of the lost co-author of Early Celtic Art, Eduard Neuffer, whose name never appeared on the cover and whose contribution was perforce unrecognised.
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Péteri, Lóránt. „National Icon and Cultural Ambassador: Zoltán Kodály in the Musical Life of State Socialist Hungary“. Polski Rocznik Muzykologiczny 19, Nr. 1 (01.12.2021): 147–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/prm-2021-0011.
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Abstract In my paper, I wish to raise questions pertinent to the changing position of the composer, ethnomusicologist and musical educationalist Zoltan Kodály in the musical and cultural life of the Stalinist and post-Stalinist periods of Hungarian state socialism. Owing to his folkloristic and conservative musical style, and also his identity as “an educator of the people,” Kodály established his status as a fellow traveller of statesocialism in the early 1950s. The easiest way in Hungarian composition to satisfy the expectations of the political power, as inspired by Zhdanov’s aesthetics, was to follow the style of Kodály. At the same time, Kodály sustained his reputation as a “genuine” national icon whose music was capable of expressing, even if in riddle form, anti-Stalinist sentiments in the eyes of various political and cultural circles, especially after 1953. In spite of the fact that Kodály did not take any active part in the political struggles in the revolution of 1956, he was named as a candidate for head of state by important revolutionary forces. Following the suppression of the revolution, the restored state socialist political power revised its practices in the field of art. The fact that the new cultural policy gave up the idea of a unified Hungarian art which is “national in form and socialist in content,” resulted in a temporary weakening of Kodály’s position. Kodály’s status was precarious, subjected to a challenge by avant-garde trends in composition and competing paradigms of musical education. From the early 1960s, however, when both the Western and Eastern political systems proposed strategies for long-term coexistence, Kodály gained a new function from the perspective of the political power. In Western cultural circles Kodály sustained a reputation as one of the great European humanists, and his music educational method generated a strong professional interest globally, and particularly in the usa. My paper also examines the cultural political impact of Kodály’s visit to Moscow in 1963. Kodály seems to have functioned as a mediator across the political divide. He had achieved great personal successes during his tours to the political West, and this reinforced his position in Hungary.
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Rot, Avraham. „Expressionism and Deutsche Physik: Gottfried Benn, Hugo Dingler and »The Collapse of Science«, 1927–1933“. Scientia Poetica 26, Nr. 1 (21.11.2022): 83–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scipo-2022-004.
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Abstract This article demonstrates that Gottfried Benn’s critical reflections on physics and mathematics in his prose writings between 1927-1933 were substantially inspired by a 1926 book entitled Der Zusammenbruch der Wissenschaft und der Primat der Philosophie and authored by the philosopher of science Hugo Dingler, an ardent opponent of Albert Einstein’s relativity theory who came to play a leading role in the movement known as Deutsche Physik during the Third Reich. This underexplored dimension of Benn’s science critique attests to the depth of his involvement in the intellectual-ideological discourse accompanying the emergence of National Socialism. The historical unfolding of Benn’s relation to physics and mathematics after 1933, however, highlights the shared vulnerability of expressionism and these ›exact sciences‹ to being interchangeably denounced as ›abstract‹, ›degenerate‹ and ›Jewish‹ on the one hand and the divergent fates of art and natural science under National Socialism on the other. This is demonstrated by way of a new reading of the essay Bekenntnis zum Expressionismus, published in November 1933, where Benn surprisingly moved away from the critique of modern physics and mathematics and towards an identification of expressionism with these fields.
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Lavins, Imants. „Decorative Art of the Latvian SSR, Searching the Way Between Party-Mindedness and National-Mindedness“. Contemporary Issues of Literary Studies - International Symposium Proceedings 16 (11.12.2023): 204–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.62119/cils.16.2023.7546.
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The basic principle of socialist realism was the belief in the political ideals proposed by the ruling Communist party (party-mindedness) of the Soviet Union, enriched by national-mindedness and ideinost (ideological-content). Already since the early 1930s, in the Soviet Union every single cultural worker in every single discipline of art had to strictly follow the method of socialist realism. The canon of socialist realism was equally applicable to fine art as well as applied art, the specific function of which was supposed to be purely utilitarian use. Decorative art in the national republics of the Soviet Union usually took the forms of folk art, and decorative art since the beginning of the 1960s was perceived as an integral component of Soviet culture. The essence of Soviet culture had already been formulated several decades earlier, and it had to be socialist in content and national in form, emphasizing the importance of national traditions.
It was possible to treat this principle in various, even very disparate ways, so the problem of adherence to the party principles and the manifestastion of national distinctiveness was an inexhaustible topic of theoretical and practical discussions. Conceptual ambiguity, as well as very different visions among artists, theoreticians, as well as party officials, did not allow to develop a unified theory of applied art. Due to the afore mentioned ambiguity and the pluralism of opinions artists of applied art could enjoy some space of freedom for creativity, without directly violating the canons of socialist realism.
The author of the paper examines and analyzes the development of professional decorative art in the Latvian SSR of that time, ideological currents in art theory, and center–periphery relationship.
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Ndoja, Davjola. „German National Socialist Black Metal: Contemporary Neo‑Nazism and the Ongoing Struggle with Antisemitism“. History of Communism in Europe 10 (2019): 169–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/hce2019108.
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This paper is an exploration of the ideology of National Socialism in the work and activity of the German terrorist group and Black Metal band Absurd. Historians are divided—and many have criticized how postwar Germany dealt with denazification—, but the fact is that Nazi ideology has been part of the political and social spheres in Germany since then. Neo‑Nazism saw a revival especially in the first years after unification, which coincided with the beginning of Absurd’s story and career. Today, they hold the title of the National Socialist Black Metal act par excellence, with a 28‑year music career actively supporting and promoting Nazi ideology. Absurd makes a very interesting case study, since the band has played a key role in preserving and transmitting Nazi ideology, not just in Germany, but also worldwide.
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Vande Winkel, Roel. „Karl Ritter. His Life and ‘Zeitfilms’ under National Socialism“. Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 33, Nr. 2 (Juni 2013): 349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439685.2013.793016.
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Peralta García, Yankel. „El mal, la macroeconomía y el nacionalsocialismo“. En-Claves del pensamiento JULIO-DICIEMBRE, Nr. 32 (23.08.2022): e534-e534. http://dx.doi.org/10.46530/ecdp.v0i32.e534.
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El presente artículo aborda la cuestión ética del nazismo desde el punto de vista de las relaciones sociales de producción. Esto supone vincular la puesta en marcha de la ideología fascista con sus condiciones económicas. En este sentido, la principal propuesta del trabajo consiste en resaltar el hecho de que crímenes como los cometidos por el régimen nazi no solo son posibles con base en una monstruosa formación burocrática, sino también a partir de una dinámica de producción e intercambio sumamente permisiva. No obstante, la autonomía que sobre el factor ideológico del fenómeno se pueda reclamar enfrenta límites muy estrictos. En el caso del “nacionalsocialismo”, tales límites quedaron de manifiesto en el abatimiento de la demanda, el incremento de la deuda y la inhibición del uso productivo del capital. Es como si el Mal se hubiera encarnado a costa de mermar sus condiciones de posibilidad.
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Loustau, Marc Roscoe. „Politics of the Blessed Lady: Catholic Art in the Contemporary Hungarian Culture Industry“. Religions 12, Nr. 8 (27.07.2021): 577. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080577.
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I examine Hungary’s Catholic arts industry and its material practices of cultural production: the institutions and professional disciplines through which devotional material objects move as they become embedded in political processes of national construction and contestation. Ethnographic data come from thirty-six months of fieldwork in Hungary and Transylvania, and focuses on three museum and gallery exhibitions of Catholic devotional objects. Building on critiques of subjectivity- and embodiment-focused research, I highlight how the institutional legacies of state socialism in Hungary and Romania inform a national politics of Catholic materiality. Hungarian cultural institutions and intellectuals have been drawn to work with Catholic art because Catholic material culture sustains a meaningful presence across multiple scales of political contestation at the local, regional, and state levels. The movement of Catholic ritual objects into the zone of high art and cultural preservation necessitates that these objects be mobilized for use within the political agendas of state-embedded institutions. Yet, this mobilization is not total. Ironies, confusions, and contradictions continue to show up in Transylvanian Hungarians’ historical memory, destabilizing these political uses.
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Hughes, John Jay. „Bishop von Galen: German Catholicism and National Socialism (review)“. Catholic Historical Review 89, Nr. 2 (2003): 321–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2003.0119.
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Sovtić, Nemanja. „Rudolf Bruči and the criticism of the European avant-garde“. Studia Musicologica 56, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2015): 429–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/6.2015.56.4.10.
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Yugoslav composer Rudolf Bruči is known on the international scene primarily as the author of Sinfonia Lesta, a composition winning the first prize in 1965 at the Queen Elizabeth Competition in Belgium. On a national level, Bruči was a powerful social entity, not only in respect of his creative freedom. As a member of the League of Communists, Bruči spent a lifetime as an official in social organizations and cultural institutions, thus dictating the rhythm of musical life of Novi Sad and the Province of Vojvodina, until the collapse of Socialism when he was suddenly forgotten. The developmental line of Bruči’s oeuvre – leading from Zhdanovian national classicism, through the adoption of elements of the European avant-garde, to the reaffirmation of a national/regional idiom in the mid-1970s – largely corresponds to the general tendencies of postwar art music in the socialist countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. Bruči broke with the European avant-garde models not only in his creative practice, but he also reasoned it in the articles “The Composers’ Role in the Modern Development of Self-governing Socialist Society,” “Statements of Yugoslav Music Forum Composers’ Workgroup,” and “Manifesto of the ‘Third Avant- Garde’,” where he based his discourse on conformism, lack of communication and dehumanization of avant-garde, and in particular on Yugoslav ideological projects, such as self-management, non-alignment, and deprovincialization. The article analyzes the context in which Bruči’s creative transformation during the 1970s was expressed as the criticism of the Eurocentric cultural model, as well as the suspicion towards the imperative of modernization in a world obsessed with technological advances.
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Wiktor, Zbigniew, und Wei Xiao. „Thoughts on the Theoretical Problems in the Book of Xi Jinping , Zarządzanie Chinami I [The Governance of China I], Wydawnictwo (Publishing House) Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2019, pp. 572“. Reality of Politics 10, Nr. 1 (31.03.2019): 189–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201914.
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The article includes five parts: 1. Introduction – information about the book promotion event held in Warsaw on December 19, 2019 on the Polish edition of Xi Jinping’s Governance of China vol. I. The book launch was great not only because of the editing and the contents of the book, but also because it was a political, economic, cultural and international event, since the author is the number one politician not only in China but also in the contemporary world. The introduction includes information about the book content and demonstrates its importance for the theoretical generalizations and recognition of the main problems of contemporary China. 2. According to the authors of the paper, problems mentioned in the book are especially important. The original Chinese way of building socialism and the early stages of Chinese revolution were national, anti-feudal, anti-capitalist, democratic and socialist. Mao Zedong established class-based Maoism as a Marxism-Leninism in the Chinese version, while Deng Xiaoping and his successors established and developed the socialist market economy, which is the continuation of Maoism in the new era and they created the Chinese path to the anti-capitalist revolution and the building of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The perspective of the development of China till 2021 and 2049 (as a modern and developed socialism) and its influence on the national rejuvenation is not only Chinese but also an international issue. 3. Third part of the paper is devoted to the problems of building socialism in China, the analysis of the theory of Xi Jinping, the leading role of the CPC, the economic role of the owner and foreign capital in economy and policy, and the socio-economic contradictions in the contemporary PRC. 4. Forth part concerns Confucianism and Marxism as theoretical and practical problems in China; the original Chinese culture and civilization; the continuation and discontinuation of the historical development in contemporary epoch; the original development; the policy of opening- -up; the necessity of considering human contents of Confucianism in building and developing of socialism in China. 5. Fifth part of the paper is on the future status of the Communist Party of China’s Economy. Since the emergence of state-owned economy, it has played a huge role in the economic development of all countries. However, under the way of neoliberalism, state-owned economy has gradually been associated with backwardness and inefficiency. On the forum of state-owned economy enterprise reform in China, General Secretary Xi Jinping gave out important instructions. State-owned enterprises are an important force for strengthening the comprehensive power of the country and safeguarding the common interests of the people. State-owned enterprises must be made stronger, better and bigger. Academia has had a huge disagreement on this, and some scholars believe that this is an act of favoritism toward state-owned enterprises. This paper analyzes China’s state-owned economy from the perspective of total factor productivity (TFP), Marx’s historical materialism, national productivity, and social development, clarifying that state-owned economic reform is diff erent from the system of “profit based demands” rooted in the private economic market, but a system based on national productivity and the “needs” of the people. Making state-owned enterprises “stronger, better, and bigger” is in line with the historical development of socialism and material productivity, resolving doubts on the direction of state-owned economic
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Yanran, Zhao. „THE REFLECTION OF SOCIALISM REALISM IN RUSSIAN MUSIC IN THE MUSIC IN THE CHINESE PIANO CONCERTO “THE YELLOW RIVER”“. Russian Studies in Culture and Society 7, Nr. 2 (30.06.2023): 130–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2576-9782-2023-2-130-147.
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After World War II, the socialist camp opposed capitalism, and socialist realism became the official art school and style of socialist countries in the Soviet Union. This article analyzes how the realistic music style of the 19th century Soviet Union was inherited and developed in the 20th century, thus forming a music style that can be called “socialist realism”. This style had a profound impact on the development of Chinese piano music in the 20th century, including the creation of the Yellow River Piano Concerto by six Chinese composers, including Yin Chengzong, which is one of the typical music works of socialist realism style and the product of a specific historical period. It uses a revolutionary musical language, filled with inner passion and motivation. The paper applies the historical-structural approach, as well as the method of analysis of musical works and structural analysis of musicological literature published in Chinese and Russian on the subject of research. This article aims to reveal the significant impact of Russian and Soviet music styles on the development of Chinese piano art. The author concludes that due to the “socialist realism” style, the Yellow River piano works have a strong appeal and revolutionary nature, inspiring people to participate in national struggles and becoming a model of piano music at that time.
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Tsalikis, George. „Evaluation of the Socialist Health Policy in Greece“. International Journal of Health Services 18, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1988): 543–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/m3te-l30h-tyhw-hkqh.
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Following seven years of military rule and seven years of “democratic restoration” under the Right, Greece is now sailing under the flag of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK). The Movement was inspired by the ideals of participatory democracy and socialization of the economy and of social services. A central part of socialist planning brought about the National Health System Act (1983) and related legislation intended to universalize health care, remove disparities, and restrict the private sector. It is argued here that the implementation of PASOK's statutory reforms in this field, as in others, will be subject to its ability to transform traditional patterns of production and consumption. As is now increasingly understood, it is hard to plan for socialism on the basis of wants provisions and patterns of consumption established under capitalism.
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Vogt, Erik. „Music drama and politics: Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe and Alain Badiou on Richard Wagner's idea of the 'Gesamtkunstwerk'“. New Sound, Nr. 42 (2013): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/newso1342062v.
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This paper sketches the debate between Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe and Alain Badiou concerning Richard Wagner's idea of the Gesamtkunstwerk. Following in part the account of the Gesamtkunstwerk that was developed in Theodor W. Adorno's pivotal text In Search of Wagner, Lacoue-Labarthe regards the notion of Gesamtkunstwerk as the central key for unlocking the implications of Wagner's theory and practice of music drama. That is to say, Lacoue-Labarthe claims that the fusion of art and politics characterizing the Gesamtkunstwerk can only be grasped by unearthing the conception of (romantic) aesthetics that underlies Wagner's staging of the relationship between art and politics. Lacoue-Labarthe identifies Wagnerian aesthetics as the anticipation of national-aestheticism (a term that Lacoue-Labarthe elaborates in the context of his reading of Heidegger's deconstruction of aesthetics) that finds its completion in National Socialism. Consequently, Wagner's art taking figure in the Gesamtkunstwerk engenders totalitarian politics. In critical opposition to Lacoue-Labarthe, Alain Badiou both relegates the idea of the Gesamtkunstwerk to the realm of mere ideology and demonstrates that the former obscures the complex relationship between art and politics that is actually engendered in Wagner's music dramas. Once the idea of the Gesamtkunstwerk is dismissed as the central category of Wagnerian artistic production, one can return to Wagner's music dramas as sites both for a "music of the future" and a different conception of politics.
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Winter, Petra, und Florentine Dietrich. „Combating Illicit Trade in Cultural Objects in the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (State Museums in Berlin): Policies in Acquisitions and Loans and Research of Provenance“. Santander Art and Culture Law Review 9, Nr. 2 (13.12.2023): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2450050xsnr.23.023.18643.
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In March 2018 the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preußischer Kulturbesitz (State Museums in Berlin) received a significant bequest from the estate of art historian Barbara Göpel (1922-2017), consisting of two paintings, 46 drawings, and 52 prints by Max Beckmann (1884-1950) and one painting by Hans Purrmann (1880-1966). This bequest represents an important addition to the collection of classical modernist works in the Nationalgalerie (National Gallery) and the Kupferstichkabinett (Museum of Prints and Drawings). In 1937 – during the time of National Socialism – the Nationalgalerie lost 505 artefacts as a result of the confiscation of “degenerate art”, among them eight works of Beckmann, who was in those times classified as a “degenerate artist”. But from whom did the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin receive this bequest? And is it generally important to ask from whom a museum receives an artefact? Where did the artworks come from? Is their provenance “clean” in the sense of the 1998 Washington Conference Principles on Nazi-Confiscated Art? Is it legitimate to make a distinction between the person of the collector/estate and the works of art? These are some of the – legal but also moral – questions a museum must address before accepting any cultural object that belonged to a collector who was actively working for a gigantic project like the “Führermuseum Linz”. Or should rejection of the bequest be considered?
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Tagangaeva, Maria. „“Socialist in content, national in form:” the making of Soviet national art and the case of Buryatia“. Nationalities Papers 45, Nr. 3 (Mai 2017): 393–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1247794.
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This article examines the fine art of the Soviet national republics and its discourse in the Soviet Union, which were considerably shaped under the influence of socialist realism and Soviet nationality policy. While examining the central categories of Soviet artistic discourse such as the “national form,” “national distinctness,” and “tradition,” as well as cultural and scientific institutions responsible for the image of art of non-Russian nationalities, the author reveals the existence of a number of colonial features and discursive and institutional practices that foster a cultural divide between Russian and non-Russian culture and contribute to the marginalization of art. Special attention is paid to the implications of this discursive shaping for the local artistic scene in Buryatia.
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Peters, Olaf. „From “Degenerate Art” to “Looted Art”: Developments and Consequences of National Socialist Cultural Policy“. New German Critique 44, Nr. 1 130 (Februar 2017): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0094033x-3705676.
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John S. Conway. „Hitler’s Priests: Catholic Clergy and National Socialism (review)“. Catholic Historical Review 95, Nr. 2 (2009): 409–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.0.0361.
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Bollenbeck, Georg. „German Kultur, the Bildungsburgertum, and Its Susceptibility to National Socialism“. German Quarterly 73, Nr. 1 (2000): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/408163.
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Georgescu, Diana. „Small Comrades as Historians and Ethnographers: Performativity, Agency, and the Socialist Pedagogy of Citizenship in Ceaușescu's Romania, 1969–1989“. Slavic Review 78, Nr. 01 (2019): 74–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2019.9.
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Beginning with the state's successful promotion of purposeful and patriotic tourism for children in Ceaușescu's Romania, this article argues that we should move beyond traditional representations of the relationship between citizens and the socialist state in oppositional terms that emphasize resistance, subversion, and indifference, leaving historical subjects strangely disconnected from their socio-political context. Children and teachers who engaged in summer expeditions, for example, found self-fulfillment not only by opposing the regime or escaping into alternative lifestyles, but also by pursuing the socialist and national values the regime promoted and by activating forms of youth agency that were built into the socialist pedagogy of citizenship, which encouraged activism, voluntarism, and leadership in youth. To investigate young people's engagement with the socialist state, this article proposes a performative approach that has the potential to not only contribute to studies of late socialism, but also invigorate studies of nationalism and histories of childhood and youth under authoritarian regimes.
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Zivancevic, Jelena. „Soviet in content - people’s in form: The building of Farming Cooperative Centres and the Soviet-Yugoslav dispute, 1948-1950“. Spatium, Nr. 25 (2011): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/spat1125039z.
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It was not until 1948, when the Cominform conflict escalated, that the Communist Party of Yugoslavia began a thorough implementation of the Soviet model in Yugoslav agriculture - due to the Soviet criticism, the CPY made immediate legislative changes and started a class struggle in Yugoslav villages. Simultaneously, and just a few months before the Fifth Congress, Josip Broz Tito initiated a competition for building 4,000 Farming Cooperative Centres throughout Yugoslavia - they were built in accordance with the social-realist ?national in form - socialist in content? slogan. Once the building started, in his Congress speech, Radovan Zogovic, a leader of the Serbian Agitprop department, offered the first official proclamation of Socialist Realism in the post-war period by a political authority. This article analyses the process of planning, designing and building of the Farming Cooperative Centres; discusses their political, ideological and formal implications; and inquires into the specific role of architecture, joined with the theory of Socialist Realism, in building Yugoslav socialism.